1BRARY 

N1VWSITY  Of 
CALIFORNIA^ 


^->>/       \ 

0 


LIFE    AND    PUBLIC    SERVICES 


ANDREW    JOHNSON, 

SEVENTEENTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


THE 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


ANDREW  JOHNSON, 

SEVENTEENTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


INCLUDING  HIS 


>fatt  papers,  %ett]|ts  rnib 


BY  JOHN    SAVAGE, 

AtTTHOE  OF  "OtTE   LIVING  REPBESENTATIVE  MEN,"   ETC. 


WITH  AN  ACCURATE  PORTRAIT  ON  STEEL  BY  RITCHIE 

AXD    OTHER   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


NEW   YORK: 

DERBY    &    MILLER,    PUBLISHERS, 

No.    5    SPRUCE    STREET. 

1866. 


y  <j  s  u 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1865,  by 
DERBY  &  MILLER, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


20  NORTH    WILLIAM  ST. 


PREFACE. 


IN  a  work  published  in  1860,  designed  to  present  facts 
more  than  opinions,  the  writer  presented  a  sketch  of  the 
subject  of  the  accompanying  Memoir,  as  one  of  the  promi 
nent  Statesmen  of  the  Republic  upon  whom  the  Presidential 
mantle  might  fall.  In  1864,  during  the  Presidential  cam 
paign,  he  wrote  for  the  publishers  of  this  work  an  enlarged, 
though  still  circumscribed,  "  Life  and  Services  of  Andrew 
Johnson,"  in  which,  however,  as  a  "  War  Democrat,"  he  felt 
not  only  at  liberty,  but  compelled,  to  express  a' profound  ad 
miration  for  the  daring  intellect  and  the  harassing  though 
heroic  labors  which  distinguished  the  invincible  Southern 
champion  of  the  Union. 

After  the  stupefaction  which  possessed  all  heads  and 
hearts  at  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  some 
what  removed  by  the  imperative  necessities  of  the  hour,  the 
present  work  was  suggested :  and  undertaken  the  more 
readily  in  the  belief  that  the  author  could  in  no  way  more  v 
usefully  add  to  such  efforts  as  he  devoted  to  the  Union 
cause  than  by  presenting  to  the  public  the  record  of  a  life 

(3) 

066 


4  PREFACE. 

which  so  wonderfully  illustrated  the  generous  influences  of 
Democratic  institutions. 

No  life  more  eminently  illustrates  the  blessings  of  the 
American  system  than  that  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  the  past ; 
and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  moral  sense  of  justice 
which  guided,  the  mental  faculties  which  sustained,  and  the 
accumulating  experiences  which  accompanied  his  upward 
and  honorable  struggle,  are,  combined  in  the  person  of  a 
Chief  Magistrate,  the  very  first  and  best  possessions  of  a 
people  passing  through  a  crisis  like  the  present. 

To  the  people,  and  the  children  of  the  people  everywhere, 
a  career  such  as  is  here,  however  inadequately,  portrayed, 
is  an  unanswerable  incentive  to  faith  in  Republicanism  ; 
while  to  citizens  of  the  Republic  it  is  equally  unanswerable 
as  an  argument  for  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  Union  is 
the  inspiration  and  bulwark  of  our  institutions.  The  checks 
it  imposes  and  the  license  it  allows,  the  respect  it  commands 
and.  the  equality  it  confers,  work  with  a  harmony  which 
nothing  less  strongly  symmetrical  could  evoke,  and  anything 
more  exacting  could  not  control.  These  apparent  contra 
dictions  in  our  system  astonish  Europe  and  compel  it,  while 
the  Union  triumphs,  to  acknowledge  that  Republicanism  is 
not  only  a  theory,  but  that  man  is  capable  of  self-govern 
ment. 

The  record  of  the  public  services  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  is  therefore  presented  to  the  People  from 
whom  Andrew  Johnson  sprung.  The  documents  from  which 
the  central  narrative  is  drawn  arc  partly  original,  and  all 
authentic.  In  addition,  a  residence  of  nearly  five  years  in 


PREFACE.  5 

Washington,  engaged  in  the  active  duties  of  journalism  dur 
ing  an  era  of  deep  interest  and  political  excitement,  made 
the  author  acquainted  with  sources  of  information,  and  led 
to  a  daily  observation  of  prominent  men  and  important 
measures,  the  results  of  which  have  been  used  to  make  the 
running  history  of  events,  and  of  contemporaneous  political 
leaders,  as  full  as  the  nature  of  the  work  allowed. 

Every  important  speech  of  President  Johnson,  with 
numerous  minor  though  characteristic  addresses,  and  every 
measure  with  which  his  name  is  associated,  are  represented 
here  :  together  with  views  of  debates  in  Congress  and  inci 
dents  connected  therewith  ;  making,  it  is  hoped,  an  accepta 
ble  contribution  to  the  political  history  of  the  time,  and  a 
comprehensive  picture  of  the  life  and  labors,  the  mind  and 
mettle  of  the  Statesman  upon  whom  at  this  moment  the  eyes 

of  civilization  are  intently  centered. 

J.  S. 
FOEDHAM,  N.  Y.,  1865. 


CONTENTS. 


PREFACE 


CHAPTER     I. 
1803  TO  1833     ..........       13 

CHAPTER     II. 

1834  TO  1845 


CHAPTER     III. 
1845  TO  1857    ........        .  37 

CHAPTER     IV. 
THE  HOMESTEAD  BILL.    1857-1858         ....  51 

CHAPTER     V. 
HOMESTEAD  BILL—  Continued.    1880        .....      73 

CHAPTER     YI. 

RETRENCHMENT  OQ 

•        ...      oo 

(9) 


PAGE 


10 

CHAPTER     VII. 
RETRENCHMENT  IN  GOVERNMENT  EXPENDITURES    .        .        .118 

CHAPTER     VIII. 
THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION          .......     139 


CHAPTER     IX. 
JOHNSON'S  COMPEERS  IN  TIIE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  .        .     149 

CHAPTER     X  . 
THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CONVENTIONS  OF  I860      .        .        .        .178 

CHAPTER     XI. 
THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  DISUNION    ...... 

CHAPTER     XII. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  DISUNION  —  Continued         .        .        .     199 

CHAPTER     XIII. 
JOHNSON  ON  THE  RIGHT  OF  SECESSION.     GREAT  SPEECH  OF 

DECEMBER  18TH  AND  19TH,  1860      .....    211 

CHAPTER    XIV. 
SECESSION.    BREAK  UP  OF  BUCHANAN'S  CABINET  .        .        .230 

CHAPTER      XV. 
TERRORISM  IN  TENNESSEE        .......     234 

CHAPTER     XVI. 
JOHNSON  MILITARY  GOVERNOR  OF  TENNESSEE       ,        .        .248 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER     XVII. 

PACK 

JOHNSON'S  ADMINISTRATION  IN  TENNESSEE—  Continued  .        .    269 

CHAPTER     XYIII. 

NOMINATION  OF  JOHNSON  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENCY    .        .        .     285 

CHAPTER     XIX. 
THE  CANDIDATES  AND  CANVASS  OF  1864        ....     301 

CHAPTER     XX. 

THE  REBELLION  ENDED.    LINCOLN  ASSASSINATED.    JOHNSON 

PRESIDENT          ........  323 

CHAPTER     XXI. 

JOHNSON  AS  PRESIDENT.    END  OF  ARMED  REBELLION  .        .    334 

CHAPTER    XXII. 
RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES  ....    370 

APPENDIX          . 1 


CONTENTS  OF  APPENDIX, 


SPEECH   IN   REPLY  TO  SENATOR  LANE  OF  OREGON  IN   THE 

SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  MARCH  3,  1861     .        .      12 
SECESSION  OF  TENNESSEE,  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  .      15 

SPEECH  ON  THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION  IN  THE  SENATE  OF 

THE  UNITED  STATES,  JULY  26,  27,  1861     .        .        .        .20 
SPEECH  ON   THE    PROPOSED  EXPULSION  OF   MR.   JESSE    D. 

BRIGHT  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE,  JAN.  31,  1862.      63 
PRESIDENT   JOHNSON'S    OPINION   OF    THE   USE   OF   ARDENT 

SPIRITS 87 

THE  HOME  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON 88 

ORDER  RELATING  TO  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  FREEDMEN  .  90 
SPEECH  TO  THE  NEGRO  SOLDIERS,  OCT.  10,  1865  ...  90 
PRESIDENT  PAROLES  A.  H.  STEPHENS  AND  OTHERS  .  .  95 
PROCLAMATION  RESCINDING  MARTIAL  LAW  IN  KENTUCKY, 

OCT.  12 95 

INTERVIEW   OF    THE    SOUTH   CAROLINA    DELEGATION   WITH 

THE  PRESIDENT 97 

THE  PRESIDENT  TO  SOUTH  CAROLINA  CONVENTION        .        .     100 
THE  PRESIDENT  ON  RESTORATION  AND  THE   STATUS  OF  THE 

NEGRO        .......  100 

THE  PRESIDENT  ON  THE  REBEL  WAR  DEBT  .        .        .        .103 

RECEPTION  OF  THE  EMBASSY  FROM  TUNIS      .        .        .        .104 

THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  FENIANS 105 

THANKSGIVING  FOR  PEACE  AND  UNION 106 

THE  PRESIDENT  TO  GOVERNOR  HUMPHREYS,  OF  MISSISSIPPI    107 

REVOCATION  OF  REWARDS 108 

THE  PRESIDENT  TO  GOVERNOR  HOLDEN,  OF   NORTH  CARO 
LINA   108 

GOVERNOR  HOLDEN  TO  THE  PRESIDENT          .  109 

PROCLAMATION   RESTORING   THE  WRIT  OF   HABEAS   CORPUS 

IN  CERTAIN  STATES 109 

PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE,  OPENING  OF  THE  THIRTY-NINTH  CON 
GRESS,  DEC.  5,  1865 HO 


£=    z 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


CHAPTER    I 

1808  TO  1833. 

His  BIRTH  —  Orphanage  —  Apprenticeship  —  Early  Struggles  for  knowledge  — 
Journeyman  —  Goes  to  Greenville,  Tenn. — Marries  —  Progress  in  Educa 
tion —  Rewards  of  Industry  —  Alderman  —In  a  Debating  Society — His  Lit 
tle  House  on  the  Hill  and  his  Great  Book  —  Re-elected  Alderman  —  Mayor 
for  Three  Terms  —  Views  of  Nullification  in  1832. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON  was  born  at  Raleigh,  N.  C.,  on  the 
29th  of  December,  1808.  His  father,  a  man  in  humble  life, 
but  of  noble  nature,  dying  from  exhaustion,  after  having 
saved  Colonel  Thomas  Henderson,  editor  of  the  Raleigh 
Gazette,  from  drowning,  left  his  son  an  orphan,  before  he 
had  completed  his  fifth  year.*  The  sad  event  of  his  father's 
death  made  the  energies  of  the  child  necessary  to  his  own 
support,  and  a  trade  was  the  most  reliable  resource.  He 
was  accordingly,  at  the  age  of  ten  years,  apprenticed  to  a 
tailor,  in  his  native  town. 

Thus  commenced  the  struggle  of  the  future  patriot  and 
President  in  the  battle  of  life,  the  very  outset  of  his  manly 
career  indicating  the  energy  and  self-reliance  which  has  so 
distinguished  it,  and  which  offer  such  hopeful  example?  to 
the  great  mass  of  our  youth,  who  can  only  be  nerved  for  the 
life-struggle  by  stout  hearts  and  honest  purposes. 

*  The  following  obituary  notice  of  the  father  of  the  President,  is  taken  from 
an  old  Raleigh  (N.  C.)  paper,  dated  January  10, 1812: 

"  Died,  in  this  city,  on  Saturday  last,  Jacob  Johnson,  who  had  for  years  occu 
pied  a  humble  but  useful  station  in  Society.  He  was  city  constable,  sexton, 
and  porter  to  the  State  Bank.  In  his  last  illness  he  was  visited  by  the  principal 
inhabitants  of  the  city,  by  all  of  whom  he  was  esteemed  for  his  honesty,  indus 
try,  and  humane  and  friendly  disposition.  Among  all  to  whom  he  was  known 
and  esteemed  none  lament  him  more  (except,  perhaps,  his  relatives)  than  the 
publisher  of  this  paper ;  for  he  owes  his  life,  on  a  particular  occasion,  to  the 
boldness  and  humanity  of  Johnson." 


14  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

At  this  period  of  his  life  the  nature  of  Andrew  Johnson 
unfolded  itself,  in  the  gradual  development  of  characteristics 
which,  under  proper  direction,  are  the  sure  guarantees  of 
success  to  the  possessor.  While  notably  patient  in  the  pur 
suit,  and  attentive  to  the  routine  of  his  occupation,  he  occa 
sionally  betrayed  that  waywardness  which  is  a  phase  only 
of  the  self-will  and  resolution  so  attractively  prominent  in 
the  lives  of  all  self-made  men.  Even  as  a  boy,  Andrew 
Johnson  could  see  no  difficulties  in  the  way  of  any  purpose 
upon  which  he  had  cast  his  heart ;  could  meet  no  oppression, 
which  his  spirits  would  not  surmount.  He  might  be  disap 
pointed,  but  could  not  be  defeated.  If  he  were  thwarted 
one  day,  he  tried  again  the  next.  Obstacles  only  excited 
his  energies,  and  where  he  tumbled  to-day  he  would  triumph 
to-morrow.  These  characteristics  of  boyhood  are  not  with 
out  deep  significance  in  contemplating  the  life  of  such  a 
man  as  Johnson.  He  never  had  the  benefit  of  one  day's 
school  routine  in  his  life,  and  in  no  instance  was  the  leading 
feature  of  his  character  more  worthily  brought  into  promi 
nent  action  than  in  the  determination  to  achieve  by  perse 
verance  the  benefits  denied  by  poverty. 

The  necessity  which  apprenticed  him  at  such  an  early 
age,  and  the  indenture  which  bound  him,  equally  and  effect 
ually  deprived  him  of  all  advantages  for  education.  He 
saw  this  :  the  boy  craved  for  knowledge,  and  was  resolved 
to  attain  some  means  to  its  possession — a  resolution  excited 
and  concentrated  by  occurrences  whicli  are  worthy  of  par 
ticular  mention. 

There  was  at  this  time  a  gentleman  in  Raleigh  who  was 
in  the  habit  of  visiting  the  tailor's  shop,  and  of  reading 
aloud  while  the  journeymen  and  apprentices  were  at  work. 
His  favorite  book  was  a  volume  of  speeches,  embracing  many 
of  eminent  British  orators  and  statesmen  ;  the  beauties  of 
which  were  enhanced  by  the  admirable  style  and  emphasis 
of  the  reader.  Young  Johnson  became  interested,  and  his 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  1 5 

first  ambition  was  to  equal  the  visitor  as  a  reader,  and 
become  familiar  with  those  speeches,  which  had  a  special 
effect  on  his  mind.  He  took  up  the  alphabet  without  an 
instructor  ;  but  he  obtained  assistance  by  applying  now  to 
one  journeyman  and  then  to  another.  -Having  acquired  a 
knowledge  of  the  letters,  he  desired  to  borrow  the  book 
which  he  had  so  often  heard  read  and  in  which  he  was  so 
profoundly  interested.  The  owner,  however,  kindly  made 
him  a  present  of  it,  with  the  additional  gift  of  some  instruc 
tion  on  the  use  of  letters  in  the  formation  of  words.  Thus 
it  may  be  said,  he  learned  to  spell  and  read  at  the  same  time 
in  that  book.  As  may  be  imagined,  the  difficulties  were 
great,  but  by  close  application  he  soon  learned  to  read  with 
considerable  facility. 

The  new  and  dazzling  region  of  enjoyment  thus  opened 
to  young  Johnson's  vision,  dispelled  the  sense  of  drudgery 
by  which  it  was  won  •  and  inspired  him  with  an  insatiate 
and  restless  anxiety  to  explore  the  mines  of  knowledge 
which  lay  sealed  up  in  books.  Working,  steadily,  from 
ten  to  twelve  hours  daily,  the  desire  to  refresh  himself  at 
the  intellectual  springs  of  greatness  could  receive  but  little 
gratification.  The  thirst  for  knowledge,  however,  must  at 
least  find  some  appeasement ;  and  the  apprentice,  after  his 
labor  was  done,  devoted  a  couple  of  hours  nightly  to  the 
still  widening  fascination  of  books. 

In  the  autumn  of  1824  the  term  of  his  apprenticeship 
expired,  and  he  entered  the  world  without  a  cent  as  a  basis 
of  action  ;  but  with  a  trade,  rich  in  energy,  and  sensitive 
with  the  anxieties  of  an  education  begun  and  continued 
under  exacting  difficulties.* 

*  Mr.  Litchford,  an  old  journeyman  tailor  of  Raleigh,  foreman  in  the  shop 
where  young  Johnson  partially  learned  his  trade,  gives  some  reminiscences  of 
(he  youth  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  which,  while  not  differing  in 
any  material  way  with  the  narrative  in  the  text,  adds  in  a  very  racy  manner 
some  details  accounting  for  the  apprentice's  movements;  and  are  altogether 
characteristically  illustrative  of  that  period  of  his  life.  Mr.  Litchford  thinks  it 


16  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

We  next  find  young  Johnson  as  a  working  journeyman — 
a  love  story,  which  his  celebrity  since  has  brought  to  light, 
tracing  him  to  the  vicinity  of  Laurens  Court  House* 
S.  C.  Here,  as  the  story  goes,  he  fell  in  love  with  an 
estimable  young  lady  ;  but  he  was  a  stranger — he  was  poor, 
lie  was  young,  not  yet  near  out  of  his  teens ;  and  he  passion 
ately  fled  away  from  what  to  him  seemed  cold  hearts  and 
pitying  smiles,  which  his  youthful  sensitiveness  could 
brook  less  patiently  than  open  sneers.  However  naturally 
unpleasant  such  an  episode  to  a  young  and  ambitious  man, 
the  sensitiveness  which  renders  it  annoying  also  furnishes  to 
a  man  of  strong  will,  pride  to  overcome  its  results.  Instead 
of  depressing  young  Johnson's  spirits,  it  gave  him  strength 
of  purpose  to  lift  himself  above  the  circumstances  of  the 
occasion. 

He  returned  to  Raleigh  in  May,  1826,  procured  journey 
work,  and  remained  there  until  the  September  following, 
when  he  turned  his  footsteps  westward,  taking  with  him  his 

was  in  1818  that  "  Andy,"  as  he  called  him,  was  bound  apprentice  to  J.  J.  Selby. 
He  is  described  as  a  wild  "  harum-scarum  boy,"  but  had  no  "  •WTj.honorable  traits 
about  him."  He  was  exceedingly,  restless,  and  his  activity  in  climbing  fences, 
trees,  etc.,  with  the  natural  sequence  thereof  of  tearing  his  clothing,  was  a  great 
source  of  trouble  to  his  mistress.  On  account  of  his  propensities  in  this  direc 
tion,  she  once  made  him  a  coarse,  heavy  shirt  of  homespun  goods,  and  the  young 
gentleman  for  a  short  time  was  obliged  to  wear  a  whole  under-garment.  In 
1824  he  "  cut,"  not  because  he  was  sent  to  a  corn-field  to  work,  as  some  one  has 
said,  but  on  account  of  a  "  scrape  with  a  lady  by  the  name  of  Wells,  who  had 
two  right  smart  daughters."  With  another  boy,  named  Grayson,  an  apprentice 
in  a  rival  shop,  Andy  "chunked  the  old  lady's  house"  one  Saturday  night. 
Next  day  she  heard  who  it  was,  and  threatened  to  u  persecute  them  on  Monday." 
They  heard  of  it  and  "cut."  Mr.  Litchford  believes  "he  knew  his  A  B  C's 
when  he  came  to  the  shop,  but  I  think  I  taught  him  to  read."  Mr.  Litchford 
continued,  "  and  he  deserves  unbounded  credit,  for  some  people  say  as  how 
they  had  a  grand  start,  and  I  reckon  he  started  underground."  He  went  to 
South  Carolina,  and  returned  after  a  year  and  a-half,  during  which  time  he  had 
earned  his  living  with  his  needle.  On  his  arrival  he  applied  to  Mr.  Litchford, 
then  keeping  an  establishment  of  his  own,  for  work,  but  didn't  get  it  because  he 
had  been  "  advertised"  as  a  runaway,  and  the  law  prevented  any  one  from  har 
boring  him.  Mr.  Selby  had,  during  Andy's  absence,  sold  out  and  moved  into 
the  country ;  but,  with  a  desire  to  make  due  amends  for  his  misdemeanor,  the 
runaway  walked  twenty  miles  to  see  him  and  tried  to  make  arrangements  to 
pay  him  for  his  time.  Mr.  Selby  required  security,  and  Andy  could  not  get  it. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 7 

mother,  who  was  wholly  dependent  on  him  for  support ;  and 
whom,  to  his  glory  and  honor  be  it  said,  he  always  tenderly, 
and  as  his  fortune  increased,  handsomely  supported  until  her 
death.  He  stopped  at  Greenville,  Tenn.,  commenced  work 
as  a  journeyman,  and  counted  the  close  of  his  eighteenth 
year.  His  good  star  had  led  him  thither.  He  remained  in 
Greenville  about  a  year,  married  a  most  worthy  lady,  and 
pushed  still  further  West  in  search  of  fortune.  Failing  to 
find  a  suitable  place  to  settle,  he  returned  to  Greenville  and 
commenced  business,  his  industry  and  energy  intensified 
by  the  family  cares  he  had  undertaken.  I  have  said  his 
good  star  led  him  to  Greenville,  and  truly !  for  there  the 
youth  found  a  wife  who  became  his  Egeria. 

Up  to  this  time  his  education  was  limited  to  reading. 
We  have  seen  the  difficulties  under  which  that  was  accom 
plished.  He  had  no  opportunity  of  learning  how  to  write 
or  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  mysteries  of  arithmetic. 
Under  the  loving  tutelage  of  his  excellent  wife,  he  soon 

He  told  Mr.  Litchford  that  he  wouldn't  let  him  be  security  if  he  would,  and  so 
he  departed  again,  this  time  going  to  Tennessee.  Mr.  Litchford  next  heard  of 
him  as  a  Member  of  Congress  from  that  State,  but  didn't  believe  it  was  "  his 
boy  Andy"  until  he  saw  it"  advertised  in  the  papers,  about  the  mechanics  in 
Congress,  and  saw  the  word  '  tailor'  after  his  name."  A  pamphlet  copy  of  one  of 
his  speeches,  sent  to  Mr.  Litchford  under  his  Congressional  frank,  is  yet  in  the 
possession  of  the  latter. 

After  his  first  session  he  returned  to  Raleigh  and  made  a  speech,  "pitching 
into  Parson  Brownlow  and  Gales,  the  editor  of  the  Register."  It  seems  that 
Brownlow,  a  political  opponent  of  Johnson  at  that  time,  had  sent  to  Gales  for 
"  family  items."  Gales  furnished  them,  and  hence  Johnson's  attack  on  him 
and  Brownlow.  The  citizens  at  Raleigh  at  that  time  thought  it  something  re 
markable  that  the  "tailor's  apprentice"  of  their  recollection  should  be  able  to 
make  such  a  speech,  but  Johnson  told  Mr.  Litchford  "  how  it  was."  His  wife 
had  "  learned  him"  while  he  was  on  the  tailor's  board  working  for  his  bread  in 
Tennessee.  During  this  visit,  Mr.  Johnson  asked  Litchford  to  show  him  his 
father's  grave,  and  he  did  so.  It  has  but  a  plain  gray-stone  slab  at  the  head, 
and  simply  marked  "  J.  J.,"  and  is  nearly  hidden  from  view  by  the  overgrowth 
of  weeds  and  brambles. 

The  house  in  which  President  Johnson  was  born  is  still  standing,  and  is  an 
object  of  no  little  curiosity  to  the  many  strangers  who  visit  Raleigh.  It  is  a 
small  frame  building,  a  story  and  a-half  high,  containing  only  two  or  three 
rooms.  Relic  mongers  have  already  commenced  tearing  ofl'the  weather-beaten 
sideboards. 


18  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

wielded  the  pen  and  the  slate  pencil ;  and  these  doors  being 
open,  she   soon    presented    him  at  other  shrines  of  useful 
knowledge.     The  time  at  his  disposal  for  study  was  now 
more  limited  than  ever  ;  family  responsibilities  and  an  open 
ing  and  growing  business  demanded  almost  his  every  hour. 
But  diligent  application,  a  keen  economy  of  time,  his  wife 
reading  to  and  instructing  him  while  at  work,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  education  late  at  night,  when  the  day's  work  was 
over  and  the  village  wrapped  in  sleep,  vouchsafed  unto  him 
just  rewards  for  his  manual  and  his  mental  labors.     His 
business  and  his  brain  increased  in  strength  together,  and 
the  result  was  an  humble  competency  of  domestic  comfort 
from  the  one,  and  from  the  other,  besides  its  intrinsic  value, 
a  light  by  which  to  judge  and  appreciate  the  manly  dignity 
of  labor.     In  a  previous  sketch  of  the  subject  of  this  Me 
moir,*  I  indicated  the  romantic  interest  attaching  to  this 
period  of  Johnson's  life  : 

"  What  material  for  the  romancist  might  be  found  in  the 
history  of  those  days  of  the  future  Senator  ;  when  his  wife, 
fondly  leaning  by  the  side  of  the  youth  who  was  earning 
bread  for  her,  taught  him  to  read,  and  decked  with  the  fair 
flowers  of  a  healthy  education  the  hitherto  neglected  garden 
of  his  brain  !     What  a  group !  what  a  study !— the  youth's 
fingers  mechanically  plying  the  needle,  his  brain  alive,  fol 
lowing  the  instructions  of  his  wife-teacher,  or  with  a  bright, 
almost  childish,  satisfaction  meeting  her  approval  of  his  cor 
rect  answers !     After  work-hours  she  taught  him  to  write. 
What  a  living,  ennobling  romance  was  there  being  enacted 
in  the  wilds  of  Tennessee  thirty  years  ago !     But  we  must 
hurry  over  this  chapter  of  our  hero's  history  with  a  mere 
suggestive  sentence.     Young  Johnson  worked  at  his  trade 
with  irrcat  industry  and  attention,  extending,  meanwhile,  the 
advantages  which  his  capacity  for  knowledge  presented. 
The  shop-board  was  the  school  where  he  received  the  rudi- 

*  "  Our  Living  Representative  Men."    Philadelphia,  1860. 


OF  ANDREW  JOUNSOX.  19 

ments  of  his  education,  which  he  afterward,  in  rare  leisure 
moments  and  in  the  deep  silence  of  the  midnight  hours, 
applied  to  the  attainment  of  a  more  perfect  system. 

"  The  disadvantages  of  his  position  would  have  discour 
aged  almost  any  other  man,  certainly  with  any  other  kind 
of  a  wife.  But,  cheered  by  his  excellent  companion  and 
prompted  by  his  own  desire  for  self-improvement,  young 
Johnson  brought  an  energy  to  the  difficulties  before  him 
which  nothing  could  repress  or  conquer.  It  is  not  a  matter 
of  surprise  that  he  was  hostile  to  every  proposition  that 
would  give  power  to  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many  ; 
that  his  hard  and  yet  bright  experiences  made  him  the  ex 
ponent  of  the  wants  and  power  of  the  working  class."  He 
felt  the  force  of  the  truth  so  eloquently  expressed  by  another 
workingrnan,  J.  de  Jean  (Ffraser),  one  of  the  poets  of  the 
Irish  movement  of  1848  : 

"  When,  by  tli'  almighty  breath  of  God 

Each  to  its  sphere  was  hurled — 
The  living  creature — and  the  clod — 

The  atom — and  the  world — 
As  trusted  viceroy  on  the  earth, 

To  carry  out  the  plan 
For  which  He  gave  that  globe  its  birth, 

God  formed  the  Working-man." 

Johnson  soon  gave  voice  to  the  feelings  of  the  working- 
men  in  Greenville.  He  made  them  conscious  of  their 
strength  and  proud  of  it,  in  opposition  to  the  aristocratic 
coterie  which  had  until  then  ruled  the  community,  so  that  no 
man  who  worked  for  his  livelihood  could  be  elected  even 
an  alderman.  With  the  dawning  vision  of  intellect  and 
self-reliance  he  saw  that  all  this  was  wrong,  and  he  deter 
mined,  with  the  aid  of  his  fellow-workers,  to  right  it.  Meet 
ings  were  held  in  every  part  of  the  town,  and  the  result  was 
the  election  (in  1828)  of  the  young  tailor  to  the  office  of 
alderman  by  a  triumphant  majority.  How  proud  the  good 
wife  must  have  felt ! 


20  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

About  this  time,  or  a  little  later  probably,  a  debating 
society  was  formed  by  Hie  young  men  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Greenville,  and  in  connection  with  Greenville  College. 
In  it  Johnson  distinguished  himself  and  made  many  friends. 
A  collegian  of  the  period  gives  us  some  brief  reminiscences 
which  not  only  exhibit  our  hero's  persistent  endeavors  to 
cultivate  his  mind,  but  also  present  a  suggestive  glimpse  of 
the  domicile  and  workshop  which  sheltered  his  aspiring 
genius. 

In  the  romantic  valley,  says  our  informant,  between  the 
Alleghany  and  Cumberland  Mountains,  where  the  first  settle 
ments  were  made  in  Tennessee,  we  may,  by  looking  at 
the  map,  find  a  small  town  in  Green  County  called  Green 
ville,  near  the  Nolichucky  River.  Four  miles  from  this 
county  site  is  Greenville  College,  the  first  institution  of  the 
kind  established  in  the  State. 

While  in  this  college  the  whilom  student  became  ac 
quainted  with  a  young  man  who  lived  in  the  suburbs  of 
Greenville.  "  Though  not  a  regular  member  of  the  school," 
he  write?,  "he  belonged  to  the  polemic  society  connected 
with  the  institution.  To  attend  these  meetings  he  walked 
the  four  miles  out  and  back  every  week.  I  well  remember 
bis  fascinating  manners,  his  natural  talent  for  oratory,  his 
capacity  to  draw  the  students  around  him,  and  make  all  of 
them  his  warm  friends." 

On  going  into  town,  on  errands  of  pleasure  or  business, 
the  students  used  to  linger  at  the  humble  abode  of  the  young 
village  Demosthenes  ;  and  the  one  who  records  these  inter 
esting  facts,  gives  us  a  graphic  picture  of  its  situation  and 
interior  : 

"  On  approaching  the  village,  there  stood  on  the  hill  by 
the  highway  a  solitary  little  house,  perhaps  ten  feet  square. 
We  invariably  entered  when  passing.  It  contained  a  bed, 
two  or  three  stools  and  a  tailor's  platform.  Here  we  de 
lighted  to  stop,  because  one  lived  here  whom  we  knew  out- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON".  21 

side  of  school,  and  made  us  welcome  ;  one  who  would  amuse 
us  by  his  social  good  nature,  taking  more  than  ordinary 
interest  in  catering  to  our  pleasure.  Tempusfugit !  Three 
or  four  hundred  college  inmates  returned  to  their  homes, 
mostly  in  the  vicinity.  Our  young  friend  became  a  candi 
date  for  the  Legislature  to  represent  that  district ;  was 
elected  about  the  year  1838,  if  I  correctly  remember.*  This 
young  man  was  Andrew  Johnson,  who  has  been  in  public 
office  ever  since,  rising  regularly  by  gradation  to  the  high 
est  gift  in  the  land." 

This  Greenville  debating  society,  hugged  in  the  romantic 
grasp  of  the  Alleghany  and  Cumberland  Mountains,  was 
doubtless  to  Andrew  Johnson  what  The  Devils,  The  Robin 
Hood  and  the  Brown  Bear,  had  been  to  "  Stuttering  Jack 
Curran,"  in  the  wilderness  of  London,  when  that  strug 
gling  youth  was  seeking  utterance  for  the  expression  of  his 
nature  and  powers.f  If,  like  the  latter,  young  Johnson  did 
not  complete  his  education  for  the  Senate  in  the  debating 
society,  lie  at  least  continued  it  there,  and  began  to  under 
stand  his  own  powers  and  to  use  them  in  a  more  correct 
and  finished  form  than  heretofore. 

His  recently  acquired  book  culture,  of  course,  enriched 
while  it  gave  a  vivid  impetus  to  the  native  force. of  his  mind, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  he  displayed  a  striking  aptitude 
for  debate.  The  style  and  manner  of  the  able  statesmen,  as 
conveyed  in  the  volume  presented  by  his  Raleigh  friend, 
remained  in  Ijis  mind,  and  his  own  thoughts  struggling 
through  took  form  and  color  from  their  influence.  This  vol- 

*  It  was  some  three  years  earlier. 

t  A  most  amusing  account  is  given  by  Curran  of  his  early  efforts  in  the  de 
bating  clubs  of  London,  of  his  first  diffidence  and  confusion,  and  his  final  suc 
cess.  "  Here  (at  The  Devils  of  Temple  Bar),  warned  by  fatal  experience  that 
a  man's  powers  may  be  overstrained,  I  at  first  confined  myself  to  a  simple  'Ay 
or  No,'  and  by  dint  of  practice  and  encouragement,  brought  my  tongue  to  recite 
these  magical  elements  of  parliamentary  eloquence  with  '  such  sound  emphasis 
and  good  discretion,'  that  in  a  fortnight's  time  I  had  completed  my  education 
for  the  Irish  Senate." — Life  of  Curran  by  liis  Son.  Dr.  Mackenzie's  ed.  1855. 


22  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ume  had  been  at  once  a  mentor  and  a  mine  to  him.  His 
mind  was  perfectly  fresh  when  he  grasped  it ;  and  he  read 
the  various  beauties  in  by  the  light  which  itself  had  fur 
nished.  He  became  imbued  with  the  style,  language  and 
sentiments  of  the  volume.  It  gave  him  his  first  lessons  in 
the  science  of  government ;  presented  a  vast  amount  of 
knowledge  of  an  important  nature,  displayed  in  the  most 
persuasive  array  in  illustration  of  the  great  questions  dis 
cussed  ;  and  exhibited  to  him  the  most  prominent  and  a.ble 
examples  of  public  discussion.  Thus,  through  the  power  of 
Chatham,  the  solidity  of  Burke,  the  popular  acumen  of  Er- 
skxne,  the  vehemence  of  Fox,  the  brilliancy  of  Sheridan,  and 
the  characteristics  of  other  distinguished  orators  and  parlia 
mentarians,  he  was  brought  into  communion  with  the  graces 
which  are  put  forth  to  captivate  a  hearer,  the  varied  forces 
necessary  to  overwhelm  an  opponent,  and  the  resources 
which  are  evoked  to  dignify  one's  self  in  debate.  This 
volume  moulded  into  form,  and  inspired  into  suitable  action 
the  elements  of  his  mental  character,  and  thus  laid  the 
foundation  of  his  fame  and  fortune.  It  is  no  wonder  that 
he  never  ceased  to  deeply  appreciate  its  value.  Among 
the  results  of  the  rebellion  was  the  destruction  of  his  private 
library  and  the  loss  of  this  prized  volume,  the  cherished 
companion  of  his  early  youth  and  founder  of  his  fortune. 

There  is  a  peculiar  significance  attached  to  the  works 
which  have  been  the  favorites  of  distinguished  men  We 
are  always  glad  to  know  the  authors  who  have  been  the 
chosen  companions  of  great  literary,  political  or  military 
characters — to  know  that  the  selecting  and  copying  of 
religious  poetry  was  an  instinct  with  Washington  in  youth, 
indicating  the  gravity  of  his  manhood  ;  that  among  the 
books  selected  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte  for  his  Egyptian 
expedition,  Ossian  and  his  Gaelic  heroes  were  equally  promi 
nent  with  Turenne  and  a  Treatise  on  Artillery ;  and  that  An 
drew  Jackson  read  The  Vicar  of  Wakefield  through,  if,  as  is 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON,  2  3 

said,  he  never  read  any  other  work.  In  view  of  the  great 
effect  produced  on  Mr.  Johnson's  mind  and  career  by  the 
book  alluded  to,  I  am  happy  to  add  a  couple  of  facts  in  this 
connection  on  the  best  authority.*  The  exact  title  of 
the  work  was  the  American  Speaker,  published  in  1810. 
His  favorite  speeches  were  those  by  Pitt  and  Fox.  The 
former  who,  as  he  said  in  the  reply  to  Walpole,  labored 
under  "  the  atrocious  crime  of  being  a  young  man  ;"  would 
naturally  awaken  the  sympathy  of  a  youth  weighed  down 
by  circumstances  ;  but  that  which  most  particularly  im 
pressed  him  was  Fox  on  Democracy. 

Mr.  Johnson's  triumph  over  the  aristocracy  in  1828  was 
ratified  by  subsequent  re-elections  in  1829  and  1830,  and  his 
being  chosen  Mayor  of  Greenville  in  the  latter  year,  a  posi 
tion  lie  held  for  three  terms.  Strengthened  by  success, 
through  their  ardent  advocate,  the  working-men  felt  and 
assumed  their  power ;  and  their  antagonists,  wearying  of 
the  contest  so  gallantly  conducted,  admitted  the  representa 
tives  of  the  mechanics  to  their  legitimate  influence  in  the 
councils. 

Thus,  in  his  onward  career,  Mr.  Johnson  illustrated  the 
ennobling  fact  that  energy  and  self-reliance  are  the  surest 
means  by  which  an  aristocratic,  idle  and  overbearing  class 
are  made  to  respect  the  claims  and  fear  the  united  action 
of  the  honest  and  upright  people  who  live  by  the  sweat  of 
their  brows.  Journalists,  North  and  South,  in  the  interest 
of  spurious  aristocracy  and  disloyal  speculators,  have  sneer- 
ingly  referred  to  Johnson's  early  life,  as  though  in  America 
it  were  a  disgrace  to  live  honestly,  and  assert  one's  inde 
pendence  in  the  noblest  way  it  can  be  asserted,  by  contribut 
ing  to  the  social  and  moral  character  of  the  community  by 
industry  and  honest  labor.  These  flippant  apologists  of 

*  The  author  takes  pleasure  in  stating  that  the  interesting  information  was 
received  by  him  from  Mr.  Johnson  since  his  elevation  to  the  Presidency,  in 
response  to  inquiries  made  on  the  subject. 


24  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

idleness  and  aristocracy  sneer  at  Mr.  Johnson  because  lie 
was  born  poor  and  became  not  in  Ins  youth  a  burden  on  his 
neighbors  ;  and  at  the  same  time  are  vociferous  in  declaring 
they  are  the  followers  of  Jefferson,  who,  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  asserted  the  truth  to  be  self-evident  "  that 
all  men  are  created  equal." 

As  Madison  said,  in  1832,  "  It  is  remarkable  how  closely 
the  Nullifiers  (secessionists),  who  make  the  name  of  Jeffer 
son  the  pedestal  for  their  colossal  heresy,  shut  their  eyes 
and  lips  whenever  his  authority  is  ever  so  clearly  and 
emphatically  against  them."  But  we  can  scarcely  expect  the 
enemies  of  the  Republic  to  be  the  friends  of  those  who 
made  the  Republic  great — the  workingmen  ! 

It  was  about  this  time,  and  before  Johnson  had  fairly 
made  his  entree  into  the  public  arena,  that  the  Nullification 
controversy  arose  between  the  Federal  Government  and 
the  State  of  South  Carolina  ;  and  it  became  necessary  for 
Andrew  Jackson,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  to 
issue  his  proclamation  exhorting  the  South  Carolinians  to 
obey  the  law,  and  comply  with  the  requirements  of  the 
Constitution.*  As  lie  has  since  told  us,  in  the  great  de 
bate  in  the  Senate,  February,  1861 — when  he  vindicated 
the  action  previously  taken  by  him  against  the  traitors, 

*  Jackson's  first  bomb-shell  into  the  ranks  of  the  Nullifiers  was  his  cele 
brated  toast— "  OUH  FEDERAL  UNION:  it  MUST  BE  PRESERVED" — given  at  the 
Anniversary  Celebration  of  Jefferson's  Birthday,  in  Washington,  April  13,  1830. 
An  interesting  account  of  which,  by  his  Secretary,  Major  Lewis,  is  quoted  by 
Farton.  Lewis  also  relates  a  suggestive  scene  which  occurred  in  Jackson's 
office,  between  him  and  a  South  Carolina  member  of  Congress,  who  called  to 
take  his  leave.  "  The  General  received  him  with  great  kindness,  offering  his 
hand,  and  begging  him  to  be  seated.  After  a  few  minutes  of  conversation,  the 
member  rose,  and  remarked  to  the  General  that  he  was  about  to  return  to 
South  Carolina,  and  desired  to  know  if  he  had  any  commands  for  his  friends 
in  that  quarter.  The  General  said,  '  No,  I  believe  not;'  but  immediately  re 
calling  what  he  had  said,  remarked:  '  Yes,  I  have;  please  give  my  compli 
ments  to  my  friends  in  your  State,  and  say  to  them,  that  if  a  single  drop  of  blood 
Hhall  be  shed  in  opposition  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  I  will  hang  the 
first  man  I  can  lay  my  hand  on  engaged  in  such  treasonable  conduct  upon  the 
first  tree  I  can  reach.'  " — PartorCs  Life  of  Jackson,  Vol.  in. 


OF  ANDREW  JOIINSON.  05 

on  that  floor— Johnson  then  planted  himself  upon  the 
principles  announced  by  General  Jackson.  He  believed 
the  positions  then  taken  by  the  soldier  of  two  wars  for 'the 
independence  of  the  United  States,  were  the  true  doctrines 
of  the  Constitution,  and  the  only  doctrines  upon  which  the 
Government  could  be  preserved.  From  that  period  to  the 
present,  he  lias  been  uniformly  opposed  to  the  doctrine 
of  secession  or  of  nullification.  He  believed  it  a  heresy  in 
1833,  an  element  which,  if  maintained,  would  result  in  the 
destruction  of  the  Government.  In  1860-61  he  maintained 
the  same  doctrine,  and,  in  so  maintaining,  flung  himself 
boldly  and  heroically  against  the  traitor  phalanx  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate. 


CHAPTEK    II. 

1834  TO  1845. 

COXTINTKD  Confidence  in  Him  -  Elected  to  the  Legislature- Opposes  the 
"Internal  Improvement"  Scheme -Its  Temporary  Popularity  and 
Defeat  on  the  Issue  —  His  Views  Vindicated  —  Re-election  —  Presidential 
Elector  —  Elected  to  the  State  Senate  -  Sent  to  the  United  States  Congress 
—  Defends  Jaekson  —  Taxes  aud  Texas  —  Favors  Retrenchment  arid  An 
nexation-Gallant  Defence  of  the  Catholics,  and  Advocacy  of  Civil  and 
Religions  Liberty. 

THE  results  of  Mr.  Johnson's  reforms  in  Greenville  were 
extensively  felt  in  the  community,  and  his  character  re 
ceived  commensurate  testimony  of  approval  in  the  offices 
bestowed  upon  him.  The  County  Court  elected  him  a  Trus 
tee  of  Rhca  Academy,  which  office  he  held  until  he  entered 
the  State  Legislature. 

Mr.  Johnson  took  an  active  part  in  securing  the  adoption 
of  the  new  Constitution  (1834),  which  greatly  enlarged  the 
liberties  of  the  masses,  and  guaranteed  the  freedom  of 
speech  and. of  the  press ;  and  through  the  earnest  solicita 
tions  of  the  mechanics  of  Greenville,  he  was  induced,  in  the 
summer  of  1835,  to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate  for  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  State  Legislature.  The 
district  embraced  the  counties  of  Washington  and  Green  ;• 
and  his  first  opponent,  Matthew  Stephenson,  was  a  worthy, 
highly  respected  gentleman,  and  a  popular  Whig  politician  ; 
who  had  been  in  the  Legislature,  and  was  familiar  with  the 
people  and  the  history  of  State  legislation.  The  young 
Ex-Mayor  knew  nothing  6f  the  latter,  and  his  knowledge  of 
the  people  was  confined  mainly  to  Greenville.  He,  however, 

(26) 


LIFE  OF  AXDREW  JOHNSON.  27 

announced  himself  as  a  Democrat,  and  while  his  friends 
and  the  young  mechanics  of  the  district,  among  whom  his 
reputation  had  naturally  extended,  were  ardent  in  his  sup 
port,  the  old  political  leaders  of  the  party,  and  those  who 
exerted  influence  by  reason  of  their  wealth  and  social  posi 
tion,  doubtfully  shook  their  heads,  and  gave  but  little  encour 
agement  to  the  nomination. 

With  characteristic  energy  Mr.  Johnson  prepared  for  the 
contest,  and  almost  immediately  opened  the  campaign.  At 
the  first  meeting  all  doubt  of  his  capacity  in  the  position, 
either  as  a  speaker  or  tactician,  vanished.  Arraigning  the 
political  career  of  his  opponent,  he  threw  that  gentleman 
completely  and  at  once  on  the  defensive ;  astonishing  not 
only  the  audience,  but  Mr.  Stephenson  himself,  by  his  knowl 
edge  of  his  political  life  and  acts.  The  advantage  gained 
on  the  opening  was  daily  improved  by  Johnson,  until  his 
competitor's  chances  were  completely  negatived,  and  finally 
resulted  in  an  overwhelming  defeat. 

The  Legislature  assembled  in  October,  1835,  and  of 
course,  Mr.  Johnson  took  his  seat  at  the  opening  of  that 
deliberative  body.  With  a  commendable  sense  of  self- 
respect  he  was  at  first  rather  a  silent  member,  watchful  of 
the  measures  introduced,  and  attentive  to  the  necessary  rules 
and  routine.  The  Constitution  having  been  but  recently 
amended,  many  difficult  and  perplexing  questions  arose  on 
the  re-organization  of  the  State  Government.  These  over 
come,  and  having  familiarized  himself  with  the  rules,  Mr. 
Johnson  assumed  his  share  in  the  current  debates,  and 
commanded  a  consideration  from  all,  that  might  well  have 
inspired  pride  in  older  and  more  experienced  members. 
He  became  especially  prominent  by  his  opposition  to  a  vast 
scheme  of  so-called  "  internal  improvements/'  which  em 
braced  a  system  of  Macadamized  and  turnpike  roads,  and 
involved  a  State  indebtedness  of  about  four  million  dollars. 
He  vigorously  condemned  the  mammoth  scheme;  and  in 


28  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  course  of  the  discussion  said :  "  That  with  the  lights 
then  before  him,  and  in  the  absence  of  knowing  what  was 
the  will  of  his  constituents  in  regard  to  the  creation  of  a 
large  State  debt,  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  vote  against  the 
proposition  ;  believing  as  he  did,  that  before  the  creation 
of  a  large  State  indebtedness,  such  a  proposition  should  be 
submitted  to  the  whole  people  of  the  State  for  their  con 
sideration  and  decision." 

The  scheme  passed  the  Legislature  and  became  a  law, 
but  Johnson  remained  opposed  to  it.  He  was  not  to  be 
swerved  from  what  he  deemed  -a  popular  right  on  so  import 
ant  a  State  measure.  Numerous  works  of  improvement 
were  immediately  projected  in  various  parts  of  the  State, 
and  large  sums  of  money  freely  disbursed.  The  excitement 
thus  created  buoyed  up  the  measure  for  some  time  on  a 
high  tide  of  popularity  ;  yet  it  did  not  carry  Johnson  away. 
So  able  an  advocate  of  the  Homestead  measure  as  Johnson ? 
through  conviction,  always  was,  could  not  but  be  a  friend  to 
internal  improvements ;  but  the  law  he  so  persistently  op 
posed  was,  as  he  viewed  it,  only  "  a  system  of  wholesale 
fraud."  Before  its  evil  results,  which  he  prophesied,  were 
manifest,  an  election  for  the  next  Legislature  took  place. 
Johnson  was  a  candidate,  and  his  opponent,  Mr.  Campbell, 
was  a  strong  advocate  of  the  policy  of  1835,  which  tem 
porarily  carried  every  thing  before  it.  Johnson,  however, 
manfully  stood  by  his  convictions  ;  brought  the  issue  before 
the  people,  and  after  a  fierce  contest,  he  was  defeated  by  a 
small  majority. 

As  time  passed  on,  his  opposition  on  this  point  became 
more  solidified.  The  Legislature  met  and  adjourned,  and 
again  the  two  opposing  candidates  of  1837  were  before  the 
same  constituency  for  re-election  in  1839.  The  much  ap 
plauded  scheme  of  internal  improvements  had  developed  the 
evils  predicted  by  Johnson  four  years  previously.  The 
State,  in  many  instances,  was  defrauded  by  the  companies, 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  2  9 

and  in  others,  the  works  were  abandoned,  while  the  public 
debt  had  been  largely  increased.  Every  thing  conspired  to 
fulfill  the  views  asserted  by  Mr.  Johnson,  and  as  a  conse 
quence  to  reinstate  him  in  the  confidence  of  the  masses. 
The  election  came  off,  and  he  was  again  returned  to  the 
Legislature.  The  reputation  for  sagacity  and  integrity  then 
acquired  in  the  community,  and  acknowledged  by  his  re-elec 
tion,  has  never  since  suffered  any  diminution  in  the  State 
which  has  yielded  him  all  the  honors  in  her  power. 

In  the  famous  Presidential  campaign  between  Harrison 
and  Van  Buren,  in  1840,  Mr.  Johnson's  earnest  power  as  a 
speaker  recommended  him  as  equal  to  the  task  of  canvassing 
Eastern  Tennessee  in  favor  of  the  Democratic  candidate. 
He  served  as  Presidential  Elector  at  Large,  and  met  "  on  the 
stump"  the  leading  Whig  orators  of  the  day,  among  whom 
were  the  Hons.  E.  H.  Foster  and  John  Bell ;  one  of  whom, 
at  least,  he  subsequently  met  upon  a  greater  and  more  ele 
vated  field,  and  before  a  more  widely  representative,  even 
if  smaller  audience. 

In  the  following  year  Hawkins  and  Green  counties  sent 
him  to  the  State  Senate  by  a  majority  of  two  thousand,  and 
he  signalized  his  term  by  the  introduction  of  judicious  meas 
ures  for  internal  improvements  in  the  eastern  division  of  the 
State.  That  these  met  the  approval  of  the  people  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that,  in  1843,  they  desired  his  services  on  a 
broader  field,  and  nominated  him  for  Congress  from  the 
First  District,  which  embraced  seven  counties.  His  antago 
nist  was  a  United  States  Bank  Democrat,  a  man  of  eloquence 
and  capacity,  Colonel  John  A.  Asken.  Johnson  was  elected, 
and  taking  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  in 
Washington,  December,  1843,  continued,  by  subsequent 
re-elections,  to  represent  his  district  for  ten  years,  during 
which  period  he  distinguished  himself  in  support  of  the  bill 
refunding  the  fine  imposed  on  General  Jackson  ;  the  annex 
ation  of  Texas  ;  the  war  measures  of  Folk's  administration  ; 


30  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

and  as  an  untiring,  able  and  conscientious  advocate  of  tlio 
Homestead  bill.  But  this  period  cannot  be  passed  over 
without  some  allusion  to  the  details. 

Mr.  Johnson  made  his  debut  in  the  Twenty-eighth  Con 
gress  as  the  defender  of  "  Old  Hickory,"  advocating,  in  a 
brief  but  forcible  argument,  the  restoration  of  the  fine  im 
posed  upon  General  Jackson  for  having  placed  New  Orleans 
under  martial  law  in  1814.  He  followed  this  up  by  a  reply 
to  John  Quincy  Adams  on  the  right  of  petition,  which  was 
characterized  as  a  highly  creditable  effort ;  and  by  an  argu 
ment  on  the  Tariff,  in  which  he  declared  it  was  a  departure 
from  the  principles  of  equity  to  tax  the  many  for  the  benefit 
of  the  few,  under  the  plea  of  protecting  American  labor,  as 
was  done  by  the  Tariff  of  1842.  He  insisted  upon  it,  that, 
while  Congress  was  consulting  the  interests  of  the  manu 
facturer,  it  had  no  right  to  forget  or  neglect  those  of  the 
agriculturalist,  as  high-protectionists  were  notoriously  too 
apt  to  do,  and  replied  to  Mr.  Andrew  Stewart  of  Pennsyl 
vania  by  a  series  of  circumstantial  details  showing  that,  so 
far  as  protection  applies  to  protecting  mechanics  proper, 
there  is  no  reality  in  it ;  for,  if  all  are  protected  alike,  the 
protection  paralyzes  itself  and  results  in  no  protection  at 
all.  "  Protection  operates,"  said  he,  "  beneficially  to  none, 
except  those  who  can  manufacture  in  large  qualities,  and 
vend  their  manufactured  articles  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
immediate  manufacturing  sphere." 

This  subject  of  the  Tariff  was,  at  one  period,  of  as  deep 
interest  and  created  as  profound  an  excitement  as  any 
of  the  great  questions — excepting  slavery — which  have  agi 
tated  Congress  and  the  people.  Time,  experience,  and  of 
late,  irresistible  necessities  have  softened  the  asperities  of  its 
political  aspect.  Upon  this  ever-important  topic,  Mr.  John 
son  took  a  strong  position  at  an  early  day.  His  view,  like 
all  he  holds,  indicates  as  well  as  embraces  the  forms  of 
popular  philosophy  which  make  the  bulwark  of  popular 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  31 

rights.  These  views  cannot  be  said  to  be  political,  but  just. 
For  this  reason,  and  owing  to  his  unvarying  maintenance  of 
them,  in  conjunction  with  other  distinguished  co-laborers, 
they  have  become  interwoven  witli  almost  every  interest 
irrespective  of  party  shackles  or  the  chimerical  exigencies 
of  sectional  divisions.  Retrenchment  and  reform  is  the 
basis  of  his  financial  philosophy  ;  and  he  feelingly,  though  in 
vigorous  phrases,  reflects  the  wants  and  wishes  of  the  popu 
lar  heart,  while  expressing  the  earnest  desires  of  his  own. 
Opposing  the  Tariff  of  1842,  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  he  said  : 

"  At  the  head  of  the  taxing  power  stands  the  General  Government. 

"  It  taxes  almost  every  thing  we  eat,  drink,  wear  and  use.  ...... 

"  These  taxes,  and  almost  numberless  others,  are  imposed  on  us 
through  an  instrumentality  of  a  tariff  of  duties  on  imported  products 
Lnd  merchandise.  The  whole  amount  paid,  however,  does  not  go 
into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  The  tariff  of  duties  increase 
not  only  the  price  of  imported  articles,  but  of  articles  of  a  similar 
kind  manufactured  or  produced  within  our  own  country  ;  and  while 
the  Government  obtains  revenue  on  imported  articles,  the  favored 
manufacturer  and  producer  obtains  an  equal  revenue  upon  their 
fabrics  and  products.  It  is  in  effect  a  partnership  with  them  and 
the  Government  to  get  money  out  of  the  people. 

"  The  time  has  now  arrived  when  the  people,  the  laboring  people 
of  the  country,  must  inquire  into  these  things  more  minutely  than 
they  have  heretofore ;  the  expenses  of  the  Government  must  be  re 
duced  ;  the  people  must  be  relieved  from  their  burdens ;  retrench 
ment  and  reform  must  be  begun  in  good  earnest.  I,  for  one,  though 
the  humblest  of  the  people's  representatives,  will  be  found  voting 
against  and  speaking  against  this  oppressive  and  nefarious  system  of 
plundering  the  great  mass  of  the  people  for  the  benefit  of  the  few.  " 

At  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty-eighth  Congress, 
Mr.  Johnson  warmly  co-operated  with  the  friends  of  Texan 
annexation,  and  on  the  21st  of  January.  1845,  delivered  an 
able  speech  on  the  subject.  In  advocating  the  admission  of 
that  Republic  into  the  Union,  he  gave  many  and  strong 
reasons,  some  of  which  have  equal  point  and  pith  in  the 
present  state  of  affairs,  as  to  the  cause  and  period  which 


32  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

originally  suggested  them.  The  annexation  would  give  the 
Union  all  the  valuable  cotton  soil,  or  nearly  so,  upon  the 
habitable  globe.  Cotton  was  destined  to  clothe  more  human 
beings  than  any  other  article  that  had  ever  been  discovered. 
The  factories  of  England  would  be  compelled  to  stand  still, 
were  it  not  for  cotton.  Without  it,  her  operatives  would 
starve  in  the  street,  and  if  this  Government  had  the  com 
mand  of  the  raw  material,  it  was  the  same  as  "  putting 
Great  Britain  under  bonds  to  keep  the  peace  for  all  time 
to  come." 

Dwelling  on  this  point,  he  said  : 

"  The  raw  material  cotton  she  must  hare,  and  must  be  dependent 
upon  the  United  States  for  it.  By  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the 
Union,  it  would  give  this  Government  the  command  of  the  Gulf 
Stream,  extending  protection  and  security  to  the  commerce  of  the 
great  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  Time  would  not  permit  him  to 
point  out  the  many  advantages,  both  of  a  domestic  and  national 
character,  that  would  flow  from  the  consummation  of  so  grand  an 
object.  The  stream  of  wealth  that  would  flow  from  the  silver  mines 
of  Mexico ;  the  peculiar  fitness  and  adaptation  of  the  climate  and 
soil  to  the  production  of  cotton,  sugar  and  rice,  and  the  higher  and 
more  northern  portion  to  the  growing  of  stock  and  grain." 

While  depicting  the  inducements  for  the  admission  of 
Texas,  Mr.  Johnson  gave  utterance  to  the  following  remark 
able  passage  in  showing  the  profitable  employment  it  would 
give  to  slave  labor  : 

"  Thereby  enabling  the  master  to  clothe  and  feed  that  portion  of 
our  population,  softening  and  alleviating  their  condition,  and  in  the 
end,  when  it  shall  please  Him  who  works  out  all  great  events  by 
general  laws,  prove  to  be  the  gateway  out  of  which  the  sable  sons 
of  Africa  are  to  pass  from  bondage  to  freedom ;  where  they  can  be 
come  merged  in  a  population  congenial  with  themselves,  who  know 
and  feel  no  distinction  in  consequence  of  the  various  hues  of  skin 
or  crosses  of  blood." 

He  pictured  the  Texans  as  having  gone  out  from  their 
mother  country  like  the  twelve  spies  of  olden  times,  and  as 
having  succeeded  in  exploring  and  possessing  themselves  of 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  33 

the  remaining  portion  of  the  domain,  destined  by  God  for  his 
American  Israel.  The  great  object  accomplished,  they  re 
turned,  not  as  prodigals  whose  -estates  had  been  wasted,  or 
with  even  specimens  of  the  production  of  their  delightful 
acquisitions,  but  with  the  country  itself.  "  This  country," 
said  he,  "  they  are  willing  to  lay  down  at  our  feet.  Will 
we  refuse  them  admission  into  the  family  of  States  ?  They 
are  our  kindred  and  our  blood  !  our  brothers  and  our  sis 
ters  !  Have  they  not  proved  themselves  worthy  of  being 
associated  with  their  own  noble  race  ?"  For  himself  he 
was  willing  when  he  took  "  a  glance  at  the  historic 
page  giving  an  account  of  their  rise  and  progress ;  the 
privations  they  had  undergone  ;  the  money  and  toil  they 
expended  ;  the  valor  and  patriotism  they  had  displayed 
in  the  hour  of  danger  ;  the  magnanimity  and  forbearance 
in  the  hour  of  triumph  over  a  captive  foe,  whose  garments 
were  red  with  their  brother's  blood  ;  the  battles  they  had 
fought  and  the  fields  of  carnage  through  which  they  have 
passed ;  the  brilliant  and  unexampled  victories  they  have 
won  on  their  grand  and  glorious  march  to  freedom  and  in 
dependence,  to  extend  to  them  the  right  hand  of  fellowship, 
and  to  welcome  them  into  our  glorious  sisterhood  of  States." 

In  the  course  of  the  exciting  debate  upon  the  Texas 
question,  Mr.  Clingman  of  North  Carolina  intimated  that 
British  gold  had  been  used  to  carry  the  election  of  Polk. 
Mr.  Johnson  denounced  the  suggestion  as  a  vile  slander, 
without  the  shadow  of  a  foundation,  and  called  on  the 
gentleman  from  North  Carolina  for  his  proof,  relying  on 
the  fact,  that  if  there  were  no  authority  for  the  assertion, 
it  was  a  slander.  In  the  course  of  Mr.  Clingman's  remarks, 
he  said  that,  "  had  the  foreign  Catholics  been  divided  in 
the  late  election,  as  other  sects  and  classes  generally  were, 
Mr.  Clay  would  have  carried,  by  a  large  majority,  the  State 
of  New  York,  as  also  the  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Louisiana, 
and  probably  some  others  in  the  Northwest."  There  were 
3 


34  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

but  few  Catholics  in  Mr.  Johnson's  district,  and  lie  was  not 
called  upon  to  do  battle  with  the  prejudices  that  might  or 
did  exist  against  them ;  but  lie  protested  against  the  doc 
trine  advanced  by  the  Representative  from  North  Carolina. 
He  wished  to  know  if  Clingman  desired  to  arouse  a  spirit 
of  persecution  ;  to  sweep  away  or  divide  all  those  who 
dared  to  differ  from  the  Whig  party  ;  and  in  the  course 
of  the  speech  alluded  to,  delivered  the  following  broad 
and  truly  republican  doctrine,  based  on  a  complete  appre 
ciation  of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  extended  by  the  Con 
stitution  to  all  children,  native  or  adopted,  of  the  Republic  : 

"  The  Catholics  of  this  country  had  the  right  secured  to  them  by 
the  Constitution  of  worshiping  the  God  of  their  fathers  in  the 
manner  dictated  by  their  own  consciences.  They  sat  down  under 
their  own  vine  and  fig  tree,  and  no  man  could  interfere  with  them. 
This  country  was  not  prepared  to  establish  an  inquisition  to  try  and 
punish  men  for  their  religious  belief;  and  those  who  assailed  any 
religious  sect  in  this  country  would  find  a  majority  of  the  people 
arrayed  against  them.  He  said  he  desired  to  know — aye,  he  demanded 
to  know,  of  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina,  what  he  meant  by  the 
employment  of  the  language  just  read  from  his  speech  ?  Does  the 
gentleman  mean  that  there  is  to  be  a  spirit  of  persecution  aroused 
which  is  to  '  sicecp  away '  any  one  of  the  numerous  religious  denom 
inations  that  now  prevail  in  this  country  ?  Is  the  guillotine  to  be 
erected  in  this  republican  form  of  government,  and  all  who  differ  in 
opinion  with  the  Whig  party  brought  to  the  block  ?  Is  then  a  cru 
sade  to  be  commenced  against  the  Church  to  satiate  disappointed 
party  vengeance  ?  Are  the  persecutions  of  olden  times  to  be  revived  ? 
Are  the  ten  thousand  temples  that  have  been  erected,  based  upon  the 
sufferings  and  atonement  of  a  crucified  Saviour,  with  their  glittering 
spires  wasting  themselves  in  the  very  heavens,  all  to  topple  and  fall, 
crushed  and  buried  beneath  the  ravings  of  party  excitement  ?  Is 
man  to  be  set  upon  man,  and  in  the  name  of  God  lift  his  hand 
against  the  throat  of  his  fellow  ?  Is  the  land  that  gave  a  brother 
birth  to  be  watered  by  a  brother's  blood  ?  Are  the  bloodhounds  of 
persecution  and  proscription  to  be  let  loose  upon  foreigners  and 
Catholics,  because  some  of  them  have  acted  with  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  recent  contest  ?  Are  the  fires  of  heaven  that  have  been 
lighted  up  by  the  cross,  and  now  burn  upon  so  many  altars  conse 
crated  to  the  true  and  living  God,  to  be  quenched  in  the  blood  of 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  35 

their  innocent  and  defenceless  worshipers,  and  the  gutters  of  our 
streets  made  to  flow  with  human  gore  ?  This  is  but  a  faint  reality 
of  what  is  shadowed  forth  in  the  gentleman's  speech,  but  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  the  country  how  ignorant  he  was  of  the  facts, 
and  how  reckless  he  was  in  bold  statement,  he  would  read  from  a 
pamphlet  he  held  in  his  hand,  which  was  written  by  a  Whig  in  the 
city  of  Nashville,  Tenn.,  and  dedicated  to  the  Hon.  John  Bell : 

"  '  I  am  a  member  of  a  Protestant  church  and  a  citizen  of  Nash 
ville,  where  there  are  but  few  Catholics,  and  where  the  citizens  gene 
rally  are  somewhat  prejudiced  against  them ;  I  could,  if  I  wished, 
with  impunity  speak  derogatory  of  this  sect.  But  let  justice  be 
done,  though  the  heavens  should  fall.  From  whence  or  how  was 
obtained  the  idea  that  Catholicism  is  hostile  to  liberty,  political  or 
religious  ?  During  the  Reformation,  the  great  mother  of  revolutions, 
when  the  foundations  of  powers  and  principalities  were  upheaved 
as  by  the  eruptions  of  a  volcano,  did  net  the  demon  of  persecu 
tion  rage  as  fiercely  among  the  Protestant  sects  as  among  the 
Catholics  ?  Did  not  the  Calvinists,  Lutherans,  and  Amrinians  oft 
airay  themselves  against  each  other  ?  Did  not  the  Protestants  pre 
vious  to  the  revolution  in  Great  Britain  persecute  with  dire  vengeance 
each  other  ?  and  have  they  not  done  so  in  Germany,  France,  and 
many  other  European  powers,  since?  During  our  colonial  state, 
when  Protestants,  Puritans  and  Quakers  were  disfranchising  and 
waging  a  relentless  war  of  persecution  against  each  other  through 
Pennsylvania  and  the  New  England  colonies,  did  not  Catholic  Mary 
land  open  her  free  bosom  to  all,  and  declare  in  her  domain  that  no 
man  or  sect  should  be  persecuted  for  opinion's  sake  ?  And  was  she 
not  from  this  fact  the  sanctuary  of  the  oppressed  and  persecuted, 
not  only  of  America  but  of  Europe  ?  And  when  the  storm-cloud 
of  a  seven  years'  revolution  burst  with  all  its  destructive  wrath,  were 
not  Catholics  seen  fighting  in  the  vans  of  our  armies,  and  mingling 
their  torrents  of  blood  with  those  of  Protestants  in  defence  of  Arner£ 
can  liberty  and  independence  ?  Was  there  an  ocean,  a  bay,  or  a 
stream,  not  impurpled  by  their  blood  ?  Was  there  a  hill  or  a  plain 
not  whitened  by  their  bones  ?  And  is  Catholicism  a  foe  to  liberty  ? 
Is  Ireland's  Catholic  isle  the  nursery  of  slaves,  though  her  evergreen 
shamrock  no  longer  wreathed  the  brows  of  her  warriors,  though  her 
palaces  are  in  ruins,  her  cities  in  tears,  her  people  in  chains  ?  No  ! 
thou  didst  never  cradle  a  slave ;  and  thy  innocent  convulsions  are 
but  the  struggling  throes  of  that  unextinguished  spirit  of  liberty 
which  shall  yet  burst  forth  with  irresistible  impetuosity,  and  shake 
haughty  England  to  her  very  anchor,  though  deep  down  in  the  main ! 
Was  Catholic  Poland  the  birthplace  of  slaves  ?  Go  ask  Cracow  and 


36  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Warsaw  when  they  last  beheld,  against  combined  Eussia,  Austria 
and  Prussia,  in  deatli  arrayed,  their  patriot  bands — few  but  undis 
mayed  ;  or  ask  Freedom,  too,  as  said  the  bard,  Did  she  not  shriek 
when  Poland  under  Madalinski  and  Kosciusko  fell  ?  Were  Lafayette, 
Pulaski,  McNeill,  De  Kalb  and  O'Brien  foes  to  liberty  ?  Was  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrollton,  the  last  survivor  of  the  signers  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  a  fiiend  of  despotism  ?  Was  Thomas  Fitz- 
simmons,  one  of  the  immortal  Revolutionary  fathers  that  framed  the 
Constitution,  a  foe  to  liberty  ?  Have  we  forgotten  what  Washing 
ton,  the  great  father  of  his  country,  said  of  the  Catholics  ?  He  said : 
"  I  hope  ever  to  see  America  foremost  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  in  examples  of  justice  and  liberality ;  and  I  presume  my  fel 
low-citizens  will  never  forget  the  patriotic  part  which  Catholics  took 
in  the  accomplishment  of  their  revolution  and  the  establishment  of 
their  government,  or  the  important  assistance  which  they  received 
from  France,  in  which  the  Catholic  religion  is  professed  !"  ' 

During  this  session,  one  of  the  Ohio  delegation  having 
alluded  to  General  Jackson  in  an  uncalled-for  manner,  Mr. 
Johnson  gallantly  defended  the  character  of  Jackson,  then 
living  in  retirement  in  the  forests  of  Tennessee,  from  the 
unkind  allusions,  which  seemed  to  him  strange,  coming  from 
the  quarter  whence  they  had  emanated. 

Thus  have  we  seen  the  poor  orphan-boy  struggling 
through  vicissitudes,  the  romance  of  which,  when  viewed 
from  the  stand-point  of  ultimate  success,  almost  dispels 
their  gloomier  aspects.  We  have  seen  the  triumph  of  his 
manly  honesty,  of  his  manual  industry,  and  of  his  mental 
energy.  We  have  seen  him  fill  all  the  municipal  and  legisla 
tive  offices  in  the  gift  of  his  townsmen  and  fellow-citizens 
within  the  State  of  Tennessee ;  and  we  have  seen  him 
representing  his  State  in  the  national  Congress  of  the 
Republic,  taking  his  stand  boldly,  broadly  and  honorably 
on  the  most  important  questions  of  the  time ;  vindicating 
the  choice  of  those  who  sent  him,  and  already  accorded,  in 
his  first  Congressional  term,  rank  as  a  rising  man — a  notable 
man,  one  who  had  opinions,  and  a  fervid  method  of  express 
ing  them. 


CHAPTER    III. 

1845  TO  1857. 

TWENTY-NINTH  Congress  — Contention  between  England  and  the  United  States 
—  The  Oregon  Boundary  —  How  the  Discussion  was  Adjusted  —  Polk  and 
Pakenham  —  Mr.  Johnson's  Position  —  Taxes  —  Opposes  Internal  Improve 
ments  of  Local  Nature  and  Indiscriminate  Expenditure  —  The  States  and 
the  Federal  Government  —  The  War  with  Mexico;  was  it  "Unholy?"  — 
The  Veto  Power  —  His  Congressional  Career  — Plan  to  Defeat  him  — 
Elected  Governor  of  Tennessee  —  Speech  against  "Know-Nothingism  " — 
Re-elected  Governor  —  The  Canvass  —  Anecdotes  of  his  Personal  Courage 
—  Elected  United  States  Senator. 

MR.  JOHNSON  was  re-elected  to  the  national  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  summer  of  1845. 

The  Twenty-ninth  Congress  was  for  many  reasons  one  of 
the  most  important  in  the  political  history  of  the  country 
up  to  that  period.  A  bitter  contention  existed  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  the  line  which 
divided  the  possessions  of  the  two  Powers  in  Oregon.  Emi 
nent  and  sagacious  statesmen  in  both  countries  predicted 
war.  While  many  political  leaders  in  America  looked 
hopefully  forward  to  any  cause  which  would  breod  a  rup 
ture  with  England,  against  which  the  popular  sentiment  of 
the  Democratic  party  was  settled,  there  were  others  in 
England  who  thought  the  opportunity  favorable  for  striking 
a  blow  at  and  waylaying  the  expanding  pride  and  preten 
sions  of  the  Great  Republic.  England  had  not  entirely 
outgrown  the  humiliation  Deceived  at  the  hands  of  Barney, 
Lawrence,  Macdonough,  Perry,  Reid,  and  others,  on  sea  ; 
and  from  Scott,  Wool,  and  their  comrades,  on  land ;  and 

(37) 


38  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

which  culminated  in  Andrew  Jackson's  brilliant  and  crush 
ing  operations  at  New  Orleans.  Irritating  causes  of  dissen 
sion,  of  greater  or  less  magnitude,  had  "been  increasing 
between  the  Governments  and  people  for  several  years ; 
and  an  open  rupture  was  an  event  which,  on  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic,  was  regarded  as  not  only  imminent,  but  as 
scarcely  possible  of  postponement  for  any  length  of  time. 
The  Oregon  Boundary  was  looked  upon  as  the  approaching 
opportunity  to  wipe  out  old  scores  on  both  sides. 

Mr.  Johnson  took  a  decided  stand  in  support  of  our 
right  to  the  line  of  54°  407,  but  at  the  same  time,  lie  then, 
and  ever,  insisted  that  the  real  contest  was  for  the  territory 
between  46°  and  49°,  as  that  embraced  the  Columbia  Elver, 
which  Great  Britain  was  anxious  to  acquire  on  account  of 
the  invaluable  advantages  it  afforded  for  both  military  and 
commercial  purposes.  Tyler's  Administration,  through  Daniel 
Webster,  then  Secretary  of  State,  had  offered  to  adjust  the 
difficulty  on  the  line  of  49°  ;  and  the  Polk  Administration, 
in  the  words  of  its  first  protocol  to  Mr.  Pakenham,  the 
British  Minister,  "  had  determined  to  pursue  the  present 
negotiation  to  its  conclusion  upon  the  principle  of  compro 
mise  in  which  it  was  commenced,  and  to  make  one  more 
effort  to  adjust  this  long-standing  controversy."  Although 
"  54°  40',  or  fight,"  had  been  a  potent  rallying  election  cry, 
still,  in  the  position  of  affairs,  it  was  a  matter  of  national 
courtesy  and  self-respect  that  President  Polk  should  renew 
the  proposition  of  his  predecessor.  The  British  Minister, 
however,  declined  the  offer  without  consulting  his  Govern 
ment.  The  President  then  directed  the  withdrawal  of  the 
offer,  declaring,  through  the  Secretary  of  State  (Mr.  Bu 
chanan),  that  such  a  proposition  would  never  have  been  made 
had  the  question  been  a  new  one  and  not  a  pending  nego 
tiation.  But  the  British  Government  quickly  rebuked  its 
Minister's  haste,  and  made  an  offer  of  adjustment  on  the 
very  line  rejected  by  Mr.  Pakenham,  declaring  it,  at  the  same 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  39 

time,  as  its  ultimatum.  Here  was  a  turning  of  diplomatic 
tables.  It  was  not  in  accordance  with  Folk's  views  to 
accept  it;  and  yet,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  its  rejection 
would  have  appeared  simply  as  a  willful  and  wanton  desire 
for  war.  It  was  accepted.  To  pursue  a  different  course 
would,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Johnson,  be  abandoning  the 
substance  and  running  after  the  shadow ;  he  therefore, 
firmly  and  frequently,  sustained  President  Polk  in  his  settle 
ment  of  the  question. 

In  this  session  Mr.  Johnson  denounced  as  oppressive  the 
proposed  contingent  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  tea  and  coffee, 
laying  it  down  as  a  fundamental  principle  that  the  expenses 
of  Government,  especially  those  incurred  in  time  of  war, 
should  be  defrayed  by  those  who  enjoyed  the  largest  share 
of  its  protection.  He  thought  it  a  great  injustice  that  the 
poor  man  should  not  only  shed  his  blood  in  defense  of  the 
rights  and  honor  of  his  country,  but  also  be  overburdened 
with  taxes.  Having  aided  in  demolishing  the  proposed  tax, 
he  introduced  and  carried  through  a  bill  providing  a  tax  to 
a  certain  amount  of  per  centage  upon  all  bank,  State  and 
Government  stock,  and  other  capital.  He  also,  in  the 
debate  on  the  River  and  Harbor  Improvement  bill,  took 
general  grounds  against  the  insane  policy  of  expending  the 
public  money  on  internal  improvements  not  in  their  charac 
ter  national  but  entirely  local.  In  this  speech  Mr.  John 
son  portrayed  with  a  masterly  hand  the  evil  consequences 
which  would  flow  from  such  an  indiscriminate  expenditure  ; 
and  demonstrated  that  national  bankruptcy,  crime  and 
peculation  must  follow  in  the  train  of  such  legislation.  He 
proceeded  to  show  that  it  would  break  down  the  rights  of 
the  States,  and  ultimately  terminate  in  a  great  central 
power,  too  weak  and  too  corrupt  to  meet  any  of  the  legiti 
mate  objects  of  the  Government.  "  Let  the  States  thus 
become  dependent/'  said  he,  "  on  the  Federal  Government, 
and  the  sovereignties  of  which  this  glorious  Union  is  com- 


40  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

posed  will  ere  long  sink  into  petty  corporations — the  cring 
ing  footstools  of  the  Federal  Power,  the  mendicant  recipi 
ents  of  the  bounties  of  the  Federal  Government ;  and  this 
Federal  Government  itself  will  become  a  great  consolidated 
Power,  around  which  the  States  will  revolve  as  mere  satel 
lites  ;  receiving  from  its  scorching  rays  their  light,  heat 
and  motion.  Are  we  prepared  for  such  a  state  of  things? 
Is  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  I  ask,  ready  to  adopt 
a  system  which  will  inevitably  bring  along  with  it  such  a 
crushing  calamity,  such  overwhelming  and  disastrous  ruin  ?" 

In  the  second  session  Mr.  Johnson  supported  with  great 
ability  the  raising  of  men  and  money  for  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  with  Mexico.  On  the  bill  providing  for  the  levy 
ing  of  an  additional  military  force  to  sustain  it  he  declared 
his  position,  and  unfalteringly  maintained  it  during  the  fierce 
and  bitter  conflicts  that  agitated  both  Congress  and  the 
nation,  until  the  news  of  victory  after  victory  crowned  our 
arms  with  glory  and  created  a  popular  enthusiasm  which 
was  speedily  taken  advantage  of  by  the  politicians.  In  a 
most  forcible  and  eloquent  speech,  made  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  1847,  he  took  occasion  to  severely  rebuke 
the  large  party  then  in  Congress,  who  were  denouncing  the 
war  as  "  unconstitutional,  unholy  and  damnable."  He  pointed 
out  their  incessant  opposition  to  the  war.  On  the  one  hand 
they  voted  men  and  money  to  carry  it  on  ;  while  on  the 
other,  they  denounced  it  as  "  unjust"  and  "  unholy,"  thereby 
encouraging  the  enemy  to  protract  it,  for  no  other  purpose 
than,  in  their  own  language,  of  welcoming  our  heroic  country 
men  "with  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves."  In  this 
memorable  speech  he  said  : 

"  If  the  war  is  in  violation  of  the  Constitution  it  cannot  be  re 
paired  by  widening  the  breach.  If  it  is  damnable  it  can  never  be 
made  honorable.  If  it  is  unholy  it  can  never  be  made  righteous. 
There  is  but  one  true  position  to  take  upon  this  question  in  sound 
morals.  If  the  nation  is  wrong  and  has  inflicted  injury  on  Mexico^ 
as  an  honorable  people  and  Christian  nation  we  are  bound  to  with- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  41 

draw  our  troops  and  indemnify  Mexico  for  all  the  injury  we  have 
done.  If  this  war  is  such  an  one  as  it  is  represented  to  be,  what  an 
awful  end  for  our  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  fallen  in  such  a 
contest.  He  that  has  the  proper  standard  of  morals  set  up  in  his 
mind,  must  be  horror-struck  at  the  very  contemplation.  To  think 
of  men  going  from  time  to  eternity  as  a  mere  miserable  set  of  pirates  ! 
What  an  awful  reflection  this  must  be  in  the  hour  of  death  !  To  die 
though,  as  Captain  Taggart  of  Indiana  died  upon  the  plains  of  Buena 
Vista,  is  inspiring  to  the  patriot  and  Christian.  In  that  bloody  and 
fearful  conflict,  after  being  stricken  down,  weltering  in  his  blood 
beneath  the  gory  crimson  spear,  when  in  the  very  last  throes  of  death, 
he  rises  upon  his  side  and  unbuckles  his  sword  that  he  had  so  gal 
lantly  wielded  in  his  country's  rights,  hands  it  to  his  companions, 
and  with  his  eyes  fixed  upon  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  dying  words 
of  his  lips  are,  '  Take  this,  I  can  use  it  no  longer  !  Press  on  !  Our 
cause  is  just  and  victory  will  ere  long  perch  upon  our  country's 
standard.'  What  a  striking  contrast  is  this,  and  in  what  a  short 
time  were  his  predictions  fulfilled  1 

"  Conviction  forces  itself  upon  my  mind  that  this  war  was  just, 
or  it  never  could  have  been  crowned  with  such  unparalleled  success. 
Our  country  must  have  been  in  the  right  or  the  God  of  battles  would 
sometimes  have  been  against  us.  Mexico  must  have  been  in  the 
wrong — she  is  a  doomed  nation !  The  right  red  arm  of  an  angry 
God  has  been  suspended  over  her,  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  has 
been  selected  as  the  rod  of  her  retribution." 

On  the  27th  of  January,  1847,  Mr.  Johnson  introduced  a 
resolution,  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  mak 
ing  certain  inquiries  regarding  the  fund  bequeathed  by 
James  Smithson  to  the  United  States,  and  closing  the  reso 
lution  by  requesting  the  Secretary— 

"  To  make  suggestions  in  relation  to  retrenching  the  expenditures 
of  the  Government  in  any  or  all  of  the  departments,  and  particularly 
in  relation  to  the  reduction  of  salaries  of  officers,  when  the  salary  is 
over  one  thousand  dollars  per  annum  ;  and  that  he  further  report  to 
this  House  his  opinion  of  the  propriety  and  practicability  of  levying 
and  collecting  an  ad  valorem  tax  of  twenty  per  cent.,  or  any  othe'r 
rate  that  may  be  assumed,  on  gold  and  silver  plate,  gold  watches, 
jewelry,  pleasure  carriages,  etc.,  and  the  probable  amount  of  revenue 
which  may  be  raised  from  the  same.  He  will  further  make  any  sug- 


42  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

gestions  where,  in  his  opinion,  the  pruning-knife  of  retrenchment 
can  be  applied  with  safety  and  propriety  at  this  time." 

Mr.  Johnson  was  re-elected  to  Congress  (the  Thirtieth) 
by  an  overwhelming  majority  this  year. 

Among  his  efforts  of  this  period  is  one  which,  apart  from 
its  political  bearing,  has  a  peculiar  interest.  It  is  an  argu 
ment  in  favor  of  the  Veto  power.*  He  gave  an  historical 
outline  of  the  veto  power,  which  runs  back  to  the  times  of 
the  Roman  Republic  ;  the  tribunes  of  the  people  having  had 
the  right  to  approve  or  disapprove  any  law  passed  by  the 
Senate,  inscribing  upon  the  parchment,  in  case  they  resolved 
to  adopt  the  latter  alternative,  the  word  "  veto."  He  traced 
this  power,  through  the  various  stages  of  its  progress,  from 
the  days  of  Augustus,  and  showed  that  since  the  establish 
ment  of  this  Government  to  the  time  at  which  he  spoke,  the 
veto  power  had  been  exercised  twenty-five  times,  thus :  by 
Washington,  twice  ;  by  Madison,  six  times  ;  by  Monroe, 
once ;  by  Jackson,  nine  times  ;  by  Tyler,  four  times  ;  by 
Polk,  thrice." 

"  It  will  be  seen,"  said  Mr.  Johnson,  "  from  the  origin  of  the  Gov 
ernment  to  the  present  time,  this  power  has  been  exercised  twenty- 
five  times.  The  whole  number  of  laws  passed  from  the  organization 
of  the  Government  and  approved  is  about  seven  thousand,  which 
would  make  one  veto  to  every  two  hundred  and  eighty — a  very  small 
proportion  ;  and  I  think  I  may  appeal  with  confidence  to  all  those 
who  are  conversant  with  legislation  here,  whether  it  would  not  have 
been  better  for  the  people  and  the  country  if  five  thousand  out  of 
the  seven  thousand  had  been  vetoed.  I  have  been  thus  particular  in 
giving  the  origin  and  exercise  of  the  veto  power,  to  prove  that  when 
ever  it  has  been  exercised  in  compliance  with  the  popular  will  by  a 
tribune  or  president,  or  any  other  name  you  may  think  proper  to 
call  him,  so  that  he  is  immediately  responsible  to  the  people,  it  ope- 
ateswell." 

Again  he  said  : 

"  The  veto,  as  exercised  by  the  Executive,  is  conservative,  and 
enables  the  people  through  their  tribunician  officer,  the  President,  to 
*  August  2,  1848. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  43 

arrest  01  suspend  for  the  time  being  unconstitutional,  hasty  and  im 
provident  legislation,  until  the  people,  the  sovereigns  in  this  country, 
have  time  and  opportunity  to  consider  of  its  propriety." 

This  speecli  supplied  the  Democratic  Review  for  the  Jan 
uary  following  with  the  basis  for  an  interesting  article. 

True  to  the  welfare  of  the  people  from  whom  he  sprung, 
Mr.  Johnson  was  the  prime  mover  in  Congress  of  the  Home 
stead  bill,  to  give  every  man  who  is  the  head  of  a  family  and 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  a  homestead  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  of  land  out  of  the  public  domain,  upon  the 
condition  that  he  should  occupy  and  cultivate  the  same  for 
five  years.  As  early  as  1846  he  commenced  the  agitation 
of  this  question,  and  lias  been  the  forcible  and  untiring  ad 
vocate  of  it,  not  only  in  the  Capitol,  but  everywhere  and  on 
every  occasion.  In  another  chapter  the  reader  will  have 
an  opportunity  of  comprehending  Mr.  Johnson's  love  for 
and  devoted  labors  in  behalf  of  this  benign,  wise  and  pater 
nal  policy. 

Mr.  Johnson  sat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  for  five 
consecutive  Congresses,  and  while  in  that  position  labored 
as  few  men  have  ever  labored  to  improve  the  condition  of 
the  people.  It  seemed  to  be  his  mission,  as  well  by  the 
example  afforded  by  his  own  life  as  by  his  enlightened  and 
passionately  fervid  advocacy  of  their  cause,  to  make  labor 
respected  and  its  rewards  respectable.  Of  course,  within 
these  ten  years  of  active  service,  a  Southern  Representative 

must  have  had  something  to  say  on  the  Slavery  question 

the  touch-stone  of  all  political  faith— during  a  period  which 
resulted  in  the  Compromise  Measures  of  1850,  and  which 
has  since  led  to  some  of  the  greatest  events  ever  presented 
to  the  genius  of  history  to  record.  Of  Mr.  Johnson's  views 
on  the  Slavery  and  other  questions,  a  consecutive  resume 
will  be  presented  further  on. 

It  was  predicted  when  Johnson  went  to  Washington  that 
his  ultra  notions  would  bury  him  fathoms  deep,  and  that  he 


44  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

would  return  to  Tennessee  only  to  prey  upon  a  broken 
heart.  But,  as  J.  AV.  Forney  said,  "  any  one  who  gazed 
into  his  dark  eyes,  and  perused  his  pale  face,  would  have 
seen  there  an  unquenchable  spirit  and  an  almost  fanatical 
obstinacy  that  spoke  another  language."  Johnson  can  look 
back  on  those  years  of  his  Congressional  career  as  years  of 
noble  and  manly  triumph,  inasmuch  as  they  were  given  to 
the  service  of  his  country  and  humanity. 

The  compliment  paid  by  Sir  James  Mackintosh  to  Lord 
Nugent's*  parliamentary  services,  in  a  letter  to  the  con 
stituents  of  the  latter,  is  singularly  appropriate  to  the  legis 
lative  career  of  Andrew  Johnson,  and  as  equally  true  of 
the  spirit  of  the  people  who  sent  him  to  and  approved  his 
course  in  Congress.  Alluding  to  the  constituents,  Mackin 
tosh  says,  "  They  have  set  the  example  of  a  popular  election, 
exempt  from  disorder  and  expense,  from  the  domineering 
ascendant  of  a  few,  and  from  the  slightest  suspicion  of  cor 
ruption.  Among  them  the  suffrages  of  the  people  have 
neither  been  disturbed,  nor  enslaved,  nor  dishonored.  No 
purse-proud  stranger  can  boast  of  having  bought  their  votes. 
Without  attacking  the  just  influence  of  property,  they  have 
exercised  their  own  judgment  on  public  men :  they  have 

calmly  and  firmly  asserted  its  independence  ; they 

have  deprived  great  wealth  of  that  monopoly  which  it  may 
otherwise  exercise  against  the  most  tried  integrity,  and  the 
most  eminent  capacity  for  public  service." 

Sir  James  Mackintosh  truly  believed  that  an  electoral 
body  can  render  no  greater  benefit  to  the  community  than 
by  an  example  which  recommends  the  most  popular  institu 
tions  of  a  free  government  to  the  approbation  of  all  man 
kind.  The  very  words  used  by  him  in  justification  of  the 
claim  of  Lord  Nugcnt's  constituents,  may  fitly  be  applied  to 
the  American  Representative  as  "  the  advocate  of  a  reduced 
military  force,  of  economy  of  public  expense,  of  liberty  in 

*  Author  of  Memorials  of  John  Hampdcn,  Jus  Party  and  Jus  Times. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  45 

discussing  public  measures,  the  enemy  of  slavery,  the  friend 
of  that  right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of 
their  conscience,  which  the  sincere  follower  of  every  re 
ligious  community  ought  to  consider  as  the  most  valuable 
and  sacred  of  the  rights  of  mankind."  How  true  also  of 
the  instance  before  us,  his  remark  that  "it  is  always  an  ad 
vantage  that  constituents  should  be  familiarly  acquainted 
with  the  ordinary  and  daily  life  of  their  representatives, 
which  throws  the  clearest  light  on  the  true  springs  of  every 
part  of  his  conduct."*  If  these  kind  and  judicious  remarks 
were  true  of  an  English  parliamentarian  and  his  constitu 
ency,  they  are  in  a  still  wider  degree  apposite  to  the  Ten- 
nessean  Representative  and  the  people  who  felt  proud  to 
honor  themselves  in  honoring  him. 

The  same  animus  which  inspired  jealous  politicians  to 
prognosticate  evil  for  Johnson  on  his  advent  in  Congress, 
inspired  an  equal  desire  to  cut  short  his  career  there.  °  But 
the  people  relied  on  their  great  advocate  and  defender. 
Hence  what  could  not  be  done  by  political  tactics  before 
the  eye  of  the  populace,  must  be  done  by  strategy  behind 
their  backs.  Johnson's  Congressional  district  was  therefore 
changed  by  the  opposition  party  in  the  Legislature,  so  as  to 
make  it  overwhelmingly  against  him  and  thus  end  his  public 
career. 

But  the  people  came  forward,  adopted  him  as  their  can 
didate,  and  after  an  exciting  contest  elected  him  in  1853 
Governor  of  Tennessee  over  Gustavus  A.  Henry,  one  of  the 
ablest  Whigs  in  the  State.f  He  delivered  his  Inaugural  on 
the  17th  October  of  the  same  year.  In  this  document  he 
put  forth  what  his  critical  rivals  used  to  call  his  ''ultra 
notions,"  such  as  they  predicted  would  prove  his  ruin  in 

*  Memoir  of  Lord  Nugent. 

t  Appointed  by  Isham  G.  Harris,  the  rebel  Governor  of  Tennessee,  one  of 
commissioners  to  enter  into  and  perfect  a  military  league  with  "the  au 
thorities  of  the  Confederate  States,"  and  recently  a  rebel  Senator  in  the  "  Con- 


46  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Congress  ;  and  it  was  severely  censured,  not  only  by  the 
"  conservative  statesmen  of  this  country,  "but  by  the  aristo 
cratic  press  of  England  and  France."  Democratic  opinion 
here,  and  especially  in  the  great  West,  thought  it  better 
than  almost  any  thing  else  from  Governor  Johnson's  pen.* 

With  the  occasion,  Governor  Johnson's  devotion  to  the 
rights  of  the  people  rose  above  all  sectionalities.     In  1855 
he  made  a  very  able  speech  at  Murfreesboro',  Tenn.,  against 
"  Know-Nothingism  ;"  and,  in  his  own  clear  and  earnest  way, 
turned  the  arguments  by  which  the  persecution  was  sought 
to  be  upheld,  against  the  persecutors  themselves.     In  the 
course  of  this  speech  he  said :  "The  Know-Nothings  were 
opposed  to  the  Catholic  religion  because  it  was  of  foreign 
origin,  and  many  of  its  members  in  this  country  were  for 
eigners  also.     He  said  that  if  it  was  a  valid  objection  to 
tolerating  the  Catholic  religion  in  this  country  because  it 
was  of  foreign  origin,  and  many  of  its  members  were  for 
eigners,  we  would  be  compelled  to  expel  most  of  the  other 
religions  of  the  country  for  the  same  reason.     Who,  lie 
asked,  was  John  Wesley,  and  where   did    the   Methodist 
religion  have  its  origin  ?     It  was  in  Old  England,  and  John 
Wesley  was  an  Englishman.     But,  if  John  Wesley  were 
alive  to-day  and  hero  in   this  country,  Know-Nothingism 
would  drive  him  and  his  religion  back  to  England  whence 
they  came,  because  they  were  foreign.     Who,  he  asked,  was 
John  Calvin,  and  where  did  Calvinism  take  its  rise  ?     Was 
it  not  Geneva?     And  were  Calvin  alive,  this  new  order 
would  send  him  and  his  doctrines  back  whence  they  came. 
Who,  he  asked,  was  Roger  Williams?      And  would  not 
Roger  Williams  and  the  Baptists  share  the  same  fate  ?    And 
so  with  Martin  Luther,  the  great  Reformer ;  he  would  have 
been  subjected  to  the  same  prescriptive  test." 

In  the  new  position  to  which  he  had  been  elevated,  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  exhibited  such  personal  and  official  integrity 

*  See  Western,  Democratic  Review  of  the  period. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  47 

such  impartiality  and  devotion  to  the  people's  interests,  that 
he  was  re-elected  in  1855,  after  an  active  canvass,  over 
Meredith  P.  Gentry,  the  "  Great  Know-Nothing"  and  Whig 
party  leader  in  Tennessee.     Of  this  contest,  and  the  main 
issue,  he  gives  us  a  graphic  sketch  in  a  debate  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  some  three  years  afterward,  with  John  Bell. 
He  said:  "I  canvassed  the  State  from  the  mountains  of 
Johnson  County  to  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs  in  Shelby  County. 
I  was  in  nearly  every  county  in  the  State,  and  well  do  I 
recollect  the  exciting  events  that  took  place  during  that 
canvass.      I  had  a  competitor  who  was  eloquent,  who  is 
known  to  many  members  of  this  House,  who  was  with  me  on 
every  stump  in  the  State.     One  of  the  leading  issues  in  that 
canvass  was  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.     I  pressed  my  com 
petitor,  upon   it  before    every   audience,   and   there   were 
scarcely  ever  such  turn-outs  in  the  State  as  during  that 
canvass.     It  was  one  of  the  main  issues  between  him  and 
me.     I  pressed  him  upon  it  in  every  single  speech  I  made 
in  the  State;   and  he  uniformly  declined  to  take  ground. 
He  was  afraid  to  take  ground  against  it  or  for  it,  as  was 
then  believed,  for  fear  it  would  injure  him  in  the  canvass. 
.....  There  was  no  doubt,  in  fact,  that  he  harmonized 
with  the  Democratic  party  on  that  point,  yet  he  shrank  from 
the  responsibility  with  a  view  of  getting  many  votes  by  tak 
ing  a  non-committal  course.     If  he  had  taken  bold  ground 
against  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  with   the   other  issues 
pending  in  that  canvass,  he  would  have  been  beaten  thou 
sands  and  thousands  throughout  the  State ;  but  from  the 
fact  of  his  taking  a  non-committal  position  on  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  he  was  enabled  to  get  many  votes  which  he 
would  not  have  received  if  he  had  taken  bold  ground  on 
that  question." 

From  a  rival  Tennessean  source  we  also  learn  something 
of  the  force  and  ability  of  Johnson's  competitor.  As  Johi> 
son  tells  us  that  Gentry  would  not  take  ground  on  the 


48  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Kansas  question,  he  doubtless  strove  to  make  "  American 
ism"  his  principal  issue.  Mr.  Bell  tells  us  that  American 
ism  was  the  main  ground  of  contest,  and  that  it  was  just 
such  a  question  as  was  pending  in  the  State  of  Virginia  at 
the  time  Henry  A.  Wise  took  the  field  in  opposition  to  the 
American  party.  "  A  similar  contest  was  going  on  in  Ten 
nessee,  and  that  State  was  counted  on  as  certain  for  the 
Americans  by  a  large  majority.  They  could  tell,  as  they 
said,  and  I  believe  it  is  the  fact,  the  number  they  had  in 
their  councils.  I  think  it  was  upward  of  one  hundred  thou 
sand,  and  no  person  doubted  the  election  of  Colonel  Gentry 
when  lie  became  a  candidate.  Colonel  Gentry,  however, 
with  all  his  powers  of  debate,  and  all  his  eloquence,  had  not 
the  strength  in  that  contest  which  it  might  be  supposed  such 
a  man  would  possess,  and  which  in  previous  political  con 
tests  he  himself  had  possessed."  As  De  Quincey  says,  a 
triumph  is  to  be  measured  by  the  amount  of  antagonism 
to  be  overcome,  and  in  previous  political  contests  Colonel 
Gentry  had  not  encountered  an  Andrew  Johnson. 

Party  politics  and  partisan  warfare  were  almost  synony 
mous  terms  in  the  Southwest  a  few  years  back.  Some  of 
the  most  amusing  as  well  as  most  exciting  stories  are  con 
nected  with  the  political  men  and  struggles  of  that  region. 
Numbers  have  found  their  way  into  print,  and  a  larger  num 
ber  live  in  the  traditions  of  the  people.  In  this  connection 
a  recent  writer  gives  us  some  anecdotes  illustrative  of  the 
nerve  and  personal  bravery  of  the  subject  of  this  Memoir. 

"  At  any  time  during  the  last  fifty  years  a  man  could  hardly  be  a 
Governor  of  Tennessee  without  being  physically  brave;  still  less 
could  he  climb  to  that  position  from  a  tailor's  shop-board.  In  Ten 
nessee  the  passions  of  men  were  hot,  and,  where  arguments  tailed, 
there  were  not  wanting  ruffians  to  threaten  the  pistol  and  the  bowie- 
knife.  All  that  will  be  changed  now ;  but  when  Andrew  Johnson 
was  on  the  stump  there,  he  saw  more  men  with  than  without  pistols 
in  their  breast-pockets,  and  knives  in  their  boots  or  parallel  to  their 
back-bones.  It  was  after  Andrew  Johnson  was  born  that  Andrew 


OF  ANDREW.  JVHNSON.  49 

Jackson  had  his  bloody  affray  with  Thomas  H.  Benton  in  a  public 
place  of  Nashville. 

"  When  we  were  at  Nashville,  seven  years  ago,  anecdotes  of  the 
coolness  and  courage  of  Governor  Johnson  were  among  the  current 
coin  of  conversation.  One  gentleman,  a  political  opponent  of  the 
Governor,  an  eye-witness  of  the  occusrence,  told  us  that  a  placard 
was  posted  in  the  town  one  morning  announcing,  in  the  well-known 
language  of  old  Tennessee,  that  Andy  Johnson  was  to  be  shot  '  on 
sight.'  Friends  of  the  Governor  assembled  at  his  house,  desirous  to 
form  a  body-guard  to  escort  him  to  the  State  House.  '  No,'  said  he  ; 
'  gentlemen,  if  I  am  to  be  shot  at,  I  want  no  man  to  be  in  the  way 
of  the  bullet.'  He  walked  alone,  and  with  his  usual  deliberation 
through  the  streets  to  his  official  apartments  on  Capitol  Hill." 

Another  eye-witness  related  a  similar  story.  Johnson  was 
announced  to  speak  on  one  of  the  exciting  questions  of  the 
day  ;  and  loud  threats  were  uttered  that,  if  he  dared  to  ap 
pear,  he  should  not  leave  the  hall  alive.  At  the  appointed 
hour  he  ascended  to  the  platform,  and,  advancing  to  the 
desk,  laid  his  pistol  upon  it.  He  then  addressed  the  audi 
ence,  in  terms  as  near  like  the  following  as  our  informant 
could  recollect : 

"  Fellow-citizens— It  is  proper  when  freemen  assemble  for  the  dis 
cussion  of  important  public  interests,  that  every  thing  should  be 
done  decently  and  in  order.  I  have  been  informed  that  part  of  the 
business  to  be  transacted  on  the  present  occasion  is  the  assassination 
of  the  individual  who  now  has  the  honor  of  addressing  you.  I  beg 
respectfully  to  propose  that  this  be  the  first  business  in  order.  There 
fore,  if  any  man  has  come  here  to-night  for  the  purpose  indicated,  I 
do  not  say  to  him,  let  him  speak,  but,  let  him  shoot." 

Here  he  paused,  with  his  right  hand  on  his  pistol,  and 
the  other  holding  open  his  coat,  while  with  his  eyes  he 
blandly  surveyed  the  assembly.  After  a  pause  of  half  a 
minute,  he  resumed  : 

"  Gentlemen,  it  appears  that  I  have  been  misinformed.  I  will 
now  proceed  to  address  you  on  the  subject  that  has  called  us  to 
gether." 

Which  he  did,  with  all  his  accustomed  boldness   and 
4 


50  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

vivacity,  not  sparing  his  adversaries,  but  giving  them  plenty 
of  "  pure  Tennessee." 

His  second  term  in  the  gubernatorial  chair  drew  to  a 
close ;  and  as,  after  he  had  enjoyed  the  highest  legislative 
honors  in  his  State,  he  was  sent  to  the  national  House  of 
Representatives  ;  so  now,  after  he  had  received  from  Ten 
nessee  the  highest  honor  she  could  confer  on  him  in  her 
service  at  home,  his  faithfulness  was  rewarded  by  the  most 
prominent  position  she  could  appoint  him  to  in  her  interest 
outside  of  her  borders.  He  was  (in  1857)  by  almost  unani 
mous  consent  elected  United  States  Senator  for  a  full  term, 
to  end  March  3,  1863. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE   HOMESTEAD   BILL. 

1857-1858. 

TAKES  his  Seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  — The  Homestead  Bill —Flippant 
Opposition  to  it  —  Johnson's  continuous  Advocacy  of  the  Measure  —  An 
swers  the  "  Constitutional  Objection"  —  The  People  own  the  Land  —  Nine 
Millions  of  Quarter-sections  and  Three  Millions  of  Voters  —  As  a  Revenue 
Measure  —  Johnson  the  acknowledged  Leader  on  the  Question  —  Tributes 
to  him  from  A.  G.  Brown  of  Mississippi,  J.  L.  Dawson  and  J.  R.  Chandler 
of  Pennsylvania  —  Manoeuvres  of  Southern  Senators  to  Waylay  him  and  his 
Bill  —  Hunter  and  the  Appropriation  Bills  —  Pleas  for  Regularity  of  Busi 
ness  —  Satirical  Compliment  to  Hunter  —  Johnson's  Speech  of  May,  1858 — 
Refutes  the  Southern  Charges  of  "  Emigrant  Aid  Society"  and  "  Demagog- 
ism" —  Was  Washington  a  Demagogue?  —  Vattel  on  Agriculture  —  The 
Nursing  Father  of  the  State  —  Washington,  Jefferson,  Jackson,  the  Advo 
cates  of  a  Homstead  Bill  —  The  Measure  considered  :  Financially,  Socially, 
Politically — Rural  Districts  is.  Large  Cities  —  Build  up  the  Villages  — 
Character  of  the  Middle  Classes  —  Emigration  Defended  —  Replies  to  the 
Feudal  and  Aristocratic  Doctrines  of  Clay  and  Hammond  —  The  "  Property 
Aristocrats"  and  the  "Mudsills"  of  Society  —  Johnson  Independent  of 
Southern  Opinion  —  Operatives  in  the  South  —  Are  all  Slaves  who  do  not 
own  Slaves  ?  —  Should  Congress  create  or  reflect  Public  Opinion  —  Wanton 
Opposition  to  the  Bill. 

THE  credentials  of  Hon.  Andrew  Johnson,  as  Senator 
from  the  State  of  Tennessee  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  were  presented  on  the  opening  of  the  Thirty-fifth 
Congress,  Monday,  December  7,  1857.  In  the  absence  of 
Vice-President  Breckinridge,  the  oath  prescribed  by  law 
was  administered  by  Hon.  Jesse  D.  Bright,  "  the  oldest 
member  of  the  Senate  present." 

In  this  Congress  Senator  Johnson  took  most  prominent 
action  on  his  'favorite  subject,  the  Homestead  bill,  to  grant 
to  every  person  who  is  the  head  of  a  family  and  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States,  a  homestead  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  of  land  out  of  the  public  domain,  on  condition  of  oc 
cupancy  and  cultivation  in  a  specified  time.  This  noble 

(51) 


52  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

project  to  distribute  land  to  the  landless  and  give  a  home 
to  the  homeless  without  money  and  without  price,  met,  like 
all  projects  which  have  ameliorated  the  condition  of  man 
kind,  with  decided  and  great  opposition  for  a  long  time. 
Mr.  Johnson,  however,  never  lost  sight  of  its  vast  import 
ance,  and  with  coequal  assiduity,  in  the  face  of  that  odium 
which  is  so  easily  raised  by  flippant  minds  against  one  who 
is  accredited  with  the  possession  of  a  "hobby"  to  ride 
other  people's  time  and  attention  down,  he  steadily  pressed 
it  forward,  year  after  year,  gaining  friends  for  it  and 
strength,  until  he  had  the  pride  and  satisfaction  of  seeing  it 
pass  by  a  triumphant  majority  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  while  it  met,  at  the  same  time,  with  such  advocates  as 
"Webster  and  Cass  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

During  the  debate  of  1852,  discussing  one  of  the  points 
raised,  if  I  mistake  not,  by  Hon.  John  A.  Millson  of  Vir 
ginia,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Johnson  said  : 

"  What  then  becomes  of  the  constitutional  objection  ?  I 

say  it  is  a  dereliction  upon  our  part,  and  we  omit  to  perform  a  high 
obligation  imposed  upon  us  by  the  Constitution,  if  we  do  not  do  some 
thing  of  the  sort  to  induce  the  settlement  and  cultivation  of  our 
public  lands.  Then  what  is  the  proposition  ?  We  have  acquired 
territory  by  the  exercise  of  this  treaty-making  power.  When  does 
the  fee  pass  ?  The  fee  passed  upon  its  acquisition  into  the  Govern 
ment  as  the  trustee — the  equity  passed  to  the  people  in  the  aggregate, 
and  this  is  merely  a  proposition  to  distribute  severally  the  fee  where 
the  equity  already  resides.  That  is  what  it  proposes ;  and  gentle 
men  who  can  spin  distinctions  down  to  a  fifteen  hundred,  can  under 
stand  a  plain  common  sense  proposition  like  this.  Ah  !  say  they, 
you  gave  money  for  it  and  you  must  have  money  back  again  for  it. 
Is  money  the  only  consideration  you  paid  for  it  ?  Where  are  those 
gallant  sons  who  now  sleep  in  Mexico  ?  Where  are  the  ten  thousand 
graves  containing  the  bones  and  blood  of  your  best  citizens  ?  You 
owe  it  to  the  gallant  dead  who  now  sleep  in  your  own  and  foreign 
lands,  who  sacrificed  their  all  in  the  acquisition  of  this  territory,  to 
dispose  of  it  in  the  way  best  calculated  to  promote  the  interest  and 
happiness  of  those  left  behind. 

"  Now  what  comes  next  upon  the  left,  the  weakest,  and 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  53 

based  upon  the  least  principle,  but  upon  broad  and  presumptuous 
assertion.  You  have  up  there  '  aggrarianism '  and  '  rank  demagog- 
ism.'  Is  it  demagogism  to  comply  with  the  Constitution  ?  Is  it 
'  agrarianism '  to  permit  a  man  to  take  that  which  is  his  own  ?  They 
say,  when  you  come  to  the  principle  of  agrarianism,  you  take  that  which 
belongs  to  one  man  to  give  it  to  another.  Such  is  not  the  principle 
of  this  bill.  How  does  this  measure  stand  ?  I  will  take  either  horn 
of  the  dilemma  as  embraced  in  the  first  section  of  this  bill.  Permit 
the  settler  to  take  a  quarter  of  a  section,  or  even  more,  and  I  will 
still  say  it  does  not  conflict  with  justice  or  smack  in  the  slightest 
degree  of  agramnism.  We  have  nine  million-  quarter-sections,  as  I 
said  before,  and  three  million  qualified  voters.  Suppose  we  were 
going  to  make  a  pro  rata  distribution,  there  would  be  three  quarter 
sections  for  each  qualified  voter  in  the  United  States." 

Again,  in  the  same  speech,  he  says  : 

"  Pass  this  bill  and  you  inspire  the  people  of  your  country  with 
faith  in  their  Legislatures,  with  faith  in  their  Government,  and  at  the 
same  time  inspire  their  bosoms  with  hope  of  doing  better  hereafter. 
I  said  that  the  bill  embraces  sound  principles  of  religion.  It  em 
braces  the  religion  inculcated  by  St.  James.  It  embraces  a  holy  re 
ligion — I  make  use  of  the  word  in  no  irreverent  sense — that  divine 
arch  of  promise  whose  extremities  rest  upon  the  horizon,  and  whose 
span  circles  the  universe.  What  do  we  find  in  this  bill  ?  We  find 
the  widow  and  orphan  provided  for,  and  that,  too,  in  strict  conso 
nance  with  the  Constitution  and  its  great  principles." 

Mr.  Johnson  confuted  the  idea  that  the  bill  would  im 
poverish  the  Treasury  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  believed  it 
would  increase  the  revenue.  On  this  point,  he  at  this  time 
said  : 

"  I  say  it  is  a  revenue  measure.  It  will  increase  the  receipts  of 
the  Treasury.  How  increase  the  receipts  ?  By  the  enhancement  of 
the  value  of  the  remainder  of  your  public  domain.  Let  us  take  a 
case  to  illustrate.  Take  the  laborer  in  society  that  has  no  profession 
— no  trade — that  has  no  sort  of  work  of  his  own,  and  how  much 
tax  does  he  pay  to  the  support  of  your  Government  under  the  pres 
ent  system  ?  How  much  ?  Scarcely  any  thing.  But  take  one  of 
these  men,  transplant  him  in  the  West  upon  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  of  its  fat,  virgin  soil,  and  La  a  few  years,  when  he  clears  a  few 
acres  around  Mm,  gets  a  horse  and  a  mule  or  two,  and  some  fat, 


54  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

thrifty  hogs,  which  come  grunting  up  to  his  log-cabin,  and  a  few  milch 
cows  lowing  at  the  barnyard,  at  once  you  have  increased  his  ability 
to  do  what  ?  To  purchase  one  hundred  dollars'  worth  of  foreign 
imposts  or  goods  of  domestic  manufacture,  when  previously  he  could 
have  bought  little  or  nothing.  I  beg  the  attention  of  the  Committee 
while  I  take  a  simple  case  to  illustrate  this  principle.  Some  stagger 
and  startle  at  the  proposition,  and  say  this  thing  will  not  do.  How 
stands  the  fact  in  the  case  ?  You  have  nine  millions  of  quarter-sec 
tions  of  public  land,  and  you  have  three  millions  of  qualified  voters. 
Take  one  qualified  voter  who  is  the  head  of  a  family— say  a  family 
of  seven — you  transplant  him  from  a  position  where  he  is  making 
hardly  any  thing,  and  consequently  buying  but  little,  to  a  possession 
in  the  West  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  this  land.  He  bought 
scarcely  any  thing  before,  but  by  bringing  his  labor  in  contact  with 
the  productive  soil,  you  increase  his  ability  to  buy  a  great  deal." 

Mr.  Johnson,  after  continuing  to  demonstrate  by  simple 
but  forcibly  incontrovertible  illustration,  that  the  free  dis 
tribution  of  the  public  lands  among  actual  settlers  would 
increase  the  national  Treasury,  closed  this  part  of  his  argu 
ment  by  reference  to  a  former  speech  he  had  delivered  in 
Congress,  in  which  he  said  : 

"  That  this  expose  ought  to  satisfy  every  one  that,  instead  of  vio 
lating  the  plighted  faith  of  the  Government,  it  was  enlarging  and 
making  more  valuable,  and  enabling  the  Government  to  derive  a 
much  larger  amount  of  revenue  to  meet  all  its  liabilities,  and  thereby 
preserving  its  faith  inviolate.  He  thought,  too,  that  this  expose 
ought  to  satisfy  even  the  avaricious  Shylock  who  contended  for  his 
pound  of  flesh,  that  this  was  the  best  policy  for  the  Government  to 
pursue,  while  at  the  same  time  it  ameliorated  and  elevated  the  con 
dition  of  the  laboring  man." 

Already  Johnson  was  the  acknowledged  foster-father  and 
leading  advocate  of  the  measure.  In  1852  the  Hon.  A.  G. 
Brown  of  Mississippi,  an  earnest  supporter  of  a  homestead 
measure,  but  desiring  to  make  sure  that  the  occupant  of  the 
land  should  derive  all  the  benefits  of  his  labor,  paid  deserved 
tribute  to  Mr.  Johnson  in  the  following  passage  :  "  I  am  not 
going  to  make  an  argument  against  my  friend's  proposition. 
I  honor  the  head  that  conceived  it.  The  heart  that  is 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  55 

capable  of  such  appreciation  of  the  poor  man's  wants,  is  en 
titled  to  and  receives  the  homage  of  my  poor  esteem.  The 
nation,  indeed  all  mankind,  should  yield  a  grateful  tribute 
to  the  mind  that,  almost  unaided,  lias  forced  the  considera 
tion  of  this  subject  upon  the  American  Congress." 

In  the  same  session  the  Hon.  John  L.  Dawson  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  addressing  the  House  on  the  Homestead  bill,  at  once 
indicated  the  judicious  character  of  the  manner,  and  paid 
due  homage  to  its  indefatigable  champion.  "  What  a  useful 
lesson,"  said  Mr.  Dawson,  "  would  such  a  plan  prove  to  the 
Governments  of  Europe,  and  what  an  example  would  it 
furnish  of  republican  care  for  the  good  of  all,  thus  promoted 
by  our  happy  institutions.  It  would  present  a  spectacle  in 
which  the  patriot,  in  the  full  exultation  of  his  heart,  might 
rejoice  ;  at  which  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Tennessee 
[Mr.  Johnson]  might  rejoice,  as  Lycurgus  did  when  return 
ing  through  the  fields  just  reaped,  after  the  generous  pro 
visions  that  he  had  made  for  the  citizens  of  Sparta  and 
Laconia,  and  seeing  the  shocks  standing  parallel  and  equal, 
he  smiled  and  said  to  some  that  were  by, '  How  like  is 
Laconia  to  an  estate  newly  divided  among  many  brothers.' " 

The  Hon.  Joseph  E,  Chandler  of  Philadelphia,  subse 
quently  United  States  Minister  to  Naples,  while  addressing 
the  House  on  the  proposition,  also  gave  significant  expression 
to  the  benefits  which  would  result  from  it,  and  the  place  which 
"the  humble  legislator"  who  presented  it  would  occupy  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  Mr.  Chandler  believed  that  it 
would  be  adopted,  if  not  during  that  session,  at  any  rate  at 
some  future  one,  for  "it  was  founded  on  the  progressive 
character  of  the  institutions  of  the  country,  and  is  therefore 
a  part  of  the  destiny  of  our  legislation."  "  Sir;"  he  further 
added,  "  other  men  may  wear  the  civic  wreath  which  the 
nation  weaves  for  those  who  serve  their  country  in  lofty 
positions,  or  they  may  be  graced  with  laurels  prepared  for 
those  who  defend  her  in  the  hour  of  peril,  and  their  names 


56  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

may  be  inscribed  upon  the  imperishable  record  of  national 
glory ;  while  no  crown  shall  be  woven  nor  column  be  reared 
to  the  humble  working  legislator  who  prepared  or  presented 
the  Homestead  bill.  A  consciousness  of  duty  performed 
must  be  his  present  remuneration,  and  his  reward  in  the 
future  must  be  the  lowly  inscription  of  his  name  with  those 
who  loved  the  people.'7 

In  this  condition  Mr.  Johnson  left  tlie  project  when 
elected  Governor  in  1853,  and  it  remained  with  compara 
tively  little  action  in  either  branch  of  Congress  until  his 
return  as  United  States  Senator,  when  he  immediately  re 
suscitated  it. 

On  introducing  the  bill  into  the  Senate,  Senator  Johnson 
briefly  referred  to  its  past  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the 
history  of  this  great  measure  right.  On  the  27th  of  March, 
1846,  the  bill  was  first  introduced  into  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  ;  and  on  the  12th  of  May,  1852 — six  years,  two 
months  and  fifteen  days  after  said  introduction — it  passed 
that  House  by  a  majority  of  two-thirds.  In  1853  the  same 
bill,  in  substance,  was  introduced  by  the  Hon.  John  L.  Daw- 
son  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  it  passed  again  by  an 
overwhelming  majority.  "Thus,"  said  Senator  Johnson, 
4ithe  bill  lias  twice  received  the  sanction  of  the  popular 
branch  of  the  National  Legislature.  It  was  transmitted  to 
this  body,  and  here  it  failed  on  both  occasions.  I  merely 
make  these  remarks  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  history 
of  this  great  measure  right,  and  with  the  hope  that  it  will 
meet  its  consummation  by  the  sanction  of  this  body  in  a 
much  shorter  period  of  time  than  it  did  in  the  House  of 
Representatives." 

In  one  respect  Senator  Johnson's  desires  were  fulfilled ; 
but  the  final  consummation  was  prevented  by  the  Presi 
dential  veto.  He  fought  it  into  favor  against  the  fixed  and 
unrelenting  opposition  of  the  chief  Southern  Senators,  in 
the  Senate,  as  he  had  previously  done  in  the  House.  His 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  5  7 

efforts  and  anxiety  kept  pace  with  the  network  of  antago 
nism  woven  around  it  by  such  able  men  as  Hunter  of  Vir 
ginia  and  such  unreasoning  foes  as  Iverson  of  Georgia,  such 
willful  partisans  as  Biggs  of  North  Carolina,  such  subtle 
enemies  of  popular  rights  as  Benjamin  of  Louisiana,  and 
such  vindictive  sneerers  against  labor  as  Clay  of  Alabama 
and  their  friends  and  political  henchmen.  It  was  no  easy 
labor,  and  needed  no  little  control  of  temper  to  meet  the 
ever  ready  methods  by  which  these  resourceful  parliamenta 
rians  waylaid  his  almost  every  attempt  to  bring  the  Home 
stead  bill  before  the  Senate. 

The  popularity  of  the  measure  had  been  long  assured  ; 
but  this  very  popularity  was  an  element  which  recommended 
it  to  the  jealous  opposition  of  the  leading  Southern  men 
with  but  very  few  exceptions  ;  and  Senator  Johnson's  name 
was  so  interwoven  with  it  that  he  shared  the  ill-feelings 
directed  against  it,  and  also  the  subtle  fear  which  it,  united 
with  his  well-known  indomitable  energy  and  forcible  char 
acter,  clearly  conspired  to  create.  His  name  and  character 
were  so  identified  with  the  Homestead  bill  that  the  citizens 
of  various  States  requested  the  presentation  of  petitions  on 
the  subject  through  him,  and  not  through  the  medium  of  the 
representatives  from  their  own  States.  Thus,  even  in -the 
first  session  of  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress  alone,  he  laid  before 
the  Senate  petitions  emanating  from  citizens  and  meetings 
in  the  States  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Ken 
tucky,  Connecticut,  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  Iowa  and  Texas, 
variously  recommending  the  measure,  some  praying  that  the 
public  lands  may  cease  to  be  considered  a  source  of  revenue, 
and  that  all  entries  of  them  be  confined  to  actual  settlers, 
and  others  directly  praying  for  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  Southern  oppositionists  barely  gave  him  time  to  ac 
company  the  presentation  of  these  evidences  of  popular 
desire  with  any  remarks  ;  but,  in  fighting  for  the  regularity 
of  his  bill,  he  more  than  once  enunciated  some  sound  views  to 


58  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  Senate  touching  the  order  of  its  business.  Hunter  and 
his  appropriation  bills  were  constantly  haunting  the  Home 
stead  bill  out  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  overriding  every 
thing  else.  Hunter  having  moved  the  postponement  of  all 
prior  orders  to  take  up  a  consular  and  diplomatic  appropri 
ation  bill,  Seward  and  Broderick  rushed  to  the  rescue  of 
the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  Johnson  showed  his  desire  for 
regularity  in  the  order  of  business,  saying  : 

"  So  far  as  the  appropriation  bills  are  concerned,  they 
always  get  through  Congress.  I  never  knew  one  to  fail. 
They  will  get  through  some  how  or  other.  The  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Finance  I  know  has  great  solicitude  for 
the  appropriation  bills,  and  has  the  public  interests  much  at 
heart.  I  will  go  with  him  as  far  as  anybody  in  expediting 
and  pushing  his  bills  forward  ;  but  my  little  experience  in 
deliberative  bodies  satisfies  me  that  the  fastest  and  best  way 
to  get  along  with  the  public  business,  is  to  take  it  in  the 
order  in  which  it  comes.  Here  is  the  Pacific  Railroad  bill : 
let  us  take  it  up  and  dispose  of  it.  Here  are  other  special 
orders  :  let  us  take  them  up  and  dispose  of  them.  I  have 
been  anxiously  waiting  from  day  to  day,  hoping  that  things 
would  progress  in  their  proper  order,  so  that  we  might  reach 
what  I  conceive  to  be  the  most  important  measure  of  this 
or  any  other  session  of  Congress,  that  is,  the  Homestead  bill. 
I  am  in  hopes  we  shall  go  on  regularly  and  take  up  the 
business  as  it  stands  on  the  calendar,  and  then  we  shall  ad 
vance  much  more  rapidly  and,  I  think,  much  more  satis 
factorily  to  the  country." 

About  three  weeks  later  Hunter  came  in  to  "  postpone  all 
prior  orders"  for  another  appropriation  bill.  The  regular 
order  having  been  invaded,  Douglas  reminded  the  Senate 
that  Oregon  was  knocking  at  the  portals  of  the  Republic, 
and  that  it  would  take  but  a  few  minutes  to  let  our  Pacific 
sister  in.  Clay  was  interested  in  opposition  to  the  Fishing 
Bounty  bill,  which  was  the  "  special  order,"  but  withdrew 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  59 

it  to  aid  Hunter.  This  threw  Senator  Johnson's  bill  (which 
was  next  in  order)  back,  and  drew  from  him  a  firm  protest 
against  the  departure  from  the  calendar  and  an  avowal  to 
press  his  measure.  He  believed  the  Treasury  would  not 
suffer  by  delaying  the  appropriation  bills,  and  doubted  if 
the  country  would  protest  if  they  were  not  pressed  through 
in  "  such  hot  haste." 

"  I  wish  to  say  in  this  connection/7  said  Senator  John 
son,  "  that  if  I  understand  the  calendar  right,  the  Homestead 
bill  comes  up  next  after  the  Fishing  Bounty  bill.  The 
friends  of  that  measure  have  been  here  quietly,  patiently— 
or  perhaps  I  ought  to  say,  impatiently — waiting  for  a  con 
siderable  length  of  time  to  have  that  bill  readied.  I  am  in 
hopes  that  business  will  go  on  in  its  proper  order,  and  that 
that  bill  will  be  taken  up  and  disposed  of.  The  gentleman 
from  Alabama  [Mr.  C.  C.  Clay]  is  now  ready,  and  I  under 
stand  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Hamlin]  is  ready,  to  go 
into  the  consideration  of  the  first  special  order.  Why  not 
take  it  up  and  let  the  Indian  appropriation  come  up  in  its 
proper  place,  and  be  disposed  of  in  due  time  ?  Let  us  take 
up  first  the  Fishing  Bounty  bill,  which  is  the  first  special 
order ;  next  the  Homestead  bill,  and  dispose  of  it  as  we 
reach  it.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  great  mass  of  the 
American  people  are  as  deeply  interested  in  the  proper  dis 
tribution  of  the  public  lands,  particularly  when  the  propo 
sition  is  to  provide  homes  for  the  people,  as  in  the  appro 
priation  of  thousands  and  millions  out  of  the  Treasury, 
especially  when  the  condition  of  the  Treasury  is,  to  say  the 
least,  not  plethoric.  I  hope  we  shall  go  on  with  business  in 
its  proper  order.  I  do  not  intend  to  be  importunate,  I  do 
not  intend  to  be  obtrusive  on  the  Senate  ;  but  I  have  the 
Homestead  bill,  as  I  know  many  others  have,  deeply  at 
heart,  and  I  intend  to  press  it  earnestly  on  the  consideration 
of  the  Senate  from  this  time  until  it  shall  be  disposed  of." 

But  the  appropriation  bills  were,  as  one  of  the  Michigan 


60  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Senators*  suggested,  used  as  "  a  broad-ax  to  cut  down  every 
other  measure."  About  ten  days  subsequently,  when  Sena 
tors  mainly  from  the  South,  Messrs.  Ivor  son,  Yulee,  Brown 
and  Slidcll,  were  arguing  about  the  private  calendar,  and 
Hunter  declared  he  would  not  interfere,  Senator  Johnson 
took  occasion  to  pay  the  latter  a  satirical  compliment,  by 
expressing  his  gratification  on  finding  out  that  there  was 
something  before  the  Senate  of  sufficient  importance  to 
induce  the  Senator  from  Virginia  not  to  press  a  bil-l  pro 
viding  appropriations  of  the  people's  money  for  botanical 
gardens  and  green-houses.  "  I  am  really  gratified,"  he 
added,  with  satirical  earnestness,  li  to  find  that  there  is 
something  of  importance  enough  to  make  one  of  those  bills 
give  way." 

These  glimpses  will  give  a  fair  idea  of  the  opposition 
encountered  by  Senator  Johnson's  measure.  Where  its 
leading  antagonists  could  not  attack  it  in  detail,  they  ear 
nestly  strove  to  postpone  it  beyond  the  session  by  "  killing 
time" — a  method  they  preferred  ;  as  by  that  means,  under 
specious  pretexts  of  every  description,  they  delayed  the  oc 
casion  of  openly  attacking  so  popular  and  thoroughly 'repub 
lican  a  measure.  Some  Senators  there  were,  like  Mr.  Grit- 
tenden,  who  undoubtedly  differed  from  Senator  Johnson 
upon  honest  and  conscientious  motives,  but  the  personal  an 
tagonism  of  such  as  I  have  alluded  to  who  obstructed  its 
consideration  was  too  plain  to  be  mistaken. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1858,  the  Homestead  bill  having 
been  the  special  order,  Senator  Johnson  made  one  of  his 
greatest  efforts  in  its  behalf.  He  prefaced  his  advocacy  of 
the  measure  by  showing  that  the  Southern  charge  made 
against  it,  of  its  being  of  the  nature  of  the  "  Emigrant  Aid 
Society,"  was  a  plea  and  nothing  else,  as  it  had  been  intro 
duced  into  Congress  in  1841),  long  before  we  had  any  Emi 
grant  Aid  Societies,  long  before  we  had  any  Compromise 

*  Mr.  Stuart. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  6 1 

measures  of  1850  on  the  Slavery  question,  long  before  the 
agitations  of  1854  and  1858  on  the  same  subject. 
^  The  policy  he  advocated  was  not  new  or  unsupported. 
The  origin  of  the  great  idea  of  a  homestead  he  found  in  the 
first  law-writer,  Moses,  who  enunciated  it  in  his  Hebrew 
economy.  He  found  that  Vattel  had  earnestly  approved, 
and  that  President  Jackson  had  forcibly  advocated  it.' 
Among  the  several  sound  passages  quoted  from  the  famous 
Commentator  on  Public  Law,  are  the  following : 

"  Of  all  the  arts,  tiUage  or  agriculture  is  the  most  useful  and  neces 
sary.     It  ls  the  nursing  father  of  the  State.     The  cultivation  of  the 
Causes  it  to  produce  an  infinite  increase ;  it  forms  the  surest 

source  and  the  most  solid  fund  for  the  rich  commerce  of  the  people 
who  enjoy  a  happy  climate. 

"  This  affair  then  deserves  the  utmost  attention  from  Government 
The  sovereign  ought  to  neglect  no  means  of  rendering  the  land  under 
his  obedience  as  well  cultivated  as  possible. 

"Another  abuse  injurious  to  agriculture  is  the  contempt  cast  upon 
husbandmen.  The  inhabitants  of  cities,  even  the  most  servile  artists 
and  the  most  lazy  citizen,  consider  him  who  cultivates  the  soil  with 
a  disdainful  eye ;  they  humble  and  discourage  him ;  they  dare  to 
despise  a  profession  that  feeds  the  human  race— the  natural  employ 
ment  of  man.  A  stay-maker  places  beneath  him  the  beloved  em 
ployment  of  the  first  consuls  and  dictators  of  Rome."* 

In  the  message  (1832)  of  General  Jackson,  who  was  be 
lieved  to  be  "not  only  a  friend  to  the  South,  but  the  Union," 
he  found  his  doctrine  strongly  inculcated. 

•'  It  cannot  be  doubted,"  said  Jackson,  "  that  the  speedy  settle 
ment  of  these  lands  constitute  the  true  interests  of  the  Republic. 
The  wealth  and  strength  of  a  country  are  its  population,  and  the 

st  part  of  the  population  are  cultivators  of  the  soil.  Independent 
farmers  are  everywhere  the  basis  of  society  and  the  true  friends  of 
liberty. 

"  It  seems  to  me  to  be  our  true  policy  that  the  public  lands  shall 
cease,  as  soon  as  practicable,  to  be  a  source  of  revenue,  and  that  they 
be  sold  to  settlers  in  limited  parcels,  at  prices  barely  sufficient  to  re- 

*  Vattel,  Book  i.  Chap,  vi . 


62  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

imburse  the  United  States  the  expense  of  the  present  system  and 
the  cost  arising  from  our  Indian  contracts." 

Turning  to  the  Statutes  of  the  United  States,  we  find  that 
the  first  Homestead  bill  ever  introduced  into  the  Congress 
was  in  1791.  Senator  Johnson  rebuked  the  sneering  asser 
tion  that  the  measure  was  demagogical,  and  was  introduced 
and  advocated  for  the  purpose  of  pleasing  popular  opinion. 
He  wanted  "  to  see  who  these  demagogues  were,"  and  point 
edly  referred  to  Jefferson  as  having  recognized  and  appre 
ciated  this  great  doctrine. 

"In  1791,"  he  said,  "  the  first  bill  passed  by  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  recognizing  the  homestead  principle, 
is  in  the  following  words  : 

"  '  That  four  hundred  acres  of  land  be  given' — 

"  That  is  the  language  of  the  Statute.  We  do  not  assume, 
in  this  bill,  to  give  land  ;  we  assume  that  a  consideration 
passes  ;  but  here  was  a  law  that  was  based  on  the  idea  that 
four  hundred  acres  of  land  were  to  be  given 

'  to  each  of  those  persons  who,  in  the  year  1783  were  heads  of 
families  at  Vincennes,  or  the  Illinois  country,  or  the  Mississippi,  and 
who  since  that  time  have  removed  from  one  of  the  said  places  to  the 
other ;  but  the  Governor  of  the  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio  is 
hereby  directed  to  cause  the  same  to  be  laid  out  for  them  at  their 
own  expense,  etc.'  •" 

Another  section  of  the  sam^  act  provides  that  heads  of 
families  who  had  removed  without  the  limits  of  said  terri 
tory,  are  "  nevertheless  entitled  to  the  donation  of  four  hun 
dred  acres,  etc." 

"  That  act,"  continued  Senator  Johnson,  "  recognized  the 
principle  embraced  in  the  Homestead  bill.  If  this  is  the 
idea  of  a  demagogue,  if  it  is  the  idea  of  one  catering  or 
pandering  to  the  public  sentiment  to  catch  votes,  it  was  in 
troduced  into  Congress  in  1791,  and  received  the  approval 
of  Washington,  the  Father  of  his  country.  I  presume  that 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  63 

if  he  lived  at  this  day,  and  were  to  approve  the  measure,  as 
he  did  in  1791,  he  would  be  branded  and  put  in  the  cate 
gory  of  those  persons  who  are  denominated  demagogues." 

Senator  Johnson  showed  that  during  Washington's  Ad 
ministration  another  bill  of  similar  import  was  passed ;  so 
that,  so  far  as  legislation  is  concerned,  we  find  that  the  pol 
icy  commenced  with  the  great  First  President.  "  From 
General  Washington's  Administration  there  are  forty-four 
precedents,  running  through  every  administration  of  this 
Government  down  to  the  present  time,  in  which  this  prin 
ciple  has  been  recognized  and  indorsed." 

Such  a  disposition  of  the  public  domain  would  in  reality 
enhance  the  value  of  the  unoccupied  portions,  and  hasten  its 
capacity  for  sustaining  and  nurturing  a  great  and  powerful 
people.  Nor  would  it,  in  Senator  Johnson's  view,  diminish 
the  revenues  of  the  country.  On  the  contrary,  by  better 
ing  the  condition  of  the  laborer,  and  thus  enabling  him  to 
consume  a  greater  amount  of  foreign  importations,  it  would 
add  largely  to  an  annual  revenue  from  imposts.  He  sug 
gested  that  we  take  a  million  families,  who  can  now  hardly 
procure  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  place  them  each  on  a 
quarter-section  of  land — how  long  will  it  be  before  their 
conditions  will  be  improved  so  as  to  make  them  able  to 
contribute  something  to  the  support  of  the  Government? 
"  Now,"  said  he,  "  here  is  soil  producing  nothing,  here  are 
hands  producing  but  little.  Transfer  the  man  from  the 
point  where  he  is  producing  nothing,  bring  him  in  contact 
with  a  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  productive  soil,  and  how 
long  will  it  be  before  that  man  changes  his  condition?" 
With  a  variety  of  illustrations,  Senator  Johnson  illuminated 
the  subject  financially. 

But  the  financial  results  of  the  measure  did  not  afford  the 
most  favorable  light  in  which  it  could  be  viewed.  It  also 
tended  to  raise  man  socially  and  politically — socially,  by 
ameliorating  his  material  condition,  and  politically,  by  giving 


64  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

him  a  stake  in  the  welfare  and  stability  of  the  country.  It 
would  build  up  the  great  middle  class  of  the  people,  and 
do  away  at  once  with  an  aristocracy  on  the  one  hand  or  a 
rabble  on  the  other.  The  public  lands  had  been  lavished 
on  States  and  corporations.  Senator  Johnson  thought  it 
was  now  high  time  to  place  them  within  the  reach  of  all 
the  people.  At  the  present  rate  of  dispensing  them  it  would 
require  more  than  six  hundred  years  to  fill  up  and  occupy 
our  public  domain. 

"  When  you  look,"  ho  said,  "  at  our  country  as  it  is,  you  see  that 
it  is  important  that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  should  be  interested 
in  the  country.  By  this  bill  you  provide  a  man  with  a  home  ;  you 
increase  the  revenue  ;  you  increase  the  consumption  of  home  manu 
factures,  and  you  make  him  a  better  man.  You  give  him  an  inter 
est  in  the  country.  His  condition  is  better.  There  is  no  man  so 
reliable  as  he  who  is  interested  in  the  welfare  of  his  country ;  and 
who  are  more  interested  in  the  welfare  of  their  country  than  those  who 
have  homes  ?  When  a  man  has  a  home,  he  has  a  deeper  and  more 
abiding  interest  in  the  country,  and  he  is  more  reliable  in  all  things 
that  pertain  to  the  Government.  He  is  more  reliable  when  he  goes 
to  the  ballot-box  ;  he  is  more  reliable  in  sustaining  the  stability  of 
our  free  institutions." 

Nor  did  he  regard  the  enormous  growth  of  cities  and  the 
accumulation  of  population  about  cities  as  most  desirable 
for  this  country.  The  number  of  paupers  in  cities  were  in 
large  proportion  to  the  inhabitants ;  he  was  not  in  favor 
of  increasing  them.  He  would  rather  plant  them  on  the 
soil,  and  give  them  an  interest  in  it.  Moreover,  he  did  not 
like  to  see  the  cities  take  an  undue  control  of  the  Govern 
ment  ;  and  unless  proper  steps  be  taken,  such  will  be  the 
result.  He  held  that  the  rural  population,  the  mechanical 
and  agricultural  portions  of  the  community,  were  the  very 
salt  of  it.  "  They  constitute,"  he  said,  "  the  '  mudsills,'  to 
use  a  term  recently  introduced  here.  They  constitute  the 
foundation  upon  which  the  Government  rests  •  and  hence  we 
see  the  state  of  things  before  us."  It  was  fearful  to  think 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  65 

of  the  extent  of  pauperism  on  the  ratio  of  recent  New  York 
statistics.  Jefferson  never  said  a  truer  thing  than  that  large 
cities  were  eyesores  in  the  body  politic ;  in  democracies 
they  were  consuming  cancers.  "  Build  up  your  villages, 
build  up  your  rural  districts,  and  you  will  become  men  who 
rely  upon  their  own  industry  ;  who  rely  upon  their  own 
ingenuity  ;  who  rely  upon  their  own  economy  and  applica 
tion  to  business  for  a  support  •  and  these  are  the  people 
whom  you  have  to  depend  on."  He  followed  up  this  earnest 
recommendation  with  the  following  remarks  : 

"  "We  see  then,  Mr.  President,  the  effect  this  policy  is  to 

have  on  our  population.  Let  me  ask  here,  looking  to  our  popular 
elections,  looking  to  the  proper  lodgment  of  power,  is  it  not  time 
that  we  had  adopted  a  policy  which  would  give  us  men  interested 
in  the  affairs  of  the  country  to  control  and  sway  our  elections  ?  It 
seems  to  me  that  this  cannot  long  be  debated  ;  the  point  is  too  clear. 
The  agricultural  and  mechanical  portion  of  the  community  are  to  be 
relied  upon  for  the  preservation  and  continuance  of  this  Govern 
ment.  The  great  mass  of  the  people— the  great  middle  class  are 
honest.  They  toil  for  their  support,  accepting  no  favor  from  the 
Government.  They  live  by  labor.  They  do  not  live  by  consump 
tion,  but  by  production  ;  and  we  should  consume  as  small  a  portion 
of  their  production  as  it  is  possible  for  us  to  consume,  leaving  the 
producer  to  appropriate  to  his  own  use  and  benefit  as  much  of  the 
products  of  his  own  labor  as  it  is  possible  in  the  nature  of  things  to 
do.  The  great  mass  of  the  people  need  advocates,  men  who  are 
honest  and  capable,  who  are  willing  to  defend  them.  How  much 
legislation  is  done  for  them  ?  How  much,  is  done  for  classes  ?  How 
little  care  seems  to  be  exercised  for  the  great  mass  of  the  people  ? 
When  we  are  among  our  constituents  it  is  very  easy  to  make  appeals 
to  the  people  and  professions  of  patriotism,  and  then— I  do  not  mean 
to  be  personal  or  invidious— it  is  very  easy  when  we  arc  removed 
from  them  a  short  distance,  to  forget  the  people  and  legislate  for 
classes,  neglecting  the  interest  of  the  great  mass.  The  mechanics 
and  agriculturists  are  honest,  industrious,  and  economical.  Let  it 
not  be  supposed  that  I  am  against  learning  or  education,  but  I  might 
speak  of  the  man  in  the  rural  districts  in  the  language  of  Pope  : 

' '  Unlearned,  he  knew  no  schoolman's  subtle  art, 
No  language  but  the  language  of  the  heart ; 
By  nature  honest,  by  experience  wise, 
Healthy  by  temperance  and  exercise.'  " 

5 


66  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Continuing  this  appeal  with  clearness,  and  that  eloquence 
which  is  the  pure  offspring  of  manly  conviction,  Senator 
Johnson  exhibited  the  rapid  growth  and  prosperity  of  the 
great  Northwest  under  the  influence  of  his  Homestead  bill, 
and  the  future  grandeur  and  permanency  of  free  institutions, 
and  asked : 

"  Who  dares  say  this  is  not  our  destiny,  if  we  will  only  permit  it 
to  be  fulfilled  ?  Then  let  us  go  on  with  this  great  work  of  interest 
ing  men  in  becoming  connected  with  the  soil ;  interesting  them  in 
remaining  in  your  mechanic  shops ;  prevent  their  accumulating  in 
the  streets  of  your  cities  ;  and  in  doing  this  you  will  dispense  with 
the  necessity  for  all  your  pauper  systems.  By  doing  this  you  enable 
each  community  to  take  care  of  its  own  poor.  By  doing  this  you 
destroy  and  break  down  the  great  propensity  that  exists  with  men 
to  hang  and  loiter  and  perish  about  the  cities  of  the  Union,  as  is 
done  now  in  the  olden  countries." 

If  it  be  said  that  this  measure,  by  offering  a  boon  to  emi 
gration,   would   tend  to   depopulate  the  Southern   States, 
it  must  be  only  on  the  supposition  that  the  laborer  could  bet 
ter  his  condition  by  a  change  of  location  ;  and  who  would 
object  to  a  policy  which  promised  this  beneficial  result  to 
the  individual  man?     It  seemed  to  be  feared  that  the  bill 
would  compel  men  to  go  on  the  lands.     Senator  Johnson 
did  not  suggest  such  an  idea.     He  would  leave  every  man 
to  be  controlled  by  his  inclinations   and  interest ;    but   he 
regarded    it   as    neither    statesmanlike,    philosophical    or 
Christian,  to  keep  a  man  in  a  State  and  refuse  to  let  him  go 
because,  if  he  did  go,  he  would  tend  to  populate  some  other 
portion  of  the  country.     If  a  man  could  better  himself  by 
crossing  from  Tennessee  into  Illinois,  Louisiana  or  Missis 
sippi,  he  would  say,  Go !     Let  him  go  where  he  can  better 
the  condition  of  himself,  his  wife  and  his  children.      "  What 
kind  of  a  policy  is  it,"  he  asked,"  to  say  that  a  man  should 
be  locked  up  where  he  was  born,  and  shall  be  confined  to  the 
place  of  his  birth  ?" 

In  this  connection  the  Senator  made  the  following  touching 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  Q  7 

allusion  to  his  own  case  in  speaking  of  the   large  emigra 
tion  furnished  to  the  West  by  North  Carolina  : 

"  She  is  my  native  State.  I  found  it  to  be  to  my  interest  to 
emigrate,  and  I  should  have  thought  it  cruel  and  hard  if 
I  had  been  told  that  I  could  not  leave  her  boundary.  Al 
though  North  Carolina  did  not  afford  me  the  advantages 
of  education  ;  though  I  cannot  speak  in  the  language  of 
school  men,  and  call  her  my  cherishing  mother,  yet,  in  the 
language  of  Cowper, 

"  '  With  all  her  faults,  I  love  her  still.' " 

He  did  not  care  where  a  man  went;  so  that  he  located 
himself  in  "  this  great  area  of  freedom,"  became  attached 
to  our  institutions,  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  country, 
and  pursued  his  prosperity  under  the  protection  of  the  Stars 
and  Stripes. 

Senator  Johnson  then  proceeded  to  criticise  certain  por 
tions  of  the  speech  of  Mr.  C.  C.  Clay  of  Alabama,  on  the 
Kansas  question,  in  which  that  Senator  had  treated  of  prop 
erty  and  its  protection  as  the  main  object  of  Government, 
and  had  regretted  "the  growing  spirit  in  Congress  and 
throughout  the  country,  to  democratize  our  Government." 
The  Senator  from  Tennessee  did  not  entertain  such  ideas, 
believing  as  he  did  in  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-gov 
ernment  ;  but  if,  as  the  Senator  from  Alabama  had  said, 
property  was  the  foundation  of  every  social  state,  and  that 
society  was  formed  and  government  framed,  to  preserve, 
protect  and  perpetuate  the  rights  of  property,  then  he  [Mr. 
Clay]  should  undoubtedly  favor  the  Homestead  bill,  and 
give  to  every  head  of  a  family  who  would  accept  it,  a 
property  title  in  the  land.  Defending  democracy  as  the 
highest  form  of  society  and  government,  Johnson  held  up  to 
merited  reprobation  the  statements  made  by  Senator  Ham 
mond  of  South  Carolina,  in  his  last  noted  speech  during 
the  Kansas  (Lecompton)  debate.  He  totally  dissented  from 


68  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

BO  much  of  that  Senator's  language  as  seemed  to  imply  that 
men  who  labored  with  their  hands  and  for  a  stipulated 
price  were  therefore  slaves.  Such  statements  and  such  doc 
trines  were  not  only  false  in  themselves,  but  were  calculated 
to  do  infinite  mischief  in  the  South,  where  the  number  of 
slaveholders  was  small  in  comparison  with  the  free  white 
and  non-slaveholding  population.  Though  it  was  true  that 
the  number  of  slaveholders  did  not  represent  all  who  were 
directly  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  slavery,  it  was 
also  true  that  such  invidious  comments  on  manual  labor 
tended  to  engender  opposition  to  slavery  itself. 

The  speech  of  Hammond  alluded  to,  was  that  in  which 
he  characterized  the  working  classes,  whose  requisites  were 
"  vigor,  docility,  fidelity/7  as  "  constituting  the  very  mud 
sill  of  society  and  political  government ;"  and  in  which  he 
still  further  drew  a  comparison  between  the  "  slaves"  of  the 
North  and  South.  In  replying  to  the  Senator  from  South 
Carolina  who  had  given  voice  to  the  controlling  Southern 
element,  that  which  subsequently  carried  their  un-republican 
views  into  open  treason  and  war  against  the  Republic, 
Johnson  found  it  necessary  to  fall  back  on  his  individual 
character  as  a  man,  as  considered  in  opposition  to  what 
might  be  his  prospects  as  a  politician  residing  in  the  South. 
The  fact  that  he  deemed  such  a  course  proper  may  well 
indicate  the  wide  breach  between  him  and  the  "  aristocracy 
of  property."  Before  dwelling  on  the  "impolicy  of  the 
invidious  remarks  made  in  reference  to  a  portion  of  the  pop 
ulation  of  the  United  States,"  he  said :  "  Mr.  President,  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  feel  that  I  can  afford  to  speak  what 
are  my  sentiments.  I  am  no  aspirant  for  any  thing  on  the 
face  of  God  Almighty's  earth  !  I  have  reached  the  summit 
of  my  ambition.  The  acme  of  all  my  hopes  has  been  at 
tained  ;  and  I  would  not  give  the  position  I  occupy  here 
to-day  for  any  other  in  the  United  States.  Hence,  I  say,  I 
can  afford  to  speak  what  I  believe  to  be  true." 


OF  ANDREW  JOIINSON.  69 

This  was  a  terrible  rebuke  to  the  Southern  subjection  to 
the  "  institution,"  which  prevented  individual  independence, 
and  linked  all  in  the  rule  or  ruin  policy  then  so  violently 
maturing.  Well  might  Johnson  glory  in  his  position  that 
day— a  position  won  by  honest  integrity,  in  opposition  to 
just  such  principles  of  aristocratic  feudalism  as  those  enun 
ciated  by  C.  C.  Clay  and  Hammond.  Well  might  he  stand  up 
to  defend  the  people  from  whom  he  sprung  ;  who  had  confided 
in  his  faith  and  placed  their  honor  where  they  knew  it 
would  not  be  sullied,  in  his  keeping.  He  used  the  same  ar 
gument  with  Hammond  as  with  Clay,  as  to  giving  the  people 
something  to  attach  them  to  the  soil,  to  make  them  "  men 
of  property  ;"  and  in  reply  to  the  question  of  the  former 
"  to  define  a  slave,"  said  : 

"  What  we  understand  to  be  a  slave  in  the  South,  is  a  man 
who  is  held  during  his  natural  life  subject  to,  and  under  the 
control  of,  a  master.  The  necessities  of  life,  and  the  va 
rious  .positions  in  which  a  man  may  be  placed,  operated  upon 
by  avarice,  gain  or  ambition  may  cause  him  to  labor  ;  but 
that  does  not  make  him  a  slave.  How  many  men  are  there 
in  society  who  go  out  and  work  with  their  own  hands,  who 
reap  in  the  field  and  mow  in  a  meadow  ;  who  hoe  corn, 
who  work  in  the  shops  ?  Are  they  slaves  ?  If  we  were  to 
go  back  and  follow  out  this  idea,  that  every  operative  and 
laborer  is  a  slave,  we  should  find  that  we  have  had  a  great 
many  distinguished  slaves  since  the  world  commenced. 
Socrates,  who  first  conceived  the  idea  of  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  Pagan  as  he  was,  labored  with  his  own  hands  ; 
yes,  wielded  the  chisel  and  the  mallet,  giving  polish  and 
finish  to  the  stone  :  he  afterward  turned  to  be  a  fashioner 
and  constructor  of  the  mind.  Paul,  the  great  expounder 
himself,  was  a  tent-maker,  and  worked  with  his  hands  ;  was 
be  a  slave?  Archimedes,  who  declared  that  if  he  had  a 
place  on  which  to  rest  the  fulcrum,  with  the  power  of  his 
lever  he  could  move  the  world  ;  was  he  a  slave  ?"  Looking 


70  LIFE  A  ND  PUBLIC  SER VICES 

at  the  South,  he  asked  if  every  man  there  not  a  slaveholder, 
was  to  be  denominated  a  slave  because  he  labored  ?  "  The 
argument,"  he  said,  "  cuts  at  both  ends  of  the  line."  There 
were  operatives  in  the  South  ;  there  were  laborers  there, 
and  mechanics  there.  He  asked,  "  Were  they  slaves  ?" 

To  show  the  impolicy  as  well  as  the  untruth  of  applying 
such  a  phrase  to  the  people  of  the  South,  he  introduced  some 
statistics  from  the  census  exhibiting  the  number  of  slaves, 
slave-owners  and  operatives  in  the  leading  States.  "  In  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  there  were  twenty-five  thousand 
slave-owners,  and  more  than  sixty-eight  thousand  operatives, 
showing  that  the  large  proportion  of  that  State  worked 
witli  their  hands.  Were  they  slaves?  Were  all  slaves 
who  did  not  own  slaves  ?"  These  facts  and  queries  created 
nervous  and  vindictive  feelings  inside,  and  much  comment  out 
side  of  the  Senate.  In  it  Mason  of  Virginia  could  not  help 
charging  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  with  doing  what 
Senators  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chamber  had  done  be 
fore  ;  which  was  tantamount  to  calling  him  "  an  Abolitionist." 
Outside  of  the  Senate,  this  episode  in  the  speech  attracted 
not  less  attention  and  notice  than  the  subject  which  formed 
the  body  of  it.  In  addition  to  the  intrinsic  force  of  the  manly 
refutation  of  the  un-American  doctrines  avowed  by  Ham 
mond  and  others,  the  trepidation  of  the  Southern  leaders  on 
the  application  of  their  views  to  their  own  section,  attracted 
a  vivid  interest. 

Returning  to  the  main  question  under  consideration,  and 
concluding  this  great  speech,  Senator  Johnson  said,  were 
the  Homestead  bill  passed  into  a  law,  all  he  desired  was 
the  honor  and  credit  of  having  been  one  of  the  American 
Congress  who  consummated  a  great  scheme  to  elevate  our 
race  and  to  make  our  institutions  more  permanent. 

A  week  later,  again  reminding  Senators  of  the  passage 
of  the  bill  twice  in  the  House,  he  implored  the  action  of 
the  Senate. 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  7 1 

"  Let  us  vote  directly  on  it,"  he  said,  "  and  let  the  country  under 
stand  what  we  intend  to  do  after  having  had  it  under  consideration 
so  long.  I  would  almost  venture — yet  I  will  not  dare  to  do  it — to  make 
a  single  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  homeless  thousands  in  the  United 
States,  to  take  up  and  pass  this  measure,  and  grant  what  they  have 
long  demanded— grant  what  they  have  appealed  to  you  for  again 
and  again  !" 

But  the  aristocratic  phalanx  was  too  strongly  knit  to 
gether  at  the  time.  One  of  the  Senators  alluded  to  would 
not  believe  that  public  opinion  was  in  favor  of  the  measure, 
and  even  supposing  that  it  was,  boldly  avowed  he  did  not 
think  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Senate  or  the  House  to  reflect 
public  opinion.  He  thought  it  the  duty  of  Congress  not  to 
run  after,  but  to  lead  and  create  public  opinion  ;  yet  one  of 
the  succeeding  arguments  against  the  bill  used  by  this 
illogical  and  vindictive  person  showed  why  it  ought  to  be 
logically  supported.  Explaining  that  when  Senator  Seward 
of  New  York  introduced  the  bill  in  1850  into  the  Chamber, 
it  received  but  two  votes,  he  declared  that  the  present  agi 
tation  arose  from  the  efforts  in  Congress  since,  and  asked, 
"  Now,  sir,  whence  did  this  cry  for  land  originate  ?  Not 
among  the  people,  but  among  their  representatives.  The 
public  voice  we  hear  is  a  mere  echo  of  the  voice  that  was 
first  raised  in  this  body,  or  in  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol." 
The  Senator,  by  this  admission,  fell  into  his  own  trap,  and 
showed  that  if  public  opinion  had  not  led  Congress  on  the 
question,  certainly  Congress  must  have  led  and  created  pub 
lic  opinion.  It  is  to  be  remembered  in  this  connection,  and, 
as  exhibiting  a  wanton  opposition  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Homestead  bill,  that  this  Senator,  and  others  of  his 
class,  voted  for  it  on  its  final  passage. 


CHAPTEE    V. 

HOMESTEAD     BILL  —  CONTINUED. 
1860. 

THIRTY-SIXTH  Congress  — Johnson's  Speech— Denies  that  the  Homestead 
Measure  has  any  Connection  with  Slavery  or  Anti-Slavery  — A  Virginian 
Senator  receives  Light  from  a  "  Black  Republican"  —  Johnson  won't  fol 
low  the  Ne\v  Lights  of  the  Old  Dominion  — Precedents  for  the  Homestead 
Policy —  Law  under  Washington  — Later  Laws  — Senator  Mason's  Action 
Now  and  Then  —  A  "  Sleepless  Sentinel "  and  his  Duties  —Senator  Pugh's 
Unanswerable  Speech  — Revival  of  Mason's  Record  — Shall  Virginia  Re 
buke  any  other  State  —  Tennessee  can  Take  Care  of  Herself  —  Compli 
ment  from  Douglas  — Voters  on  the  Bill  —  Committees  of  Conference  — 
Report  Passed  by  Two-thirds  of  both  Houses  —  President  Buchanan  Vetoes 
the  Bill  —  The  Veto  Sustained  —  Unjust  Reason  for  the  Veto  and  its  Sus- 
tainment—  Davis  Sustains  the  Veto  — Pugh  and  Harlan  Denounce  it  as  a 
Quibble  — The  Wisdom  and  Grandeur  of  the  Homestead  Measure  — His 
torical  Lessons  from  Land  Laws  —  Powers  of  Congress  to  Give  Land  Away— 
Brougham  on  Feudal  Aristocracy  —  Bacon  on  the  Growth  of  "Nobility 
and  Gentlemen." 

IN  the  First  Session  of  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  April 
11,  1860,  after  introducing  from  the  Committee  on  Public 
Lands  another  form  of  Homestead  bill,  Senator  Johnson 
delivered  an  exceedingly  able  and  telling  speech,  mainly  in 
reply  to  Senator  Mason  of  Virginia,  touching  that  Senator's 
action,  and  the  declarations  of  others  with  him,  connect 
ing  the  measure  under  discussion  with  the  Slavery  issue 
and  the  Republican  party.  The  speech  is  historical  and 
demonstrative  in  an  eminent  degree,  and  also  affords  a  good 
specimen  of  Senator  Johnson's  clearness  and  force  as  a  de 
bater.  For  these  reasons — and  as  much  for  its  manner  as 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  73 

its  matter — I  make  some  extracts,  although  the  opening  re 
states  some  points  already  indicated  : 

"  But  yesterday  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  [Mr.  Doolittle]  must 
involve  in  this  discussion  the  Negro  question ;  and  then,  in  reply,  the 
Senator  from  Virginia  must  give  us  a  dissertation  on  the  same  subject, 
administer  a  rebuke  to  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  assume  to  know 
where  she  stood  and  what  her  opinions  and  doctrines  were.  Sir,  she 
has  never  disguised  her  opinions  or  her  doctrines,  and  she  does  not 
disguise  them.  now.  It  really  seems  to  me  that  if  some  member  of 
this  body  were  to  introduce  the  Ten  Commandments  for  consideration 
and  discussion,  somebody  would  find  a  negro  in  them  somewhere ; 
the  Slavery  agitation  would  come  up.  The  chances  are,  that  if  they 
were  introduced  by  a  Northern  man,  he  would  argue  that  they  had  a 
tendency  to  diminish  the  area  of  slavery,  to  prevent  the  increase  of 
the  slave  population,  and  in  the  end  perhaps  to  abolish  slavery ; 
while  on  the  other  hand,  if  some  Senator  from  the  South  were  to  in 
troduce  the  Lord's  Prayer,  somebody  would  see  a  negro  in  it  some 
where.  It  would  be  argued  just  as  the  question  might  be  presented, 
either  upon  the  Ten  Commandments  or  the  Lord's  Prayer,  that  the 
result  would  be  a  tendency  to  promote  and  advance  slavery  on  the 
one  hand,  or  on  the  other  to  diminish  or  abolish  it.  It  is  now  time 
that  the  legislation  of  this  country  was  directed  to  something  else, 
and  that  some  other  thing  were  considered.  I  do  believe  that  the 
country,  North  and  South,  is  becoming  sick  and  tired  of  this  con 
stant  agitation  of  the  Slavery  question,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other ; 
and  I  do  trust  and  hope,  in  God's  holy  name,  that  there  is  a  public 
judgment  and  public  spirit  in  the  country  that  will  rise  above  this 
agitation,  and  the  purposes  for  which  it  has  been  kept  up. 

"  But  the  Senator  from  Virginia  informed  us  that  he  had  had  a 
flood  of  light  shed  on  him  ;  I  repeat  that  I  was  highly  gratified  to 
hear  him  say  so,  and  I  recur  to  it  now  more  from  the  fact  of  being 
gratified  at  it  than  any  thing  else.  He  seemed  to  rise  and  come  for 
ward  into  the  discussion  with  that  kind  of  renewed  energy,  infor 
mation  and  light  that  Paul  had  when  he  was  travelling  from 
Jerusalem  to  Damascus,  and  was  struck  blind  with  the  refulgence  of 
light  thrown  on  his  mind ;  but  Paul  inquired  of  the  Lord  what  he 
would  have  him  do.  Whether  the  conduct  of  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  has  had  the  same  influence  on  the  Senator  from  Virginia 
I  will  not  undertake  to  say,  but  if  it  were  improper  and  dangerous 
to  associate  the  Homestead' measure  with  Black  Republicanism,  as  it 
is  commonly  called,  or  the  Republican  party,  I  will  say— for  I  do  not 
use  the  term  in  derision— would  it  not  really  be  dangerous  and  ob- 
4 


74  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

jectionable  to  receive  a  flood  of  light  from  a  Republican  ?  One  of 
that  party  has  shed  light  on  this  occasion,  as  the  Senator  from  Vir 
ginia  admits.  Will  the  Senator  receive  light  from  such  a  source  ? 

"  But  when  we  come  to  examine  the  Homestead  proposition,  where 
do  we  start  with  it  ?  I  want  the  Senator's  attention.  We  start  with 
it  in  1791,  under  th6  Administration  of  General  Washington,  and  I 
think  he  was  from  the  Old  Dominion.  In  1791  the  first  Homestead 
proposition  was  introduced,  and  in  the  language  of  the  law,  it  was 
enacted — 

1 "  That  four  hundred  acres  of  land  be  given  to  each  of  those  per 
sons  who,  in  the  year  1783,  were  heads  of  families  at  Vincennes,  or 
the  Illinois  country,  or  the  Mississippi,  and  who  since  that  time  have 
removed  from  one  of  the  said  places  to  the  other  ;  but  the  Governor 
of  the  Territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio  is  hereby  directed  to  cause 
the  same  to  be  laid  out  for  them  at  their  own  expense,  etc.' 

"  That  law  makes  use  of  the  word  '  give,'  and  it  received  the  ap 
proval  of  General  Washington.  I  think  that  is  tolerably  good 
company.  Tennessee  is  willing  to  associate  with  Washington,  and 
especially  upon  Homestead  propositions.  The  law  was  approved  by 
the  immortal  Washington.  I  think  he  was  about  as  great  a  man  as 
any  of  the  modern  lights ;  and  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  prefer  follow 
ing  in  the  lead  the  larger  instead  of  what  I  consider  the  lesser  lights. 
What  next  do  we  find  on  this  subject  ?  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended  in 
one  of  his  messages  to  the  Congress  of  ths  United  States  the  Home 
stead  policy.  In  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  this 
policy  was  inaugurated  by  this  Government.  I  prefer  to  follow  the 
lead  and  be  associated  with  Washington  and  Jefferson,  than  the 
lights  that  now  shine  from  the  Old  Dominion.  There  are  forty-four 
precedents  of  laws  approved  and  sanctioned  by  various  Presidents, 
running  through  every  Administration  from  Thomas  Jefferson  down 
to  the  present  time,  carrying  out  the  same  principle.  Where  did 
this  policy  have  its  origin  ?  Where  did  it  start  ?  Its  very  germ 
commenced  with  Virginia,  and  it  has  been  followed  up  and  brought 
down  to  the  present  time.  But,  without  dwelling  on  all  the  cases,  I 
will  refer  to  what  was  done  in  1850.  The  fourth  section  of  '  An  Act 
to  create  the  office  of  Surveyor-General  of  Public  Lands  in  Oregon, 
and  to  provide  for  the  survey  and  to  make  donations  to  settlers  on 
the  same  public  lands,'  approved  in  1850,  is  in  these  words  : 

'"SEC.  4.  And  7)e  it  further  enacted,  That  there  shall  be  and  hereby 
is  granted  to  every  white  settler  or  occupant  of  the  public  lands, 
American  half-breed  Indians  included,  above  the  age  of  eighteen 
years,  being  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  having  made  a  decla- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  75 

ration,  according  to  law,  of  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen,  or  who 
shall  become  a  resident  thereof  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  December, 
1850,  and  who  shall  have  resided  upon  and  cultivated  the  same  for 
four  consecutive  years,  and  who  shall  otherwise  conform  to  the  pro 
visions  of  this  Act,  the  quantity  of  one  half-section,  or  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty  acres  of  land,  if  a  single  man,  and  if  a  married 
man,  or  if  he  shall  become  married  within  one  year  from  the  1st  day 
of  December,  1850,  the  quantity  of  one  section,  or  six  hundred  and 
forty  acres,  one-half  to  himself,  and  the  other  half  to  his  wife,  to  be 
held  by  her  in  her  own  right.' — Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  ix.  p.  497. 

"  There  is  a  Homestead  bill !  There  is  a  grant  of  six  hundred  and 
forty  acres  to  a  married  man,  and  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres  to 
a  single  one,  not  being  the  head  of  a  family,  but  twenty-one  years 
of  age.  That  was  passed  in  1850.  I  should  like  to  know  where  the 
vigilant  and  watchful  Senator  from  Virginia  was  when  that  law 
passed.  I  presume  that  this  flood  of  light  had  not  been  shed.  He 
did  not  see  its  bearings  and  tendencies  as  he  seems  to  understand 
and  see  them  now.  How  did  the  Senator  vote  upon  that  question  ? 
I  suppose  the  Senator  knows ;  for  surely  a  measure  so  important, 
and  embracing  principles  so  sacred  and  vital,  could  not  have  passed 
through  this  body  without  the  Senator's  knowing  how  he  recorded 
his  vote.  Where  was  this  faithful  sentinel  that  should  have  been 
standing  on  the  watchtower,  and  should  have  sounded  the  alarm  and 
aroused  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  the  dangerous  inroad  that 
was  being  made  on  their  rights  and  institutions  ?  Where  was  he  ? 
Did  he  speak  ?  Did  he  say  '  yea '  or  '  nay,'  either  by  speech  or  vote  ? 
No ;  but  he  sat  with  his  arms  folded,  and  allowed  this  "  infamous 
measure,  this  agrarian  measure,"  that  was  to  work  such  dangerous 
influence  upon  certain  institutions  of  the  country,  to  pass  without 
saying  either  'yea'  or  'nay.' 

"  There  was  one  Homestead  proposition  passed  in  1850.  Yesterday 
I  quoted  a  law  passed  in  1854,  and  it  seemed  to  be  a  little  difficult 
for  Senators  to  understand  it.  One  Senator  understood  it  one  way, 
another  understood  it  another.  Sometimes  it  is  a  good  plan  to 
examine  and  see  how  a  thing  is.  One  said  that  the  law  of  1854  was 
to  give  homesteads  to  New  Mexico,  and  if  they  were  given  in 
New  Mexico  and  not  in  Kansas,  that  would  change  the  prin 
ciple  !  Now  I  should  like  to  know  the  difference  in  principle. 
But  let  us  see  how  the  thing  stands.  I  read  one  section  from 
the  Act  of  1850  ;  and  before  I  could  get  to  read  another  sec 
tion,  the  Senator  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Green]  took  the  floor,  and  made 
an  issue  with  me  ;  and  then  the  Senator  from  Virginia  resumed  the 
floor,  and  did  not  permit  me  to  read  another  section  and  make  it 


76  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

understood.  The  Act  of  1854  is  entitled  '  An  Act  to  establish  the 
office  of  Surveyor-General  of  New  Mexico,  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  to 
grant  donations  to  actual  settlers  therein,  and  for  other  purposes.' 
Well,  what  do  we  find  in  the  second  section  of  the  act  ? 

"  *  SEC.  2.  A  nd  le  it  further  enacted,  That,  to  every  white  male 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  every  white  male  above  the  age  of 
twenty-one  years,  who  has  declared  his  intention  to  become  a  citizen, 
and  who  was  residing  in  said  Territory  prior  to  the  1st  of  January, 
1853,  and  who  may  still  be  residing  there,  there  shall  be  and  hereby 
is  donated  one  quarter-section,  or  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of 
land.  And  to  every  white  male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or  any 
white  male  above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  who  has  declared  his 
intention  to  become  a  citizen,  and  who  shall  have  removed,  or  shall 
remove  to  and  settle  in  said  Territory  between  the  1st  day  of  Jan 
uary,  1853,  and  the  1st  day  of  January,  1858,  there  shall,  in  like 
manner,  be  donated  one  quarter-section,  or  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres,  on  condition  of  actual  settlement  and  cultivation  for  not  less 
than  four  years.' — Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  x.  p.  308. 

"  There  is  a  clear  and  distinct  grant ;  but  the  answer  was,  that  it 
was  not  a  homestead,  because  the  grant  was  made  in  New  Mexico. 
Would  there  be  any  difference  of  principle  between  holding  out 
inducements  to  go  to  New  Mexico  to  free  homes,  and  holding  out 
inducements  to  go  any  where  else  ?  What  is  the  difference  ?  Even 
in  regard  to  New  Mexico,  where  there  was  a  prospect  of  slavery, 
here  was  a  bill  inviting  settlers  to  go  into  the  Territory  and  take  the 
land  free,  and  to  carry  out  this  very  disastrous  idea  in  reference  to 
slavery  that  the  Senator  from  Virginia  speaks  of.  And  where  is  lie  ? 
Yesterday  when  we  referred  to  it,  the  Journal  was  produced  to  show 
that  there  was  no  vote  taken  on  it ;  and  the  answer  to  the  principle 
and  the  inconsistency  I  was  exhibiting  was,  that  '  donated '  was  bad 
English ;  as  if  thereby  to  escape  from  the  inconsistency  in  which 
the  Senator  was  involved." 

"  Mr.  MASON. — I  think,  if  the  Senator  heard  me,  he  will  recollect 
that  I  said :  I  did  not  remember  how  I  had  voted  upon  that  law, 
but  the  probability  was  I  had  voted  for  it ;  but  so  far  from  attempt 
ing  to  escape  from  any  responsibility  as  to  my  vote,  I  distinctly 
declared  that  it  was  a  matter  of  not  the  slightest  consequence  to  me, 
so  far  as  that  policy  was  concerned,  how  I  voted,  and  that  I  pre 
sumed  I  voted  for  it." 

"Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee.— Well,  it  is  a  Homestead  proposi 
tion,  embracing  the  precise  idea  of  this  measure  and  going  to  a 
greater  extent,  being  more  enlarged  than  the  bill  under  considera 
tion.  The  Senator  sat  by  and  permitted  a  bill  to  pass,  so  obnoxious. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  77 

and  so  disastrous,  as  he  now  says,  especially  in  reference  to  the 
slavery  interest,  and  that,  too,  with  his  great  literary  qualifications, 
when  the  bill  not  only  established  the  Homestead  policy,  but  he 
actually  permitted  it  to  pass  in  bad  grammar. 

'•  Mr.  MASON. — That  was  wrong,  I  admit.  [Laughter.] 
"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee. — But  let  us  travel  on  a  little  fur 
ther.  That  was  in  New  Mexico.  Next  we  come  right  over  into 
Kansas,  now  in  the  midst  of  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society ;  and  see  how 
it  operates  when  we  get  over  into  Kansas.  We  find  this  is  the  law 
now  providing  for  pre-emption  there.  I  read  from  the  same  law 
which  I  have  just  quoted  : 

" '  SEC.  12.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  the  lands  to  which 
the  Indian  title  has  been  or  shall  be  extinguished  in  said  Territories 
of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  shall  be  subject  to  the  operation  of  the 
Pre-emption  Act  of  4th  September,  1841,  and  under  the  conditions, 
restrictions,  and  stipulations  therein  mentioned :  Provided,  however, 
That  where  unsurveyed  lands  are  claimed  by  pre-emption,  notice  of 
the  specific  tracts  shall  be  filed  within  three  months  after  the  survey 
has  been  made  in  the  field,'  etc. — Statutes  at  Large,  Vol.  x.  p.  810. 

"  These  acts  were  referred  to  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Pugli] 
the  other  day.  He  was  referring  to  them  in  the  range  of  precedents, 
in  the  speech  that  he  made  on  this  subject,  vindicating  the  measure 
against  the  objections  that  were  made  both  as  to  its  expediency  and 
constitutionality.  He  referred  to  this  as  one  of  the  precedents,  and 
made  an  argument  (permit  me  to  say  here  in  parenthesis)  that  can 
not  be  answered.  Some  may  attempt,  as  some  have  attempted,  to 
answer  it ;  but  it  cannot  be  answered.  Why  try  to  associate  the 
measure  with  prejudices  that  may  exist  North  or  South  ?  if  it  is 
unconstitutional,  come  up  and  meet  it  on  constitutional  grounds. 
If  it  be  inexpedient  and  dangerous,  show  it  to  be  so.  But  here  is  a 
pre-emption  granted,  in  Kansas,  and  when  ?  In  1854,  at  the  time 
of  all  the  alarm  in  reference  to  emigrant  aid  societies;  where -was 
the  vigilant,  sleepless  sentinel  then  ?  Where  was  he  who  came 
forth  with  such  power  and  eloquence  yesterday,  after  receiving  that 
new  flood  of  light — from  a  Republican  source,  too  ? 

"  In  1850,  a  homestead  was  granted.  In  1854,  in  the  midst  of  the 
excitement  about  emigrant  aid  societies,  an  act  was  passed  grant 
ing  homesteads  and  pre-emptions  to  young  men  who  were  not  heads 
of  families.  Any  body  could  go  into  Kansas  and  squat  down  upon 
land.  Inducements  were  held  out  for  them  to  run  in.  Where  was 
this  sentinel  that  has  now  become  so  alarmed,  and  who  wants  to 
know  how  Tennessee  can  stand  up  by  such  a  proposition  ?  Was  he 
here,  and  did  not  understand  the  measure  ?  Was  he  here,  understand- 


78  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ing  it  and  standing  upon  the  watchtower  as  the  faithful  sentinel,  and 
did  not  sound  the  alarm  ?  Was  he  here,  and  did  not  say  to  those  in 
side  the  citadel  that  the  enemy  was  at  the  gate  ?  If  he  were,  and 
knew  it  to  be  so,  I  ask  why  a  sentinel  of  that  kind,  entertaining  the 
views  he  does  in  reference  to  this  subject,  when  he  saw  such  a  dan 
gerous  encroachment  upon  the  institution  peculiar  to  the  South,  did 
not  sound  the  alarm  ?  Failing  to  do  so,  knowing  how  the  facts 
stand,  he  is  no  longer  entitled  to  the  confidence  of  those  who  placed 
him  here.  If  he  were  here,  and  had  not  sagacity  or  acumen  enough 
to  see  it,  or  if  his  mind  was  not  so  constructed  as  to  go  from  cause 
to  effect  and  look  a  little  into  the  distance  and  see  the  operation  of 
this  pre-emption  law ;  if  he  has  not  been  enlightened  until  he  has 
received  light  from  Republicans,  his  mind  is  dark  and  not  to  be 
trusted.  A  sentinel,  standing  on  the  watchtower,  to  have  eyes  and 
not  see,  ears  and  not  hear,  a  tongue  and  not  speak,  deserves  to  be 
taken  down  and  another  put  in  his  place.  Sir,  think  of  the  mariner 
who  is  placed  on  deck,  when  he  descries  in  the  distance  the 
approaching  storm,  or  the  man  who  is  familiar  with  the  forest,  and 
hears  the  roaring  of  the  trees— an  indication  of  the  whirlwind — 
and  will  be  so  listless,  so  indifferent,  as  not  to  sound  the  alarm  that 
danger  is  approaching !  I  say  he  is  an  unworthy  and  unfaithful 
sentinel  1  ' 

"  When  the  Senator  talks  about  the  representatives  of  Tennessee, 
or  Kentucky,  or  any  other  State,  I  desire  to  know  where  he  was 
when  these  things  were  being  done  ?  Did  he  vote  ?  It  seems  some 
gentlemen  thought  yesterday  that  they  got  him  out  of  the  dilemma, 
because  he  did  not  vote.  When  a  bill  is  before  the  Senate,  and  it 
passes  and  no  objection  is  made,  it  is  understood  that  it  receives  the 
sanction  of  the  body — it  has  at  least  the  tacit  consent  of  all — and 
every  member  here  is  committed  to  the  passage  of  the  bill.  If  there 
was  all  this  danger,  would  it  not  have  been  the  duty  of  the  Senator 
to  rise  in  his  place,  sound  the  alarm,  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays,  and 
let  the  country  know  where  all  parties  stood  ? 

"  Then  we  see  where  the  Senator  stood  in  1854,  and  where  he 
stood  in  1850.  Now  let  us  follow  this  histoiy  a  little  further,  and 
see  where  it  will  carry  us.  What  is  the  proposition  now  before  the 
Senate  ?  It  is  to  grant  a  homestead.  It  is  true  the  Senator  from 
Missouri  [Mr.  Green]  became  very  learned  the  other  day  in  refer 
ence  to  the  term  "  homestead,"  as  though  there  was  any  thing  in  the 
christening  of  a  child.  The  long  and  short  of  the  bill  is,  to  grant  a 
man  a  homestead,  embracing  so  many  acres.  That  is  the  object  of 
it.  I  do  not  care  whether  you  call  it  a  homestead  or  by  any  other 
name.  The  substance  is  what  we  want.  It  is  a  home,  an  abiding- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON'.  79 

place  for  a  man,  his  wife  and  children  ;  and  I  think  if  we  take  the 
ordinary  meaning,  as  given  by  our  lexicographers,  homestead  is  the 
proper  name.  It  embraces  the  building  and  the  inclosure  about  it, 
which  is  commonly  denominated  a  homestead.  As  to  the  idea  that 
it  must  be  made  perpetual,  there  is  nothing  in  it.  Homesteads  can 
be  changed  as  well  as  any  thing  else.  Then  the  bill  provides  that 
men  shall  get  homes  at  low  rates,  reasonable  prices  ;  that  it  shall  be 
placed  in  the  power  of  every  one  to  get  a  home ;  and  it  is  not 
to  be  taken  out  of  that  which  belongs  to  every  body  else.  There 
was  a  Homestead  bill  before  the  Senate  in  1854— at  a  time  of  great 
excitement  and  danger.  To  that  bill  Mr.  Hunter,  then  and  now  a 
Senator  from  Virginia,  offered  an  amendment,  and  in  his  amendment 
there  was  one  section  which  I  will  read  : 

"  <  SEC.  9.  And  le  it  further  enacted,  That  the  person  applying  for 
the  benefit  of  the  eighth  section  of  this  act  shall,  upon  application  to 
the  Register  of  the  Land  Office  in  which  he  or  she  is  about  to  make 
such  entiy,  make  affidavit  before  the  said  Register  that  he  or  she  is  the 
head  of  a  family,  or  is  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  that  such  appli 
cation  is  made  for  his  or  her  exclusive  use  and  benefit,  and  those 
specially  mentioned  herein,  and  not  either  directly  or  indirectly  for 
the  use  or  benefit  of  any  other  person  or  persons  whomsoever ;  and 
upon  making  the  affidavit  as  herein  required,  and  filing  it  with  the 
Register,  he  or  she  shall  thereupon  be  permitted  to  enter'the  quantity 
of  land  specified :  Provided,  however,  That  no  certificate  snail  be 
given  or  patent  issued  thereafter,  until  the  expiration  of  five  years 
from  the  date  of  such  entry,  and  until  the  person  or  persons  entitled 
to  the  land  so  entered  shall  have  paid  for  the  same  twenty-rive  cents 
per  acre,  or  if  the  lands  have  been  in  market  more  than  twenty 
years,  twelve  and  a-half  cents  per  acre.' 

"  This  was  the  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Hunter  to  the  Home 
stead  bill  of  1854,  which  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by 
nearly  a  majority  of  two-thirds ;  and  the  Journal  gives  the  vote 
upon  it,  which  I  will  read  : 

" '  On  the  question  to  agree  to  the  said  amendment  as  amended, 

" '  It  was  determined  in  the  affirmative — yeas,  34  ;  nays,  13. 

" {  On  motion  of  Mr.  Adams, 

" '  The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of  the  Senators 
present, 

"  *  Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are  :  Messrs.  Adams,  Atchi- 
son,  Benjamin,  Bright,  Brodhead,  Brown,  Butler,  Cass,  Clay,  Dodge 
of  Wisconsin,  Dodge  of  Iowa,  Douglas,  Evans,  Fitzpatrick,  Geyer, 
Gwin,  Houston,  Hunter,  James,  Johnson,  Jones  of  Iowa,  Mallory, 
MASON,  Pettit,  Rusk,  Sebastian,  Shields,  Slidell,  Stuart,  Thompson 
of  Kentucky,  Thompson  of  New  Jersev,  Toombs,  Toucey,  and 
Walker.' 


80  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  Before,  we  had  not  the  Senator's  vote,  but  we  had  his  tacit  con 
sent  ;  but  here  stands  the  vote  of  the  gentleman  who  is  arraigning 
Tennessee,  to  reduce  the  price  of  the  public  land  and  let  a  man  have 
it  at  twelve  and  a-half  cents  an  acre,  according  to  a  proposition  intro 
duced  by  his  own  colleague.  Where  does  he  stand  now  ?  I  think 
Tennessee  will  compare,  at  least,  favorably  with  the  Old  Dominion  in 
that  particular.  But  again : 

"  '  On  motion  of  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  to  amend  the  amendment  pro 
posed  by  Mr.  Hunter,  by  inserting  after  the  word  "  acre,"  in  the 
first  section,  sixteenth  line,  "  and  all  lands  which  shall  have  been 
oflered  at  public  sale,  and  shall  remain  unsold  thirty  years  thereafter, 
shall  be  reduced  to  a  price  of  twelve  and  a-half  cents  an  acre,' " 

the  yeas  and  nays  were  again  called;  and  the  Senator  from  Vir 
ginia  a  second  time  recorded  his  vote  to  reduce  the  price  of  the  land 
to  twelve  and  a-half  cents  an  acre.  Then  came  the  question  on  the 
first  passage  of  the  bill : 

"  '  The  bill  (H.  K.  No.  37)  to  grant  a  homestead  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  of  the  public  lands  to  actual  settlers,  was  read  the 
third  time,  as  amended ;  and,  having  been  further  amended,  by  unan 
imous  consent,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Pettit,  the  title  was  amended ; 
and, 

"  '  On  the  question,  Shall  the  bill  pass  ? 

'"It  was  determined  in  the  affirmative— yeas,  36;  nays,  11. 

"  '  On  motion  of  Mr.  Weller, 

"  '  The  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of  the  Senators 
present, 

"  '  Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are : 

"  '  Messrs.  Adams,  Atchison,  Bright,  Brodhead,  Brown,  Butler, 
Cass,  Chase,  Clay,  Dodge  of  Wisconsin,  Dodge  of  Iowa,  Douglas, 
Evans,  Fitzpatrick,  Geyer,  Gwin,  Hamlin,  Houston,  Hunter,  James, 
Johnson,  Jones  of  Iowa,  Mallory,  MASON,  Pettit,  Rusk,  Sebastian, 
Shields,  Slidell,  Stuart,  Sumner,  Thompson  of  New  Jersey,  Toombs, 
Toucey,  Walker,  and  Weller.' 

"  The  Senator  was  enlightened  a  little  yesterday ;  I  want  to  en 
lighten  him  more  to-day.  I  doubt  very  much  if  he  remembers 
exactly  what  he  did  on  all  these  questions  sometimes,  and  the  refresh 
ing  of  the  memory  is  of  no  disadvantage  to  any  of  us.  I  think  that 
his  speech  yesterday  came  with  no  very  good  grace  from  a  Senator 
with  this  sort  of  record.  How  do  you  stand  when  you  talk  about 
the  influence  on  the  Slavery  question.  Does  not  reducing  land  to 
twelve  and  a-half  cents  induce  settlements  ?  What  is  the  proposi 
tion  under  consideration  ?  It  is  to  reduce  the  price  to  twelve  and 
a-half  cents  an  acre  in  one  bill,  and  in  the  other  ten  dollars  for  the 
whole  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres,  and  paying  office  fees.  Where 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  81 

is  the  difference  in  principle  ?  Where  is  the  enormity  of  the  one  that 
does  not  exist  in  the  other  ?  Where  is  the  danger  to  the  institution 
of  slavery  growing  out  of  the  adoption  of  the  one  measure  that  does 
not  grow  out  of  the  other  ? 

"  Virginia,  under  a  system  of  bounty  land  warrants  to  her  Revolu 
tionary  soldiers  and  others,  has  received  nearly  two  million  five 
hundred  thousand  acres  of  land ;  and  when  we  stand  with  Virginia, 
and,  commencing  with  Washington,  with  every  Administration  to 
the  present  time,  are  we  to  be  arraigned  and  taunted  with  our  asso 
ciation  ?  When  and  where  did  the  pre-emption  policy  start  ?  Did 
it  not  start  with  General  Jackson  ?  When  and  where  did  the  gradu 
ation  policy  start  ?  Did  it  not  start  with  General  Jackson  ?  Is  not 
Tennessee  standing  now  where  she  stood  then  ?  What  is  the  Home 
stead  policy  ?  It  is  a  part  and  parcel  of  the  same  great  idea  of  car 
rying  the  public  lands  into  the  possession  of  every  man  that  will  take 
them  and  make  a  proper  use  of  them.  We  stand  where  Washington 
stood.  We  stand  where  Jefferson  stood.  We  stand  whore  all  the 
Democratic  Administrations  have  stood,  and  even  where  the  Senator 
himself  has  heretofore  stood. 

"  Where  does  the  gentleman  get  his  association,  and  what  is  it  for  ? 
Instead  of  relying  on  the  argument  of  the  question,  he  tries  to  asso 
ciate  with  it  a  prejudice  with  which  he  thinks  it  can  be  struck  with 
much  more  ease  and  force  than  by  meeting  the  question  upon  argu 
ment.  Virginia  is  to  rebuke  Tennessee  on  this  subject,  talkfng 
about  making  free  States !  Is  Virginia  to  rebuke  any  other  State  in 
this  Confederacy  in  reference  to  free  States  ?  Go  back  to  the  ordi 
nance  of  1787,  first  brought  forward  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1784;  go 
back  to  the  surrender  of  public  lands  in  the  Northwest,  which  I 
never  conceded  were  Virginia's  more  than  any  other  State's— but  let 
that  be  as  it  may,  I  will  not  argue  it  now ;  she  assumed  that  they 
were  hers ;  but  the  surrender  of  her  territory  resulted  in  the  creation 
of  five  free  States,  all  now  admitted  into  this  Confederacy  with  their 
Senators  on  this  floor.  Is  Virginia  to  rebuke  Tennessee,  alarmed  at 
the  creation  of  free  States?  Those  States  have  fallen  from  your 
hands.  Are  you  dissatisfied  with  them  ?  Do  you  want  to  turn  them 
out  of  the  Union  ?  Tennessee  prefers  to  follow  principle,  understand 
ing,  that,  in  the  pursuit  of  correct  principle,  we  can  never  reach  a 
wrong  conclusion ;  and  although  some  become  alarmed  and  are  car 
ried  off  by  the  ad  captandum  slang  of  the  day,  Tennessee  intends  to 
stand  on  principle  and  intends  to  pursue  it  unalterably  and  unswerv 
ingly,  as  her  own  noble  rivers  that  come  rushing  from  her  mountain 
sides,  and  make  their  way  down  her  valleys  and  through  her  plains 
in  their  majestic  career  to  the  great  Father  of  waters.  Here  Tenncs- 
G 


82  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

see  intends  to  stand  firm  upon  principle— as  firm  and  unyielding  as 
her  own  native  mountains,  with  their  craggy  and  projecting  brows, 
rock-ribbed,  and  as  ancient  as  the  sun.  She  does  not  stand  here  to 
be  rebuked  by  any  State  or  the  Senator  from  any  State.  Now,  as 
heretofore,  in  the  field  or  in  council-chamber,  she  can  take  care  of 
herself.* 

He  again  met  the  property  argument  of  Senators,  rebuked 
the  idea  that  "  the  Senate  was  to  be  obeyed  and  not  the 
people  ;"  defended  the  poor  man  against  the  charge  of  be 
ing   dishonest   simply  because  he  was  poor  ;  at  the  ^same 
time  explaining  that  his  bill  was  not  for  "paupers,  for  misera 
ble  lazzaroni,  for  persons  from  lazar-houscs,  for  vagabonds," 
but  for  men  who  had  arms,  muscles  and  willing  hearts  to 
work.  What  business  would  a  vagabond  have  on  one  hundred 
and  sixty  acres  of  land  ?    As  a  refugium peccatorum,  to  hedge 
Johnson  and  his  bill  round  with  a  party  wall,  and  separate 
his  measure  from  a   national    stand-point,  the  charge  of 
"  Black  Republicanism"  was  leveled  against  both.    In  reply, 
lie  said,  "  Not  to  be  vain  or  egotistic,  or  to  claim  any  thing 
from  the  Democratic  party,  I  want  to  repeat,  in  conclusion, 
that  this  is  emphatically  a  Democratic  measure,  inaugurated 
by  the  Democracy  ;  and  the  Republican  party  have  only 
shown  their  sagacity,  as  I  remarked  before,  in  one  sense, 
in  coming  forward  and  trying  to  appropriate  that  which 
they  know  meets  the   approbation   of  the   popular  heart. 
They  show  their  good  sense  in  it ;  but  because  they  will 
now  go  for  my  measure,  or  for  a  Democratic  measure,  I  shall 
not  turn  against  it." 

This  spirited  effort  led  to  sharp  and  personal  rejomdc 
from  Senator  Mason,  who,  as  Johnson  said,  spoke  in  "  oracu 
lar  lano-uage,  as  if  all  should  not  only  hear,  but  obey  him  ; 
and  from  Senator  Wigfall  of  Texas,  who  carried  out  into 
opposite  extremes  the  principles  upon  which  Johnson  de 
fended   the   poor,  struggling   and    uneducated   masses,  by 
saying  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  made  an  attack  upon 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  p.  1650,  A  seq. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


83 


education  generally.  Douglas,  while  declining  to  prolong 
the  debate,  as  his  views  had  been  known  for  years  on  the 
measure,  declared  that  "  he  could  not,  if  he  desired  to  do 
so,  add  any  thing  to  the  force  and  power  of  the  argument 
presented  by  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  to-day  on  the 
subject." 

On  the  10th  of  May  the  bill  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote 
of  44  to  8,  as  follows  : 


Anthony,  of  Rhode  Island 
Bigler,  of  Pennsylvania 
Bingham,  of  Michigan 
Bright,  of  Indiana 
Brown,  of  Mississippi 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania 
Cnandler,  of  Michigan 
Chesnut,  of  South  Carolina 
Clark,  of  New  Hampshire 
Clay,  of  Alabama 
Collamer,  of  Vermont 
Davis,  of  Mississippi 
Dixon,  of  Connecticut 
Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin 
Douglas,  of  Illinois 
Durkee,  of  Wisconsin 
Fitzpatrick,  of  Alabama 
Foster,  of  Connecticut 
Green,  of  Missouri 
Grimes,  of  Iowa 
Gwin,  of  California 
Hale,  of  New  Hampshire 


Bragg,  of  North  Carolina 
Clingman,  of  North  Carolina 
Hamlin,  of  Maine 
Hunter,  of  Virginia 


YEAS. 

Hammond,  of  South  Carolina 
Harlan,  of  Iowa 
Hemphill,  of  Texas 
Johnson,  of  Arkansas 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee 
King,  of  New  York 
Lane,  of  Oregon 
Latham,  of  California 
Nicholson,  of  Tennessee 
Polk,  of  Missouri 
Pugh,  of  Ohio 
Rice,  of  Minnesota 
Sebastian,  of  Arkansas 
Seward,  of  New  York 
Slidell,  of  Louisiana 
Sumner,  of  Massachusetts 
Ten  Eyck,  of  New  Jersey 
Trumbull,  of  Illinois 
Wade,  of  Ohio 
Wilkinson,  of  Minnesota 
Wilson,  of  Massachusetts 
Yulee,  of  Florida— 44. 


Mason,  of  Virginia 
Pearce,  of  Maryland 
Powell,  of  Kentucky 
Toombs,  of  Georgia — 8. 


On  the  next  day  the  House  was  informed  of  the  action 
by  the  Senate.     On  the  19th  the  bill  was  referred  to  the 


84 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


House  Committee  on  Public  Lands.  On  the  21st  the 
House  adopted  a  substitute  by  a  vote  of  162  to  63,  and 
thus  amended,  the  Homestead  bill  was  passed  by  the  fol 


lowing  vote : 


Adams,  of  Massachusetts 
Aldrich,  of  Minnesota 
Allen,  of  Ohio 
Alley,  of  Massachusetts 
Babbitt,  of  Pennsylvania 
Barrett,  of  Missouri 
Bcale,  of  New  York 
Bingham,  of  Ohio 
Blair,  of  Missouri 
Blake,  of  Ohio 
Brayton,  of  Rhode  Island 
Briggs,  of  New  York 
Buffinton,  of  Massachusetts 
Butterfield,  of  New  York 
Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania 
Carey,  of  Ohio 
Cochrane,  of  New  York 
Colfax,  of  Indiana 
Conkling,  of  New  York 
Covode,  of  Pennsylvania 
Cox,  of  Ohio 
Davis,  of  Indiana 
Delano,  of  Massachusetts 
Duell,  of  New  York 
Dunn,  of  Indiana 
Edgerton,  of  Ohio 
Edwards,  of  New  Hampshire 
Eliot,  of  Massachusetts 
Ely,  of  New  York 
Fenton,  of  New  York 
Ferry,  of  Connecticut 
Florence,  of  Pennsylvania 
Foster,  of  Maine 
Frank,  of  New  York 
French,  of  Maine 
Gooch,  of  Massachusetts 
Graham,  of  New  York 


YEAS. 

Grow,  of  Pennsylvania 
Helmick,  of  Ohio 
Holman,  of  Indiana 
Howard,  of  Michigan 
Humphrey,  of  New  York 
Hutchins,  of  Ohio 
Irvine,  of  New  York 
Junkin,  of  Pennsylvania 
Kellogg,  of  Michigan 
Kilgore,  of  Indiana 
Larabee,  of  Wisconsin 
Leach,  of  Michigan 
Lee,  of  New  York 
Longnecker,  of  Pennsylvania 
Loomis,  of  Connecticut 
Lovejoy,  of  Illinois 
Maclay,  of  New  York 
Marston,  of  New  Hampshire 
Martin,  of  Ohio 
McKnight,  of  Pennsylvania 
McPherson,  of  Pennsylvania 
Montgomery,  of  Pennsylvania 
Moorhead,  of  Pennsylvania 
Morrill,  of  Vermont 
Morris,  of  Pennsylvania 
Morris,  of  Illinois 
Morse,  of  Maine 
Nixon,  of  New  Jersey 
Pendleton,  of  Ohio 
Perry,  of  Maine 
Pettit,  of  Indiana 
Porter,  of  Indiana 
Potter,  of  Wisconsin 
Pottle,  of  New  York 
Reynolds,  of  New  York 
Biggs,  of  New  Jersey 
Robinson,  of  Rhode  Island 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


85 


Robinson,  of  Illinois 
Royce,  of  Vermont 
Schwartz,  of  Pennsylvania 
Scranton,  of  Pennsylvania 
Sedgwick,  of  New  York 
Sherman,  of  Ohio 
Sickles,  of  New  York 
Somes,  of  Maine 
Spinner,  of  New  York 
Stauton,  of  Ohio 
Stewart,  of  Pennsylvania 
Stout,  of  Oregon 
Stratton,  of  New  Jersey 
Tappan,  of  New  Hampshire 
Thayer,  of  Massachusetts 


Adams,  of  Kentucky 
Anderson,  of  Missouri 
Anderson,  of  Kentucky 
Ashmore,  of  South  Carolina 
Avery,  of  Tennessee  * 
Bocock,  of  Virginia 
Brabson,  of  Tennessee  t 
Branch,  of  North  Carolina 
Bristow,  of  Kentucky 
Burch,  of  California 
Clark,  of  Missouri 
Clopton,  of  Alabama 
Cobb,  of  Alabama 
Craige,  of  North  Carolina 
Curry,  of  Alabama 
De  Jarnette,  of  Virginia 
Edmundson,  of  Virginia 
Etheridge,  of  Tennessee  J 
Gartrell,  of  Georgia 
Gilmer,  of  North  Carolina 
Hamilton,  of  Texas 
Hardeman,  of  Georgia 
Harris,  of  Maryland 
Harris,  of  Virginia 


Tornpkins,  of  Ohio 
Train,  of  Massachusetts 
Trimble,  of  Ohio 
Vandever,  of  Iowa 
Van  Wyck,  of  New  York 
Wade,  of  Ohio 
Waldron,  of  Michigan 
Walton,  of  Vermont 
Washburne,  of  Illinois 
Washburn,  of  Maine 
Wells,  of  New  York 
Wilson,  of  Indiana 
Windom,  of  Minnesota 
Woodruff,  of  Connecticut— 103. 


NATS. 

Hatton,  of  Tennessee! 
Hawkins,  of  Florida 
Hill,  of  Georgia 
Hughes,  of  Maryland 
Jenkins,  of  Virginia 
Leach,  of  North  Carolina 
Love,  of  Georgia 
Mallory,  of  Kentucky 
Maynard,  of  Tennessee  t 
McQueen,  of  South  Carolina 
Millson,  of  Virginia 
Moore,  of  Kentucky 
Nelson,  of  Tennessee! 
Noell,  of  Missouri 
Peyton,  of  Kentucky 
Phelps,  of  Missouri 
Pryor,  of  Virginia 
Quarles,  of  Tennessee! 
Reagan,  of  Texas 
Ruffin,  of  North  Carolina 
Rust,  of  Arkansas 
Scott,  of  California 
Singleton,  of  Missouri 
Stewart,  of  Maryland 


*  Democrat. 


t  "Native  Americans." 


t  Whig. 


86  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Stokes,  of  Tennessee  t  Webster,  of  Maryland 

Taylor,  of  Louisiana  Winslow,  of  North  Carolina 

Thomas,  of  Tennessee  *  Wright,  of  Tennessee  *  —55. 
Vance,  of  North  Carolina 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  whole  of  the  Tennessee 
delegation  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  entire  ten 
members,  voted  against  the  Homestead  bill.  The  con 
trolling  power  of  the  delegation  was  "  American."  The 
ten  embraced  one  Whig,  three  Democrats,  and  six  elected 
by  the  so-called  "American"  party.  Mr.  A.  0.  P.  Nicholson, 
the  Senatorial  colleague  of  Senator  Johnson,  voted  for  the 

bill. 

After  three  committees  of  conference,  of  which  Senator 
Johnson  was  a  leading  member,  had  met  and  discussed  the 
provisions  of  the  bill,  a  majority  of  the  managers  on  the 
part  of  both  Houses  agreed  on  a  report,  which  was  presented 
by  Senator  Johnson  to  the  one,  and  by  Mr.  Schuyler  Colfax 
to  the  other,  respectively,  on  June  19. 

As  passed,  the  Senate  bill  provided  that  the  pre-emptors 
then  upon  the  public  lands  might  remain  there  two  years 
before  they  should  be  required  to  purchase  their  lands,  but 
should  then  pay  for  them  at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  twenty-five 
cents  per  acre.  The  House,  regarding  this  as  removing  the 
pre-emptors  from  within  the  purview  of  the  benefits  which 
would  apply  to  subsequent  settlers,  refused  to  accede  to  it. 
A  compromise  was  effected,  and  the  House  changed  the  bill 
so  as  to  protect  the  thousands  of  pre-emptors  now  on  Gov 
ernment  land  "  to  be  advertised  in  the  fall  for  sale,  from  land 
sales  for  at  least  two  years,  and  to  allow  them  then  to  secure 
their  homes  at  one-half  the  Government  price,  namely,  sixty- 
two  and  a-half  cents  per  acre.  Compromises  on  some  other 
points  of  disagreement  were  effected,  as  the  best  that  could 
be  done  at  the  period,  and  the  report  agreed  upon  was  con- 

*  Democrats.  t  "  Native  American." 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  8  7 

curred  in  by  both  Houses  on  the   day  of   its  presenta 
tion* 

The  bill  was  presented  to  President  Buchanan  for  approval 
on  the  20th,  but  was  vetoed  by  a  message  to  the  Senate  on 
the  23d  ;  and  thus  was  the  patient  labor  and  enthusiastic 
devotion  of  years  nullified  by  the  Presidential  veto. 

Of  course,  Senator  Johnson  did  not  permit  his  measure 
to  fall  under  the  veto  without  a  vigorous  effort  to  keep  it 
in  a  position  to  withstand  the  powerful  blow,  but  it  was  in 
vain.  There  seemed  to  be  an  understanding  between  John 
son's  antagonists,  many  of  whom  voted  for  the  bill,  and  the 
President,  that  the  former  would  sustain  the  latter  if  he 
vetoed  it.  In  this,  as  in  all  other  measures  of  his  Adminis 
tration,  President  Buchanan  proved  hirrfself  to  be  completely 
under  the  control  of  the  conspirators  ;  and  the  conclusion 
of  his  official  term  in  its  cowardly  and  parricidal  postpone 
ment  of  action  against  the  traitors,  was  only  the  natural 
result  of  the  plans  into  which'  Mr.  Buchanan  had  been  led 
by  a  hatred  of  Douglas  on  the  one  hand,  and  an  obsequious 
abandonment  of  his  power  into  the  hands  of  the  Southern 
leaders  on  the  other,  to  crush  the  great  Illinois  Senator.  In 
furthering  Mr.  Buchanan's  purposes  for  the  annihilation  of 
Douglas,  the  Southern  leaders  were  less  successful  than  in 
using  the  power  of  the  Government  to  foster  treason.  On 
every  necessary  point  they  used  Mr.  Buchanan  to  forward 
their  designs ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  veto  was 
incited  through  fear  of  the  effect  of  a  Homestead  bill,  if 
carried  into  a  law,  on  the  population  of  the  South.  One 
of  the  charges  made  against  the  measure  was,  that  it  would 
induce  numbers  of  men  to  leave  the  Southern  States.  In 
view  of  the  armed  revolt  which  was  then  in  contempla 
tion,  the  Southern  leaders  did  not  want  any  such  exodus  of 

*  The  vote  to  concur  in  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  which 
finally  framed  the  Homestead  law,  stood  thus :  In  the  Senate— yeas,  36  ;  nays,  2. 
In  the  House— yeas,  115;  nays,  51. 


88  LIFE  'AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

their  fighting  material  "  to  fresh  fields  and  pastures  new." 
Johnson's  Southern  antagonists  seemed  to  have  acted  all 
through  their  opposition  to  his  bill  with  the  full  knowledge 
that  Mr.  Buchanan  would  waylay,  by  a  veto,  that  which 
they  felt  would  assuredly  pass  by  a  vote.  As  early  as 
May,  1858,  Senator  Biggs  of  North  Carolina,  in  reply  to 
Senator  Johnson's  statement  that  the  public  mind  was  made 
up  in  reference  to  the  measure,  said  :  "  The  Senator  from 
Tennessee  assumes  that  the  Homestead  bill — the  favorite  of 
his — is  to  pass  through  both  branches  of  Congress,  and  is  to 
be  approved  by  the  President.  Now,  I  do  not  profess  to 
know  any  thing  about  the  opinion  of  the  President  on  this 
particular  measure,  but  for  the  purpose  of  excluding  a  con 
clusion,  I  desire  to  say  that  if  I  understand  the  position  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  squandering 
the  public  lands,  this  is  the  last  measure  to  which  he  will  ever 
consent  to  give  his  approbation  ;  but  I  trust  it  will  be  stran 
gled  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  as  it  ought  to  be.  If, 
however,  it  should  pass  through  both  Houses,  I  entertain  a 
confident  hope  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  will 
exercise  his  constitutional  power  of  vetoing  such  a  measure." 
Mr.  Biggs  could  not  have  based  such  an  opinion  on  Mr. 
Buchanan's  publicly  expressed  position  on  the  question,  but 
on  some  more  recent  instruction  ;  as  Mr.  Buchanan  in  his 
Inaugural  Address  on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  in  presence  of 
the  highest  legal  and  legislative  functionaries  of  the  Repub 
lic  and  the  representatives  of  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
world,  used  the  following  language,  which  would  seem  to 
indicate  the  exact  provisions  of  the  bill  which  he  now  vetoed. 
He  said : 

"  No  nation,  in  the  tide  of  time,  has  ever  been  blessed 
with  so  noble  an  inheritance  as  we  enjoy  in  the  public  lands. 
In  administering  this  important  trust,  while  it  may  be  wise 
to  grant  portions  of  them  for  the  improvement  of  the  re 
mainder,  yet  we  should  never  forget  that  it  is  our  cardinal 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  89 

policy  to  reserve  these  lands  as  much  as  may  be  for  actual 
settlers,  and  this  at  moderate  prices.  We  shall  thus  not  only 
best  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  new  States,  by  furnishing 
them  a  hardy  and  independent  race  of  honest  and  industrious 
citizens,  but  shall  secure  homes  for  our  children  and  our 
children's  children,  as  well  as  those  exiles  from  foreign  shores 
who  may  seek  in  this  country  to  improve  their  condition  and 
to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Such 
emigrants  have  done  much  to  promote  the  growtli  and  pros 
perity  of  the  country.  They  liave  proved  faithful  both  in 
peace  and  in  war.  After  becoming  citizens,  they  are  enti 
tled,  under  the  Constitution  and  laws,  to  be  placed  on  per 
fect  equality  with  native-born  citizens,  and  in  this  character* 
they  should  ever  be  kindly  recognized." 

Would  it  not  seem  that  the  bill  under  consideration  was 
drafted  with  an  eye  to  the  propositions  contained  herein — a 
portion  of  the  lands  being  appropriated  for  the  improve 
ment  of  the  remainder,  and  the  balance  being,  as  far  as  pos 
sible,  reserved  to  "  actual  settlers/'  and  as  homes  "  for  our 
children  and  our  children's  children  ;"  and  at  the  same  time 
opening  the  door  to  the  exiles  of  other  countries  to  come 
and  cultivate  these  lands,  and.  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  language, 
"  to  improve  their  condition,  and  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty  ?"  Senator  Johnson,  alluding  to 
these  views  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  said  :  "  There  is  bread  and 
work  for  all ;  let  them  all  come,  and  comply  with  the  law."* 

In  the  face  of  such  stated  views  and  the  paramount  fact, 
not  to  be  overlooked,  that  the  measure  passed  by  more  than 
a  two-thirds  vote  in  each  House,  the  control  of  the  conspira 
tors  over  Mr.  Buchanan  must  have  been  overwhelming  to 
compel  him  to  veto  a  measure  which,  in  substance,  was 
approved  by  George  Washington,  sustained  by  Thomas 
Jefferson,  advocated  by  Andrew  Jackson,  and  promised  by 
himself.  The  judgment  of  history  will  be,  that  from  his 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-sixth  Congress. 


90  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

treasonable  surroundings,  and  his  leagues  against  the  rights 
of  the  people  at  the  periods  of  their  severest  trouble,  James 
Buchanan  could  not  be  expected  to  appear  in  the  category 
of  those— the  Washingtons,  Jcffersons,  and  Jacksons— who 
had  laid  the  foundations  and  guarded  the  fabric  of  the 
people's  liberties. 

Notwithstanding  that  Mr.  Buchanan  held  out  induce 
ments  in  his  inaugural  for  "  exiles  from  foreign  shores  "  to 
come  and  cultivate  the  soil,  that  portion  of  his  veto  which 
supplied  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  followers  with  the  chief 
reason  to  sustain  it  was  this  very  inducement  "  to  foreign 
ers."  The  plea — stupid  and  irrational  on  the  very  face  of 
it,  and  egregiously  ridiculous,  when  we  remember  the  ordeal 
to  which  the  bill  was  submitted  in  botli  Houses  on  these 
several  committees  of  conference — was,  that  the  bill  put  a 
foreigner  on  a  better  footing  than  a  native  citizen.  Jef 
ferson  Davis,  taking  Buchanan's  hint  (after  having  voted  for 
the  bill),  thought  this  a  great  objection,  which,  however 
"  did  not  strike  him  until  the  message  (veto)  suggested  it."* 
Davis  voted  for  the  bill  lest  his  colleague  from  Mississippi, 
A.  G.  Brown,  who  was  always  the  advocate  of  a  Homestead 
measure,  should  reap  undivided  honor  from  the  people  of 
his  State  ;  and  took  the  lead  in  sustaining  Mr.  Buchanan's 
veto,  on  the  shallowest  of  pretences,  in  the  interest  of  the 
conspiracy.  Senator  Pugh  of  Ohio,  a  distinguished  lawyer, 
examined  the  section  of  the  bill  upon  which  the  Presidential 
pretext,  and  that  of  Davis  and  his  followers,  was  founded, 
and  declared  it  "  a  quibble/'  "  It  does  not,"  he  said,  "  rise 
above  it ;"  and  Senator  Harlanf  declared  it  "  beneath  the 
dignity  of  a  legal  quibble."  "  No  one,"  he  said,  "  doubts 
that  the  President  gives  this  part  of  the  bill  a  construction 
not  intended  by  the  framer  of  the  bill,  or  either  of  the  Com 
mittees  on  Public  Lands,  or  any  one  member  of  either  branch 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  p.  3271. 
t  At  present,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  91 

of  Congress  ;  and  hence,  if  susceptible  of  such  a  construc 
tion,  it  could  be  remedied  by  the  passage  of  a  joint  resolu 
tion  in  less  than  thirty  minutes."  But  it  was  not  the  object 
of  the  President  or  of  those  controlling  him  to  pass  the 
Homestead  bill  ;  hence  the  veto  was  sustained,  two-thirds 
not  having  voted  against  the  veto. 

I  have  dwelt  on  the  history  of  Andrew  Johnson's  efforts 
in  behalf  of  a  Homestead  bill,  because  the  magnitude  and 
grandeur,  the  wisdom  and  beneficence  of  the  measure,  can 
not  be  over-rated  or  too  greatly  appreciated.  In  this 
chapter  its  merits  have  been  variously  indicated  ;  but  it  is 
a  subject  which  admits  of  the  widest  illustration.  It  is  as 
peculiarly  grateful  and  beneficial  to  the  people  as  the  at 
mosphere  they  breathe,  and  has  met,  as  has  been  shown,  the 
sincere  approval  of  our  most  trusted  and  beloved  patriot 
leaders.  In  a  lecture  delivered  by  Bancroft  on  Andrew 
Jackson,*  the  beatings  of  the  old  hero's  heart  for  the  wel 
fare  of  the  people,  in  this  respect,  was  timed  with  the  pic 
turesque  force  characteristic  of  the  eminent  historian,  who 
said  : 

"  General  Jackson  was  a  pupil  of  the  wilderness ;  his  heart  was 
with  the  pioneers  of  American  life  toward  the  setting  sun.  No 
American  statesman  has  ever  embraced  within  his  affections  a 
scheme  so  liberal  as  that  of  Jackson.  He  longed  to  secure  for  them 
not  pre-emption  rights  only,  but  more  than  pre-emption  rights ;  he 
longed  to  invite  labor  to  take  possession  of  the  unoccupied  fields 
without  money  and  without  price,  with  no  obligation  except  the 
perpetual  devotion  of  itself  by  allegiance  to  its  country.  Under  the 
beneficent  influence  of  his  opinions,  the  sons  of  misfortune,  the 
children  of  adventure,  find  their  way  to  the  uncultivated  West. 
There  in  some  wilderness  glade,  or  in  the  thick  forest  of  the  fertile 
plain,  or  where  the  prairies  most  sparkle  with  flowers,  they,  like  the 
wild  bee,  which  sets  them  the  example  of  industry,  may  choose  their 
home,  mark  the  extent  of  their  possessions  by  driving  stakes  or 
blazing  trees,  shelter  their  log-cabin  with  the  boughs  and  turf,  and 
teach  the  virgin  soil  to  yield  itself  to  the  plowshare.  Theirs  shall 

*  At  Washington, .June  27, 1845. 


92  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC' SERVICES 

be  the  soil ;  theirs  the  beautiful  farms  which  they  teach  to  be  pro 
ductive 

"  Yet,  beautiful  and  lovely  as  is  this  scene,  it  still  by  far  falls  short 
of  the  ideal  which  lived  in  the  aiFections  of  Jackson.  His  heart 
was  ever  with  the  pioneer ;  his  policy  ever  favored  the  diffusion  of 
independent  freeholds  throughout  the  laboring  classes  of  our  land." 

It  was  remarked  at  the  time,  that  popular  as  the  subject 
was,  still  it  did  not  appear  to  have  attracted  all  the  attention 
it  deserved  ;  for  the  reason  that  American  citizens  in  the 
full  enjoyment  of  republican  freedom,  men  into  whose  soul 
the  iron  of  European  despotism  had  never  entered,  did  not 
fully  realize  the  grandeur  of  this  fundamental  law.  It  is  a 
great  charter  of  liberty  for  the  people,  very  unlike  the  Magna 
Charta  of  England,  extorted  by  the  barons  from  King  John 
for  a  privileged  few.  The  undisturbed  possession  of  a  free 
farm,  which  no  power  can  tax  without  the  consent  of  the 
possessor,  through  his  representatives  freely  chosen,  is  the 
very  essence  of  human  liberty.  It  is  only  people  who  think 
deeply  on  the  matter  who  thoroughly  appreciate  its  wisdom 
and  desire  to  be  advised  by  it.  The  land  question  has  been 
one  from  which  all  the  feuds  of  caste  and  class  in  the  old 
countries  have  arisen  ;  and  although,  as  many  persons  will 
argue,  that  there  exists  no  urgent  necessity  for  a  Homestead 
bill,  land  being  abundant  and  comparatively  cheap,  unless  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  cities  and  thickly  populated  dis 
tricts,  still  the  necessity  does  exist  and  constantly  increases. 

Irrespective  of  the  present  humanity  of  such  a  law,  any 
student  of  history  must  see  how  beneficial  will  be  its  results 
in  the  future ;  in  adjusting  an  extensive  source  of  welfare 
for  the  people,  before  powerful  interests  have  a  chance  to 
grow  up,  and  be  affected  by  its  operation.  It  is  wise  to 
settle  such  a  question  before  a  necessity  exists  of  upturning 
one  class  of  society  for  the  benefit  of  the  community.  Good 
and  timely  legislation  would  adjust  the  land  question  in 
America  for  ever.  One  comprehensive  organic  law  saves 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  93 

the  necessity  of  hundreds  of  tinkering  enactments  adopted 
to  remedy  an  original  defect.  And  as  to  begin  right  is  the 
great  secret  of  good  legislation,  so  some  such  act  as  John 
son's  Homestead  bill  would  prevent  any  complicated  code 
regulating  relations  between  landlords  and  tenants — for  they 
would  to  a  large  extent  be  one.  In  European  nations  legis 
lators  cannot  begin  at  the  beginning,  for  they  have  to  deal 
with  the  existing  interests  of  castes  and  classes,  and  hence 
the  continual  patching  without  any  perfect  result.  It  is  only 
by  paternal  despots,  as  it  has  been  done  in  Austria  and  Prus 
sia,  or  by  bloody  revolutions,  as  in  France,  that  the  strong 
holds  of  feudalism  are  overthrown,  and  the  soil  distributed 
among  the  people  in  Europe.  The  effect  of  such  a  Homestead 
bill  would  soon  be  felt  by  the  increase  of  the  best  kind  of 
population ;  an  independent  agricultural  proprietary,  the 
hardy,  healthy  tillers  of  the  soil,  the  only  sound  basis  on 
which  a  nation  can  stand.  The  increase  of  all  the  produc 
tions  of  the  country;  the  increase  of  employment  for  the 
distributive  classes ;  the  increase  of  commerce  and  manu 
factures  ;  the  decrease  of  poverty  and  disease,  idleness  and 
crime,  would  follow  ;  also  the  reduction  of  surplus  labor  and 
excessive  competition  in  large  cities,  and  better,  because 
more  equable  wages,  more  room,  more  food,  and  better  habi 
tations  for  the  labor  that  remains. 

In  a  popular  view  of  the  land  question,  after  Johnson's 
early  efforts  in  the  House  of  Representatives  had  drawn 
attention  to  the  subject,  it  was  shown  that  in  all  countries 
where  the  land  tenure  is  secure  the  people  advance  in 
comfort,  stability  and  content.  It  is  the  distribution  of 
the  land  among  the  people,  and  the  security  of  their  ten 
ures,  that  constitute  the  strength  of  the  French  people. 
For  Paris  is  not  France  save  in  the  eyes  of  politicians  ; 
u  the  peasant  proprietors  do  not  participate  in  the  revolu 
tionary  sentiments  and  designs  of  the  capital."  It  is  the 
freehold  and  happy  homes  of  Switzerland  that  preserve  that 


94  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Republic  amidst  the  "  cunning  despotisms"  which  surround 
her.  The  greatness  of  Holland  was  laid  by  the  industry  of 
her  small  proprietors.  "It  was  the  breaking  up  of  land 
monopoly  by  the  energetic  measures  of  Solon  that  saved 
Attica  in  his  day  from  destruction.  It  was  the  bold  meas 
ure  of  the  overthrow  of  feudalism,  by  her  king,  that  has 
made  little  Prussia,  in  our  own  time,  one  of  the  '  five  great 
Powers  of  Europe.'  It  was  the  monopoly  of  the  soil  by  a 
few  proprietors  that  destroyed  the  Roman  Republic  in  the 
meridian  of  its  high  civilization.  Capital  accumulated  but 
men  decayed.  Landlordism  has  made  beautiful '  Erin  of  the 
Streams'  what  she  is,  and  it  is  the  millstone  around  the 
neck  of  the  British  Empire  that  will  yet  drag  her  down  to 
the  bottom  of  her  own  element." 

Thus  history,  ancient,  feudal  and  modern,  presents  exam 
ples  which  should  not  be  overlooked,  and  warnings  which 
should  command  an  equally  devoted  attention  from  all  of 
our  statesmen  as  that  given  to  the  subject  by  Andrew  John 
son.  Past  history  probably  did  not  so  much  inspire  his 
thought  and  action  as  the  necessity  which  experience  taught. 
In  this  is  to  be  found  the  very  touchstone  of  the  popularity 
of  the  idea,  and  all  embraced  within  it ;  while  at  the  same 
time  it  is  but  strengthened  by  the  teachings  of  history  and 
the  fates  of  other  nations. 

The  United  States  Government  is  the  largest  landed 
proprietor  in  the  world.  Its  acres  of  untilled  soil  are  num 
bered  by  the  hundreds  of  millions.  Of  the  area  embraced 
within  the  limits  of  the  Union,  only  about  one-third  is  in  the 
hands  of  private  individuals.  Nearly  two-thirds  belong  to, 
or  are  subject  to  the  disposition  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Under  the  general  authority  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all 
needful  regulations  respecting  the  territory  and  other  prop 
erty  of  the  United  States,  Congress  has  from  time  to  time 
disposed  of  the  territory  for  cash  and  on  credit.  Congress 
has  disposed  of  the  territory  for  school  purposes  and  for 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  95 

internal  improvement  purposes,  giving  it  to  the  State?,  to 
corporations,  and  to  private  companies,  for  these  and  other 
purposes.  Congress  has  from  time  to  time  voted  bounties 
to  soldiers,  to  be  paid  in  land  ;  and  these  bounties  have  been 
voted  in  time  of  war  as  an  inducement  to  volunteer,  and  in 
time  of  peace  as  a  naked  gratuity.  This  legislation  and 
these  modes  of  disposing  of  territory  have  received  the  sanc 
tion  of  all  the  Presidents  and  of  every  class  of  politicians. 
So  far  as  precedent  can  go,  it  settles  the  question  of  power 
in  this  case.  If  Congress  can  sell  the  public  lands  on  a 
credit,  or  for  one  dollar  and  a-quarter  cash  per  acre,  why 
may  it  not  be  sold  for  ten  cents  or  one  cent  an  acre.  If 
Congress  can  give  the  new  States,  as  it  did  in  1812,  five 
hundred  thousand  acres  each  for  internal  improvement  pur 
poses  ;  if,  as  in  the  case  of  every  new  State,  the  sixteenth 
section  in  each  township  can  be  given  for  common-school 
purposes ;  if,  as  in  the  case  of  Mississippi  and  most  of  the 
new  States,  Congress  can  give  lands  for  seats  of  govern 
ment,  and  for  colleges  and  universities ;  if,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Mexican  war,  and  in  the  case  of  our  Indian  wars, 
the  honorably  discharged  soldiers  can  have  lands  given  to 
him,  is  it  not  idle  to  dispute,  as  many  have  disputed,  and  to 
deny  the  plenary  power  of  the  Government  to  dispose  of 
the  public  lands — to  give  them,  if  need  be,  to  actual 
settlers?* 

We  cannot,  even  with  our  vast  extent  of  territory,  be  too 
anxious  on  the  land  question,  or  too  solicitous  to  take  action 
for  the  prevention  in  any  future  time  of  any  such  debasing 
state  of  existence  within  the  Republic  as  that  which  results 
from  the  growth  of  a  large  landed  proprietary.  The  de 
grading  influences  of  feudalism  may  exist  in  fact  while  not 
in  name.  The  corner-stone,  basis  and  bulwark  of  feudalism 
is  the  concentration  of  the  soil  in  the  hands  of  an  aristoc- 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-second  Congress.     Brown.    Sec 
patsim  references  to  Public  Lands. 


96  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

racy.*  The  safety  of  a  nation  is  the  distribution  of  land  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  work  it. 

The  author  of  the  Novum  Organum  distinguishes,  among 
other  remedies  for  the  prevention  of  instability,  sedition  and 
trouble  among  the  people,  the  cherishing  of  manufactures, 
the  banishing  of  idleness,  the  improvement  and  husbanding 
of  the  soil  ;t  and  further  discourseth  suggestively  in  a  man 
ner  which  may  be  applied  to  the  subject  under  notice  : 

"  Let  States  that  aim  at  greatness  take  heed  how  their  no 
bility  and  gentlemen  do  multiply  too  fast ;  for  that  maketh 
the  common  subject  grow  to  be  a  peasant  and  base  swain, 
driven  out  of  heart  and  in  effect  but  a  gentleman's  laborer. 
Even  as  you  may  see  in  coppice  woods  :  if  you  leave  your 
straddles  too  thick,  you  shall  never  have  clean  underwood, 
but  shrubs  and  bushes.  So  in  countries,  if  the  gentlemen  be 
too  many,  the  commons  will  be  base  ;  and  you  will  bring  it 
to  that,  that  not  the  hundredth  poll  will  be  fit  for  an  helmet ; 
especially  as  to  the  infantry,  which  is  the  nerve  of  an  army  ; 
and  so  there  will  be  great  population  and  little  strength. 
This  which  I  speak  of  hath  been  nowhere  better  seen  than 
by  comparing  of  England  and  France;  whereof  England, 
though  far  less  in  territory  and  population,  hath  been,  never 
theless,  an  overmatch,  in  regard  the  middle  people  of  Eng- 

*  The  feudal  aristocracy  was  an  adjunct  of  land.  Hence  the  idea  so  invete- 
rately  rooted  in  modern  Europe  of  the  superiority  of  land-owners  above  rnen  as 
rich,  and  as  well  educated,  and  as  well  bred,  whose  property  comes  from  other 
sources,  or  whose  income  is  derived  from  trades  or  professions.  The  effects  of 
this  prejudice  are  still  felt  far  and  wide  in  the  society  of  every  country  at  this 
day.  It  gives  an  undue  preponderance  to  what  is  called  the  landed  interest 
everywhere;  and  it  makes  merchants  and  professional  men  always  seek  alli 
ances  with  that  body,  and  desire  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  belonging 
to  it.— Political  Philosophy.  Lord  Brougham,  Vol.  i.  Chap.  vii. 

I  do  not  use  the  word  "  aristocracy"  in  any  ad  captandum  sense  ;  but  to  dis 
tinguish  those  who  live  more  by  idleness  and  have  a  contempt  for  labor,  than 
those  who  by  great  deeds  or  endowments  are  looked  up  to  by  the  people  as 
above  though  of  them.  These  latter  form  the  aristocracy  which  pertains  in  the 
history  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States;  it  is  the  aristocracy  of  democracy 
and  of  which  Jefferson,  Henry,  Roger  Sherman,  Nathaniel  Green,  Jackson, 
Douglas,  Lincoln  and  Johnson  are  striking  examples. 

t  Essays,  Civil  and  Moral,  by  Francis  Bacon.     Lord  Verulam. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  97 

land  make  good  soldiers,  which  the  peasants  of  France  do 
not ;  and  herein  the  device  of  King  Henry  VII.  (whereof  I 
have  spoken  in  the  history  of  his  life)  was  profound  and 
admirable,  in  making  farms  and  houses  of  husbandry  of  a 
standard ;  that  is,  maintained  with  such  a  proportion  of 
land  unto  them  as  may  breed  a  subject  to  live  in  convenient 
plenty  and  no  servile  condition  ;  and  to  keep  the  plow  in 
the  hands  of  the  owners,  and  not  mere  hirelings  ;  and  thus 
indeed  you  shall  attain  to  Virgil's  character,  which  lie  gives 
to  ancient  Italy, 

"  Terra  potens  arrnis  atque  ubere  glebse."* 

*  A  hind  powerful  in  arms  and  in  richness   of  soil. — (£'ssays,  On  tlie  True 
Greatness  <f  Kingdoms  and  Estates.} 


CHAPTER    VI. 


RETRENCHMENT  —  The  Army  Bill  to  make  more  Officers  and  Skeleton  Regi 
ments —  Substitute  offered  by  Johnson  —  His  Reason  for  Opposing  Davis' 
bill  — No  Permanent  Increase  of  the  Army —  The  Revenue  of  the  State  is 
the  State  —  Congress  Responsible  for  Reckless  Expenditures  —  Cost  of  the 
Army  from  1800  —  The  Total  Expense  of  Government  from  the  Same  Period 
—  Warning  to  the  Democratic  Party  —  Extract  from  Speech  against  a  Stand 
ing  Army  —  Constitutional. Powers  —  Militia  and  Volunteers  —  The  Power 
of  Government  Vested  in  the  Citizen  Soldiery  —  Washington  on  the  Citizen 
Soldiery,  the  Army  of  the  Constitution  — Jeff.  Davis  on  Volunteers  — 
"  Cheap"  Men  for  the  Army  —  European  Armies  —  Davis  slights  General 
Scott  — Johnson's  Compliment  to  the  Latter  —  Houston  shows  that  Wash 
ington  and  Jackson  were  only  Military  Men  on  Occasions  of  Necessity  — 
Hunter  Cornered —  Iverson  makes  a  Speech  without  a  Subject  —  Defense  of 
the  Tennessee  Heroes  in  the  Revolutionary,  1812,  Indian  and  Mexican  Wars 

Iverson  Apologizes  —  The  Tennessee  Resolutions  —  Senator  John  Bell's 

Opposition  to  them  —  Johnson  on  Senatorial  Aspirants  for  the  Presidency 
—  Bell  not  Johnson's  "  Competitor"  —  Sharp  Debate  — Explanations. 

IN  the  Thirty-fifth  Congress,  Senator  Johnson  not  only 
took  an  early  opportunity  to  resuscitate  the  Homestead 
bill,  but  soon  became  distinguished  by  the  earnestness  with 
which  he  impressed  on  his  colleagues  the  necessity  of  reform 
and  retrenchment  in  financial  affairs ;  and  his  sedulous 
opposition  to  all  measures  which  might  by  legislative  sanc 
tion  be  made  a  means  of  incurring  public  expenditure.  The 
same  experience  which  made  him  see  the  necessity  of  home 
steads  for  the  people  also  suggested  to  him  the  duty  of 
holding  the  guardians  of  the  people's  Treasury  to  a  strict 
accountability.  Senator  Johnson,  however,  was  not  simply 
or  demagogically  desirous  of  making  a  show  of  public  vir- 

'    (98) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  99 

tue  regarding  present  expenditure  ;  lie  was  anxious  that 
every  precaution  should  be  taken  to  prevent  the  necessity 
of  further  expense,  or  the  possibility  of  the  Government 
plunging  into  extravagance.  Having,  as  Sir  Thomas  Brown 
recommends,  "  bid  early  defiance  unto  those  vices"  in  himself, 
lie  knew  he  represented  not  only  the  wants  but  the  wishes 
of  the  masses,  and  desired  that  the  Government  should  re 
flect  that  simplicity  and  economy  which  the  masses  feel  it  a 
duty  to  cultivate.  Hence  lie  early  took  grounds  in  favor  of 
retrenchment  on  the  Army  bill,  as  proposed  by  Jefferson 
Davis,  in  anticipation  of  a  Mormon  war. 

On  January  21,  1858,  Senator  Davis  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  a  bill  for  the  increase  of 
the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States.  The  bill 
proposed  to  add  to  each  regiment  of  dragoons,  cavalry, 
infantry  and  mounted  riflemen  two  companies,  and  to  in 
crease  the  number  of  privates  in  each  company  in  the  field  or 
on  remote  or  frontier  stations,  from  fifty-two  to  ninety-six. 
Among  other  provisions  of  the  bill  was,  that  regular  promo 
tions  to  vacancies  occurring  in  the  regimental  grades  of  com 
missioned  officers  of  the  United  States  Army,  were  to  be  by 
regiments  or  corps,  instead  of  by  arms  of  service.  Senator 
Davis  advocated  the  measure  on  the  theory  which  he  said 
was  "  handsomely  illustrated  by  Mr.  Calhoun,"  of  creating 
a  skeleton  army  in  time  of  peace  capable  of  sudden  expan 
sion  in  time  of  war  to  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion.  He 
had  no  disposition  to  merely  reduce  expense  by  disbanding 
a  few  officers,  when  the  present  anticipated  necessity  ceased 
to  exist :  on  the  contrary,  his  desire  was  to  have  a  greater 
number  of  skeleton  regiments  with  more  officers  and  fewer 
privates,  which  could  be  readily  filled  up  and  would  give  us 
the  benefits  of  discipline  at  the  commencement  of  a  war. 

This  bill  and  the  mode  of  its  advocacy  attracted  a  great 
deal  of  attention  and  much  vigorous  debate.  The  increase 
of  the  standing  army  was  especially  objectionable,  not  only 


100  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

as  regarded  the  expense  at  a  period  when  the  Treasury  was 
not  in  a  very  flourishing  condition,  but  as  opposed  to  the 
spirit  of  the  American  system.  Much  recriminative  criticism 
was  evoked  on  the  regular  service  and  the  volunteers  re 
spectively,  Senator  Davis  defending  and  paying  homage  to 
the  former.  It  was  suggested  by  Senator  Hale  of  New 
Hampshire,  that  if  an  increase  was  made  in  the  Army,  the 
idea  that  it  would  ever  go  back,  or  become  smaller,  as  long 
as  there  was  money  or  credit  to  maintain  it,  was  too  absurd 
to  be  spoken  of.  "  There  are,"  said  he,  "no  backward  tracks 
when  our  Government  begins  to  expend  money." 

Davis'  bill  was  amended  in  various  ways  by  the  Senate, 
and  for  the  bill  as  amended,  Senator  Wilson  offered  a  sub 
stitute,  which  he  relinquished  in  favor  of  a  substitute  pre 
sented  by  Senator  Johnson  on  the  18th  February,  which, 
striking  out  all  after  the  enacting  clause,  authorized  the 
President,  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  to  call  for  and  accept  the  services  of  infantry 
volunteers,  not  exceeding  four  thousand  both  officers  and 
men,  to  serve  for  and  during  the  pending  difficulties  in  the 
Mormon  Territory.  It  was  further  provided  that  the  com 
panies  should  have  the  regulation  number  and  elect  their 
own  officers  ;  be  equipped  at  the  national  expense  ;  that  in 
case  of  wounds  or  disabilities  during  service,  they  should  be 
entitled  to  all  the  benefits  conferred  on  United  States  sol 
diers  ;  and  that "  said  officers,  musicians  and  privates"  au 
thorized  by  the  act  be  immediately  disbanded  at  the  termi 
nation  of  the  Utah  difficulties. 

Senator  Johnson  was  opposed  to  the  Davis  bill,  because 
it  provided  for  a  permanent  increase  of  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  standing  army.  He  was  opposed  to  that  on  any  occa 
sion.  Standing  armies  were  contrary  to  the  genius  of  our 
Government  and  to  the  temperament  of  the  people.  More 
over,  it  seemed  that  undue  advantage  was  taken  of  the  crisis, 
such  as  it  was,  to  advocate  a  permanent  increase,  and,  by 


OF  ANDREW  JOIINSON.  101 

the  light  thrown  on  the  course  of  Davis  and  his  associ 
ates  since,  this  increase  was,  without  doubt,  intended  to 
add  strength  to  the  ultra  Southern  party  which  would 
control  the  appointments.  No  doubt  Senator  Johnson  saw 
through  this,  for  he  reminded  the  Senate  that  the  President, 
while  requesting  an  additional  force,  did  not  ask  for  a  per 
manent  increase. 

It  is  usual  to  rebuke  legislators  who  constantly  advocate 
retrenchment ;  to  regard  them  as  "wanting  in  public  spirit," 
and  as  not  coming  up  to  that "  grasp  of  purpose"  which  char 
acterises  statesmen.  Senator  Johnson  was  not  to  be  swayed 
from  his  principles  or  purposes  by  any  of  these  charges  or 
innuendos.  He  believed,  with  Edmund  Burke,  that  the  reve 
nue  of  the  State  is  the  State,  and  in  its  careful  usage  or 
extravagant  expenditure  can  the  life  and  character  of  the 
State  be  preserved  or  dissipated.  After  opposing  the 
Standing  Army  bill,  on  principle,  as  against  the  spirit  of  the 
people,  he  also  threw  himself  against  it  as  a  means  of  un 
necessary  expenditure.  He  brought  home  to  Congress  the 
responsibility  of  such  extravagance,  as  without  legislation 
on  the  subject  the  Administration  would  be  powerless.  *  I 
wish  to  ask  Democratic  Senators,"  said  he,  "  if  this  is  a  time 
to  increase  the  expenditures  of  the  Government  ?  You  are 
responsible  for  the  expenses  of  the  Government.  You  have 
the  majority.  You  have  the  control  of  the  Treasury  in  your 
hands.  It  is  idle  to  go  before  the  country  and  talk  before  the 
people  about  the  expenditures  of  the  Administration.  Who 
hold  the  purse-strings  of  the  nation  ?  When  we  run  through 
the  appropriations  of  this  Government,  from  its  origin  to 
the  present  time,  we  find  that  the  appropriations  have  gene 
rally  outgone  the  expenditures.  Who  make  the  expendi 
tures?  The  President  may  recommend  for  this  and  for 
that,  and  he  may  make  extravagant  recommendations  ;  but 
the  query  comes  up.  Is  Congress  bound  to  appropriate  ? 
You,  the  appropriating  power,  hold  the  purse-strings  of  this 


102  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

nation  in  your  hands  ;  and  if  the  expenditures  of  this  Gov 
ernment  go  on  increasing  as  they  have  been  going  on  for  a 
considerable  number  of  years  back,  you  are  responsible,  not 
the  Administration."  After  admonishing  the  Chamber  of 
the  responsibility  in  the  premises,  Senator  Johnson  presented 
for  its  examination  some  striking  facts  illustrative  of  the 
growth  of  public  expenditure  bearing  on  the  subject  before  it. 
Dividing  our  history  into  decades,  he  showed  that  in  1800, 
at  the  end  jf  the  first  decade,  the  expenses  of  our  Army 
was  82,560,000  ;  in  1810  it  cost  $2,294,000  ;  in  1820, 
$2,630,000  ;  in  1830,  $4,767,000  ;  in  1840,  $7,695,000  ;  and 
in  1850,  $9,687,000.  "  You  will  remark/'  added  the  Sena 
tor,  "  that,  at  the  end  of  all  these  decades,  in  the  year  for 
which  the  calculation  is  made  no  war  existed,  but  the  sums 
embraced  all  the  expenditures  of  the  War  Department. 
In  1857  what  do  we  find  them  to  be  ?  They  reach  the 
pretty  little  sum  of  $19,159,000  I"  Taking  the  aggregate 
expenditures  of  the  Government,  he  found  that  the  entire 
expenses  for  the  year  1800  was  $7,411,000  ;  for  1810, 
$5,592,000  ;  for  1820,  $10,723,000  ;  for  1830,  $13,^64,000  ; 
for  1840,  $26,196,000 ;  for  1850,  $44,049,000.  In  1857 
the  expenses  ran  up  to  $65,032,000,  and  the  estimates  for 
1858  were  $74,963,000.  He  further  showed  from  his  sta 
tistical  researches,  that  in  a  country  where  the  prejudice  of 
the  people  and  the  genius  of  the  Government  are  against  a 
standing  army  ;  in  a  country  where  the  standing  army  has 
been  put  down  to  its  lowest  possible  point,  that  two-thirds 
of  the  entire  revenue  collected  from  the  people  of  the 
United  States  have  been  expended  on  this  army  in  minia 
ture,  and  a  navy  "  not  out  of  its  swaddling  clothes." 
Keeping  in  mind  the  outcry  made  by  those  who  vote  for  all 
things  and  look  into  but  few,  and  accuse  the  more  patient 
and  conscientious  legislators  with  want  of  "liberality"  and 
lack  of  generous  views  of  public  policy,  he  said  :  "  I  know 
it  is  very  easy  for  Senators,  and  those  who  are  not  Senators, 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  103 

to  speak  disparagingly  of  those  who  count  the  dollars  and 
cents  when  an  appropriation  is  proposed  for  this  or  for 
that  purpose  ;  but  we  see  where  our  appropriations  have 
brought  us.  They  have  brought  us  just  where  we  are — in 
the  midst  of  extravagance,  in  the  midst  of  profligacy,  in 
the  midst  of  corruption,  in  the  midst  of  improper  applica 
tions  of  the  people's  money.77  He  warned  the  Democratic 
party,  especially  when  they  found  the  opposition  willing 
to  unite  with  them  on  the  question,  to  enter  at  once  upon 
the  path  of  curtailment.  If  expenses  kept  on  increasing, 
the  people  would  awaken  to  it,  and  ascertaining  the  true 
state  of  affairs,  would  sustain  the  party  in  favor  of  arresting 
the  extravagant  expenditures  of  the  Government.  Thus 
awakening  the  minds  of  Senators  as  to  the  results  of  a  hasty 
and  inconsiderate  action  on  the  Army  bill,  Senator  Johnson 
supported  his  opposition  to  standing  armies  in  a  telling 
speech,  some  extracts  from  which  may  be  appropriately  re 
produced  here. 

"  But,  sir,  I  come  back  to  the  more  immediate  question  before  the 
Senate,  and  that  is  as  to  calling  out  an  additional  military  force.  We 
are  told  by  the  friends  of  the  Committee's  bill  that  we  do  not  want 
volunteers.  General  Washington,  in  1794,  ordered  out  fifteen  thou 
sand  of  the  militia  to  suppress  the  insurrection  of  what  we  called 
the  ;  Whisky  boys '  in  Pennsylvania,  and  General  Washington  at  that 
time  acted  upon  what  he  understood  to  be  the  theory  of  the  Govern 
ment,  as  contained  in  the  Constitution. 

"  In  the  enumerated  powers  of  the  Constitution,  we  find  the  grant 
to  Congress  of  power — 

"  '  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make 
rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water. 

"  '  To  raise  and  support  armies  ;  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to 
that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years.' 

"What  is  meant  there?  Does  the  Constitution  contemplate  a 
large  standing  army  ?  Congress  has  power  to  declare  war  ;  and  the 
body  on  which  this  power  is  conferred  is  authorized  to  raise  and 
maintain  an  army.  This  is  given  as  an  incident  as  necessary  to  the 
express  grant  to  carry  out  the  war-making  power.  Does  that  imply 
that  you  can  keep  fixed  on  the  people  a  large  and  expensive  stand- 


104  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ing  army  ?    Proceeding  with  the  Constitution,  we  find  that  Congress 
has  power — 

"  '  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions.     To  provide 
for  organizing,  arming,  disciplining  the  militia,  and  for  governmj 
such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  ot  the  united 
States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively  the  appointment  ot  1 
officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  according  to  the 
discipline  prescribed  by  Congress.' 

"  Do  we  not  see  the  militia  was  considered  the  proper  force  to  SUE 
tain  the  strong  arm  of  the  Government  ?     It  never  was  contemplated 
to  have  a  standing  army.    But  it  is  said  we  do  not  want  this  descrip 
tion  of  force.     When  we  look  into  the  Constitution  further,  we  find 
that  the  States  are  prohibited  from  keeping  a  standing  army.     Our 
Federal  and  State  Constitutions  were  made  by  our  fathers,  who  were 
familiar  with  the  oppression  of  the  Old  World,  who  had  witnessed 
the  encroachments  and  dangers  of  standing  armies  in  those  old  Gov 
ernments.     Hence,  we  find  in  all  our  bills  of  rights— perhaps  not  in 
ail  of  them,  but  certainly  in  most  of  them— that  standing  armies 
are  dangerous,  and  shall  not  be  allowed ;  and  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  provides  for  calling  the  militia  to  suppress  rebel 
lion  or  insurrection  against  the  Government.     What  does  this  con 
template  ?     It  contemplates  most  clearly  that  the  power  of  this 
Government  is  to  be  vested  in  the  citizen  soldiery,  that  they  are 
to  be  called  forth  when  the  Government  needs  them,  and  to  answer 
the  purpose  for  which  the  Government  calls  them  into  service.^ 
am  for  that  description  of  force  ;  I  am  for  confiding  in  and  relying 
upon  the  volunteers  of  the  country.     They  are  the  citizen  soldiery 
in  the  proper  acceptation  of  the  term.     I  am  for  that  description  of 
soldiers  that  go  when  war  comes.     I  am  for  that  description  of 
soldiers  that  come  when  war  goes ;  who  are  not  willing  to  enter  the 
Army  for  a  living  and  depend  upon  the  Army  for  their  support. 
General  Washington  gives  us  in  his  message  of  1794  an  illustrious 
example  in  what  he  said  on  this  subject.   He  says  of  the  fifteen  thou 
sand  men  who  were  called  out  to  suppress  and  put  down  the  '  Whisky 
boys '  in  Pennsylvania  : 

"  '  It  has  been  a  spectacle  displaying  to  the  highest  advantage  the 
value  of  Republican  Government— to  behold  the  most  and  the  least 
wealthy  of  our  citizens  standing  in  the  same  ranks  as  private  sol 
diers,  pre-eminently  distinguished  by  being  the  Army  of  the  Consti 
tution.' 

"  That  was  what  Washington  thought.    He  would  be  considered 


OF  ANDREW  JOUNSON.  105 

a  demagogue,  a  peace  calculator,  a  narrow-minded  politician,  if  he 
were  to  live  and  speak  that  language  now  ;  but  he  thought  the  true 
army  of  a  Republican  Government  should  be  composed  of  the  most 
respectable  and  the  least  respectable,  of  the  most  wealthy  and  the 
least  wealthy,  fighting  together  when  occasion  required  them,  to 
tender  their  services.  This  was  the  army  that  Washington  pre 
sented  as  an  admirable  spectacle  of  a  Republican  Government ;  but 
when  we  come  to  modern  times  and  to  more  distinguished  men,  we 
find  a  different  doctrine  preached.  The  honorable  Chairman  of  the 
Military  Committee — I  am  sorry  he  is  not  in  his  seat — in  speaking 
of  tlie  citizen  soldiery,  or  of  volunteers,  makes  use  of  the  following 
language : 

"  '  Nothing  would  be  more  unjust  than  to  call  people  from  their 
peaceful  avocations,  and  keep  them  for  a  long  period  at  frontier  posts 
to  guard  frontier  settlements.  It  would  take  lower  material,  too,  than 
compose  the  volunteers  who  turn  out  in  time  of  war.  Amoncc  my 
objections  to  the  employment  of  volunteers  for  such  service,  is  the 
very  elevated  character  of  the  young  men  who  are  often  induced 
thus  to  enter  the  service  ;  men  who  are  worthy  of  better  employment, 
whose  habits  are  injured,  whose  train  of  thought  or  pursuit  of  some 
profession  is  broken  in  upon  by  this  temporary  service,  where  a 
cheaper  man  would  do, as  well.' 

"  General  Washington  presented  it  as  a  noble  spectacle  that  the 
force  which  he  had  ordered  out,  in  obedience  to  the  wants  of  the 
Government,  was  composed  of  the  most  and  the  least  wealthy  and 
respectable.  That  was  the  idea  that  General  Washington  had,  and 
he  presents  it  as  an  illustrious  example  in  a  republican  form  of 
Government.  But  hear  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  : 

" '  If  I  may  be  permitted,  without  an  appearance  of  egotism,  to 
refer  to  my  own  observation,  I  would  say  that  when  I  have  traveled 
among  the^  people  from  whom  the  volunteers  were  drawn  who  went 
to  Mexico,  I  have  had  this  fact  more  deeply  impressed  upon  me  by 
the  sad  countenance  of  some  father,  the  tears  of  some  mother,  over 
the  fate  of  a  promising  young  man,  who  fell  in  performing  the  duties 
of  a  private  soldier.  The  material  is  too  high,  except  when  the 
honor  of  the  country  demands  it.' 

"  This  carries  us  back  to  the  condition  of  and  material  of  which 
armies  are  composed  in  European  countries.  What  is  the  material 
of  which  they  are  composed  ?  There  is  a  broken-down  and  brain- 
less-headed  aristocracy,  members  of  decaying  families  that  have  no 
energy  by  which  they  can  elevate  themselves,  relying  on  ancestral 
honors  and  their  connection  with  the  Government.  On  the  other 
hand  there  is  a  rabble,  in  the  proper  acceptation  of  the  term — a 


106  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

miserable  lazzaroni,  lingering,  and  hanging,  and  wallowing  about 
their  cities,  that  have  no  employment ;  and  they  are  ready  and  anx 
ious  to  enter  the  service  of  the  Government  at  any  time,  for  a  few 
sixpences  to  buy  their  grog  and  a  little  clothing  to  hide  their  state 
of  nudity.  Such  is  the  material  of  which  their  armies  are  com 
posed — the  rabble  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  broken-down,  decaying 
aristocracy  on  the  other.  Where  does  the  middle  man  stand? 
Where  does  the  industrious  bee  that  makes  the  honey  stand  ;  from 
whose  labor  all  is  drawn  ?  Where  is  he  ?  He  is  placed  between 
the  upper  and  the  nether  millstone,  and  is  ground  to  death  by  the 
office-hunter  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  miserable  rabble  in  the  shape 
of  soldiery  on  the  other.  I  want  no  rabble  here  on  the  one  hand,  and 
I  want  no  aristocracy  on  the  other.  Let  us  elevate  the  masses,  and 
make  no  places  in  our  Government  for  the  rabble,  either  in  your  Army 
or  the  Navy ;  but  let  us  pursue  these  great  principles  of  govern 
ment  and  philanthropy  that  elevate  the  masses  on  the  one  hand,  and 
dispense  with  useless  offices  on  the  other.  Do  this,  and  you  preserve 
the  great  masses  of  the  people,  on  whom  all  rests ;  without  whom 
your  Government  would  not  have  an  entity." 

He  regarded  a  standing  army  as  an  incubus,  a  canker,  a 
fungus  on  the  body  politic.  He  would  rely,  on  the  citizen 
soldier,  the  man  that  loves  his  country.  In  the  following 
passage,  the  Senator  indicated  Davis'  omission  of  any  mention 
of  General  Scott  one  of  the  vindictive  weaknesses  of  the 
Ex-Secretary  of  War.* 

"  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  on  this  bill,  there  were 
occasionally  some  strange  developments.  The  eloquent 
Chairman  who  sustained  the  bill  with  so  much  ability  all 
the  way  through,  whenever  he  came  to  notice  a  man  who 
had  distinguished  himself,  seemingly  had  prepared  a 
standing  eulogy  to  pronounce  on  his  character.  As  to 
every  thing  that  pertained  to  the  standing  army  properly,  he 
seemed  to  be  aufait.  He  was  ready  at  any  point  to  pre- 

*  This  debate  on  the  Army  bill  was  exceedingly  able  and  spirited,  especially 
in  the  hands  of  Senators  Davis,  Hale,  Houston,  Johnson,  Seward,  Iverson  aud 
Toombs.  The  latter  was  violently  opposed  to  the  regular  Army  not  only  as  to  its 
efficiency,  but  as  to  its  bearings.  On  one  occasion  lie  declared  it  was  just  as 
impossible  for  the  Ethiop  to  change  his  skin,  or  the  leopard  his  spots,  as  for  a 
regular  Army  to  be  the  friend  of  liberty.  Senator  Seward  said,  "  If  there 
ever  was  a  bill  well  debated,  I  think  it  must  be  this  one." 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  107 

sent  them  and  identify  them  with  the  Army,  and  especially 
with  West  Point.  He  commenced  with  Washington,  and 
pronounced  a  eulogy  upon  him,  the  great  and  good  ;  '  first 
in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  country 
men.'  My  heart  responds  to  all  that.  He  spoke  of 
Jackson,  from  my  own  State ;  and  if  there  is  any  man  that 
ever  lived  that  I  venerate,  it  is  the  illustrious  Andrew  Jackson. 
He  spoke  of  Colonel  Johnson,  who  has  command  of  your 
forces  now  away  in  the  region  of  Utah,  and  he  pronounced 
a  eulogy  upon  him ;  of  General  Taylor,  distinguished 
and  brave  (and  I  have  not  aught  to  say  against  him),  and 
he  pronounced  a  eulogy  upon  him — his  courage,  his  valor, 
his  chivalry  ;  and  last,  though  not  least,  of  my  distinguished 
friend  from  Texas  [Houston],  on  whom  he  pronounced  a 
ealogy,  and  I  say  Amen  to  all  of  it. 

"  I  will  not  undertake  to  add  any  thing  to  what  he  said 
on  that  occasion,  but  in  this  brilliant  galaxy  of  military 
chieftains,  men  who  have  been  in  the  thickest  and  hottest 
of  the  battle  ;  men,  over  whose  gallant  efforts  your  banner 
has  triumphantly  waved  ;  upon  whose  standard  the  eagle 
of  liberty  has  again  and  again  perched  ;  did  it  not  occur 
to  you  that  there  was  another  man  who  was  somewhat 
distinguished  ?  I  understand  that  that  man,  too,  con 
curs  with  the  Secretary  of  War  in  asking  for  regiments  ; 
not  to  fill  up  the  rank  and  file  with  cheap  men,  but  to  have 
regiments,  not  companies.  Who  is  that  man  ?  It  occurred 
to  me  as  being  somewhat  strange  that  nothing  was  said  of 
him.  I  am  no  admirer  of  the  individual  to  whom  I  allude, 
in  a  political  point  of  view,  but  his  military  reputation  is  a 
part  of  the  history  of  this  country,  and  his  military  renown 
is  only  bounded  by  the  limits  of  the  civilized  world.  Who 
is  he  ?  When  you  come  to  look  at  him  exclusively  in  a 
military  point  of  view,  he  stands  up  in  this  great  cluster  of 
military  chiefs  like  some  projecting  cliff  from  a  lofty  moun 
tain.  Did  we  never  hear  of  Winfield  Scott  ?  Has  he  no 


108  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

place  in  the  military  annals  of  our  country  ?  Has  he  fought 
no  battles  ?  Has  lie  shed  no  blood  ?  Has  he  not  shown 
himself  to  be  illustrious  as  a  soldier  as  well  as  a  tactician  ? 
Why  was  he  omitted?  Why  was  he  excluded  from  the 
category  of  great  men  ?  Why  was  there  an  omission  to 
pronounce  a  eulogy  upon  him  ?  I  know  there  is  nothing 
I  could  say  that  would  add  one  gem  to  the  brilliant  chaplet 
that  encircles  his  illustrious  brow,  and  therefore  I  will  not 
undertake  to  say  any  thing  in  reference  to  that  distinguished 
man.  As  a  military  chieftain,  he  belongs  to  the  nation  ;  his  • 
success  on  the  battle-field,  to  the  history  of  the  world.* 

Davis  having  pointed  to  Washington  and  Jackson,  with 
the  others  alluded  to,  as  examples  of  purity  in  military 
offices,  General  Houston  replied  :  "  Why,  sir,  Washington 
began  his  military  career  as  a  militia  officer  under  Brad- 
dock,  and  as  soon  as  Braddock's  campaign  was  done,  he 
retired  to  the  scenes  of  private  life.  He  did  not  seek  the 
Army  as  an  avocation.  When  the  Revolution  began,  destiny 

called  him  to  the  head  of  our  forces He  retired  from 

office  whenever  the  necessities  of  his  country  permitted  him 
to  do  so.  Jackson,  too,  was  called  from  private  life  to  mili 
tary  service  ;  and  I  venture  to  say  lie  never  mustered  with 
a  company  in  his  life  before  he  went  into  actual  service. 

Jackson  was  called  into  the  field  at  forty  years  of  age, 

and  when  the  emergency  was  over  he  retired  again  to  pri- 

*  The  deadly  enmity  of  Davis  to  General  Scott  is  indicated  by  the  latter  when 
ppeaking  of  the  movement  in  1852  to  give  him  a  'brevet  Lieutenant-Generalship. 
"  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  soon  in  the  Cabinet,  allowed  of  no  intermission  in  his 
hostility.  The  rank  could  not  be  withheld  :  but  he  next  resolved  that  it 
should  carry  no  additional  compensation,  however  clearly  embraced.  Yet  he 
permitted  the  question  of  compensation  to  go  to  the  Attorney-General,  but 
coupled  the  reference  with  a  volunteer  argument  of  fourteen  pages,  against 
the  claim — he,  himself  being  profoundly  ignorant  of  law — for  the  benefit  of 
the  law  officer  of  the  Government.  It  is  true  he  informed  me  that  he  had 
jnade  the  reference,  but  I  was  purely  indebted  to  accident  for  my  knowledge 
of  his  legal  argument."  He  calls  Davis  his  "  deadly  enemy,"  and  states  that  he 
(iBcott)  was  not  out  of  his  bands  until  the  "  declaratory  resolution  "  was  em 
bodied  in  the  military  appropriation  bill ;  otherwise,  Davis  would  have  "  cer 
tainly  caused  it  to  be  vetoed."  (See  Scott's  Autobiography,  Vol.  n.) 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 09 

vate  life.  He  never  sought  office.  He  even  resigned  a 
seat  in  this  august  body,  that  he  might  give  place  to  a  man, 
as  he  supposed,  of  more  experienced  and  enlightened  views, 
General  Smith.  He  afterward  resigned  the  office  of  Major- 
General  in  the  Army,  or  intimated  his  disposition  not  to 
serve  longer.  He  resigned  the  Governorship  and  Captain- 
Generalship  of  Cuba  and  Florida,  after  he  had  accomplished 
the  purpose  of  his  Government  there.  He  sought  private 
life  ;  or,  if  he  occupied  public  station,  it  was  for  the  purpose 
of  being  useful  to  the  country,  and  not  to  be  an  incubus 
upon  it."* 

Senator  Hunter  of  Virginia  had  congratulated  the  Senate 
on  the  economical  views  of  Senator  Johnson,  but  accused 
him  of  not  practicing  what  he  preached,  inasmuch  as  ho 
proposed  to  raise  more  men  than  the  Davis'  bill  which  he 
opposed.  Johnson  retorted  by  phowing  that  lie  meant  to 
raise  men  to  meet  a  supposed  emergency,  while  the  other 
bill  comprehended  a  permanent  increase.  Senator  Simmons 
of  Rhode  Island  then  proposed  to  Johnson  to  modify  his 
bill  to  the  raising  of  three  regiments,  the  amount  advocated 
by  the  Senator  from  Virginia,  instead  of  four  thousand  men  ; 
to  which  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  said  he  would  accede 
if  Hunter  would  vote  for  it.  The  latter,  thus  cornered, 
said  : 

"  Why  should  the  Senator  suppose  that  I  will  vote  for  it, 
when  I  have  just  told  him  that  I  believe  the  volunteer 
troops  are  more  expensive  than  the  regulars." 

To  which  Johnson  replied  :  "  I  am  aware  that  the  gentle 
man  told  me  so  ;  but  I  had  supposed  that  the  facts  to  the 
contrary  would  have  satisfied  him." 

In  a  further  parly  Hunter  declined  to  go  into  the  subject, 
referring  to  Senator  Iverson  of  Georgia,  who,  he  said,  was 
prepared  on  it,  and  would  satisfy  the  Senate. 

After  his  usual  fashion,  Iverson  made  an  excited  and  ex 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-fifth  Congress. 


110  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

citing  display,  in  the  course  of  which  he  reflected  severely  on 
the  military  character  of  Tennessee,  and  manifested  more 
ill-feeling  than  argument,  more  personality  than  judgment. 
Johnson  replied,  and  the  passage  at  arms  became  of  such  a 
character  as  to  arouse  the  anxious  interest  of  the  Chamber. 
The  Senator  from  Tennessee,  however,  not  only  over 
whelmed  the  irate  and  unreasoning  Georgian  with  ridicule, 
but  drew  from  him  an  apology  to  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
After  the  debate  had  progressed  with  considerable  warmth 
and  recrimination  on  both  sides,  Senator  Iverson  made  an 
explanation  to  substantiate  his  position  on  the  bill,  and 
here  I  will  give  the  words  of  the  official  report : 

"  Mr.  JOHNSOX  of  Tennessee. — The  Senator's  explana 
tions  show  that  he  has  not  made  himself  familiar  with  the 
provisions  of  my  substitute.  It  provides  expressly  that  the 
volunteers  shall  be  received  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States  during  the  pending  difficulties  of  the  Mormons,  and 
in  no  event  shall  they  be  continued  in  service  longer  than 
two  years. 

"  Mr.  IVERSON. — I  will  read  the  amendment  of  the  Sen 
ator,  if  he  will  allow  me : 

"  '  To  serve  for  twelve  months,  unless  they  be  sooner  discharged, 
after  they  shall  have  arrived  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  or  been 
mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United  States.' 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON.— What  bill  is  that  ? 

"  Mr.  IVERSON. — Yours. 

"  Mr  JOHNSON. — I  reckon  not. 

"  Mr.  IVERSON. — Here  it  is. 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON. — Read  it. 

"  Mr.  IVERSON. — '  Substitute  to  be  proposed  by  Mr. 
Wilson,'  and  that  is  the  same  thing'  1" 

The  official  record  does  not  chronicle  the  laughter  with 
which  the  Georgian's  discovery  was  greeted,  nor  the  over 
whelming  discomposure  of  that  gentleman  in  his  ridiculous 
position .;  but  the  scene  was  too  suggestive  to  be  overlooked 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  m 

by  the  reporters  and  editors  of  the  journals  of  the  day. 
The  helplessness  of  Senator  Iverson's  position  was  rendered 
more  ludicrous  by  the  vigor  with  which  Senator  Johnson 
followed  up  the  point. 

"  Ah  !"  said  he,  "  that  is  another  matter.  So  the  Senate 
will  discover  that  the  Senator  from  Georgia  has  made  a 
speech  without  a  subject.  He  has  missed  the  subject  en 
tirely.  He  shows  that  his  argument  was  made  upon  another 

amendment What,  then,  becomes  of  the  Senator's 

argument  ?  What  becomes  of  all  the  feeling  he  manifested  ? 
The  feeling  manifested  was  as  unnecessary  as  the  argument 
was  absurd.'7 

A  dashing  and  bright  episode  in  this  debate  was  John 
son's  defense  of  his  State.  It  exhibits  the  racy  readiness 
with  which  the  self-educated  Senator,  when  aroused,  could 
handle  an  antagonist  in  debate,  without  preparation  ;  draw 
ing  promptly  upon  the  various  and  plentiful  resources  of  a 
laboriously  well-stored  mind,  guided  by  the  passions,  genius 
and  instincts  of  native  intellect. 

"  But,  sir,  the  Senator  has  referred  to  my  State.  I  ask 
the  Senate,  I  ask  the  people  of  this  nation,  if  it  is  any  part 
of  Tennessee's  history  that  her  people  have  been  ever 
wanting  in  prowess  or  courage  ?  She  needs  no  vindication 
from  me  ;  it  exists  in  her  own  history.  I  could  recite  many 
of  her  military  deeds  that  would  be  ample,  if  her  reputation 
was  not  beyond  the  assaults  of  the  Senator.  I  could  begin 
with  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  which  was  fought  before 
Tennessee  was  a  State.  It  was  then  a  portion  of  the  Territory 
of  North  Carolina,  but  the  people  went  from  the  eastern  coun 
ties  of  Tennessee,  and  there,  amidst  the  din  and  the  dust 
and  the  heat  of  battle,  they  showed  themselves  to  be  brave 
men.  Is  it  necessary  to  allude  to  the  Seviers,  the  Shelbys, 
the  Hardings,  and  the  long  list  of  those  gallant  patriots  who 
participated  in  that  battle  ?  When  you  examine  the  his 
tory  of  the  country  carefully,  you  will  find  that  it  was  that 


112  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

battle  which  turned  the  tide  of  the  Revolution.  The  country 
had  been  laid  waste,  disaster  had  attended  our  arms  ;  but 
from  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  down  to  the  surrender 
of  Cornwallis,  our  troops  triumphed  everywhere. 

"How  was  it  in  the  War  of  1812?  Go  to  the  cold 
region  of  the  north,  and  do  you  not  find  Tennessee  soldiers, 
in  connection  with  their  compatriots  in  arms,  traversing  the 
frozen  ground,  and  pouring  out  their  blood  freely  in  defense 
of  the  northern  frontier  ?  Go  to  your  southern  campaigns, 
in  an  inclement  climate,  beneath  a  burning  sun,  where 
disease  and  death  cut  them  down,  and  were  not  Tennessee's 
sons  there  ?  Go  through  your  Indian  campaigns,  and  were 
they  not  there  ?  Go  through  the  battles  of  Talladega, 
Emuckfau,  or  Horse-shoe  and  Hickory-ground,  and  where 
ever  it  was  necessary  to  make  a  display  of  bravery  and 
gallantry,  were  they  not  there  ?  I  could  hardly  undertake 
to  name  her  gallant  sons  who  have  distinguished  themselves 
in  your  military  service,  because  they  are  so  numerous  that 
their  names  do  not  now  occur  to  me.  Where  is  your 
Carroll  ?  Where  is  your  Houston  that  was  wounded  in 
the  battle  of  Horse-shoe  ?  I  can  claim  him  as  a  Ten- 
nessean.  How  was  it  in  the  Mexican  war?  Go  to 
Monterey  ;  go  to  any  point  where  there  was  fighting  to  be 
done,  and  were  not  Tennesseans  there  ?  Where  was  your 
Campbell  ?  Where  was  your  Anderson  ?  Were  they 
not  at  Monterey,  leading  on  their  gallant  fellows  in  the 
thickest  and  the  hottest  of  the  fight  ?  On  what  occasion 
is  it  that  the  sons  of  Tennessee  have  faltered  ?  Was  it  at 
the  battle  of  New  Orleans  ?  There  were  Jackson  and 
Carroll,  and  a  long  list  of  others.  On  the  23d  of  Decem 
ber,  1814,  they  were  gallantly  engaged  in  the  contest  of 
the  enemy  in  the  swamps  and  the  lagoons  ;  and  on  the 
memorable  8th  of  January,  1815,  the  sons  of  Tennessee,  in 
connection  with  those  of  Kentucky  and  other  States,  dis 
tinguished  themselves.  When  the  embattled  host  was 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  1 1 3 

advancing,  when  the  rockets  were  going  up,  indicating  the 
commencement  of  battle,  Tennessee's  gallant  leader,  her 
own  noble  and  glorious  Jackson,  who  stands  in  this  great 
forest  of  men  the  admiration  of  the  American  people — • 
where  was  lie  ?  In  the  thickest  and  hottest  of  the  battle 
his  stern  voice  could  be  heard,  rising  above  the  roar  of 
artillery,  urging  his  men  on  to  the  encounter." 

Senator  Iverson,  with  that  promptness  of  feeling  which, 
in  excitable  natures,  is  almost  as  ready  to  admit  an  error 
as  to  plunge  into  one,  took  occasion  to  withdraw  his  remarks, 
or,  as  he  himself  afterward  said,  he  disclaimed  having  made 
any  imputation  conveyed,  and  accorded  "  to  the  people  of 
Tennessee  as  much  bravery  and  personal  courage  as  any 
people  in  the  United  States." 

The  Army  bill,  as  finally  adopted,*  completely  checked 
the  desire  to  increase  the  standing  armies.  It  provided 
for  the  raising  of  two  regiments  for  eighteen  months,  unless 
sooner  discharged  by  the  President. 

In  this  same  session  the  debate  on  the  "  Tennessee  resolu 
tions"  between  the  Senators  from  that  State  attracted  wide 
spread  attention,  not  only  from  the  nature  of  the  resolutions, 
which  referred  to  the  great  topic  of  the  day,  but  from  the 
character  of  the  men  drawn  into  conflict  on  them  and  the 
method  by  which  they  were  discussed.  The  resolutions  are 
as  follow  : 

"Wliereas,  the  Act  of  1820,  commonly  called  the  'Missouri  Com 
promise  Act,'  was  inconsistent  with  the  principles  declared  and  laid 
down  in  the  Act  of  1850,  better  known  as  the  Compromise  Act  of 
that  year;  and,  whereas,  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  was  a 
palpable  wrong  done  to  the  people  of  the  slavehol cling  States,  and 
should  have  been  repealed ;  and,  whereas,  the  principle  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  meet  our  unqualified  approbation,  and  should  have 
received  the  cordial  support  of  our  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress;  whereas,  one  of  these  Senators,  Hon.  John  Bell,  in  a 
speech  delivered  against  the  Kansas-Xebraska  bill,  May  25,  1854, 
said  :  '  A  noble,  generous  and  high-minded  Senator  from  the  South, 
*  Approved  April  7,  1S5S. 

8 


114  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

within  the  last  few  days  before  the  final  vote  was  taken  on  the  bill, 
appealed  to  me  in  a  manner  which  I  cannot  narrate,  and  which  af 
fected  me  most  deeply.  The  recollection  of  it  affects  and  influences 
my  feelings  now,  and  ever  since  I  told  the  honorable  Senator  that 
there  was  one  feature  in  the  bill  which  made  it  impossible  that  I 
should  vote  for  it,  if  I  waived  all  other  objections.  I  said  to  others 
who  had  made  appeals  to  me  on  the  subject,  that  while  it  would 
afford  me  great  pleasure  to  be  sustained  by  my  constituents,  yet  if  I 
was  not,  I  would  resign  my  seat  here  the  moment  I  find  my  course 
upon  this  subject  was  not  acceptable  to  them.  As  for  my  standing 
as  a  public  man,  and  whatever  prospect  a  public  man  of  long  ser 
vice  in  the  councils  of  the  country  might  be  supposed  to  have,  I 
would  resign  them  all  with  pleasure.  I  told  that  gentleman,  that 
if  upon  this  or  any  other  great  question  affecting  the  interests  of  the 
South,  I  should  find  my  views  conflicting  materially  with  what 
should  appear  to  be  the  settled  sentiment  of  that  section,  I  should 
feel  it  my  imperative  duty  to  retire.  I  declare  here  to-day  that  if 
my  countrymen  of  Tennessee  shall  declare  against  my  course  on  this 
subject,  and  that  shall  be  ascertained  to  be  a  reasonable  certainty, 
I  will  not  be  seen  in  the  Senate  a  day  afterward.'  Therefore, 

"  Be  it  resolved  by  the  General  Assembly  of  tlie  State  of  Tennessee, 
That  we  fully  concur  with  the  Hon.  John  Bell  as  to  the  duty  of  a 
Senator,  when  the  voice  of  his  constituency  has  decided  against  him 
on  a  question  materially  affecting  their  interest. 

"  Be  it  further  resolved,  That  in  our  opinion  the  voice  of  Mr.  Bell's 
countrymen  of  Tennessee,  in  the  recent  elections,  has  declared  against 
his  course  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  a  question  of  vital  interest 
to  the  South. 

"  Be  it  farther  resolved,  That  our  Senators  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  are  hereby  instructed,  and  our  Representatives  are  re 
quested  to  vote  for  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  an  independent 
State,  under  what  is  termed  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  transmitted 
to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled, 
by  President  Buchanan,  in  his  message  to  them,  dated  the  2d  of 
February,  1858. 

"  Be  it  farther  resolved,  That  the  Governor  of  this  State  forward 
a  certified  copy  of  these  resolutions  to  our  Senators  and  Representa 
tives  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
"  Adopted  February  10,  1858. 

"  DANIEL  S.  DONELSON, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representative*. 
«  JOHN  C.  BURCH, 

Speaker  of  the  Senate" 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 1 5 

On  presenting  these  resolutions,  Senator  Bell  reviewed 
them  at  length  with  his  accustomed  piquancy,  refused  to  be 
instructed,  and  justified  his  opposition  to  them.  Senator 
Johnson,  regretting  the  occasion  which  forced  him  to  say  a 
few  words  in  vindication  of  his  State,  as  it  was  "  a  very 
delicate  thing  to  be  compelled  to  make  an  issue  with  a  col 
league,"  in  the  Senate  or  elsewhere,  could  not  remain  silent 
when  an  explanation  of  some  matters  alluded  to  by  his 
colleague  was  necessary  as  a  matter  of  justice.  He  de 
fended  the  instructions  of  his  State,  and  a  lengthy  debate 
ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  the  latter  charged  the  former 
with  bidding  higher  for  the  Presidency  than  any  man  in  the 
South,  and  regarded  it  as  the  most  unfortunate  thing  that 
ever  befell  Senators  that  they  became  candidates  for  the 
Presidency.  "  Whenever,"  he  said  ;  "  a  Senator  fixes  his 
eyes  upon  the  Presidential  Mansion  as  the  acme  of  his  am 
bition,  nineteen  times  out  of  twenty  he  falls  by  the  way 
side.  It  has  been  so  with  the  most  distinguished  men  that 
have  ever  gone  before  us,  who  have  participated  in  the  most 
trying  scenes  and  struggles  of  the  country— bidding  for 
Northern  and  Southern  votes." 

Mr.  Bell  was  distinguished  at  times  for  a  hastiness  of 
expression,  less  indicative  of  his  nature  than  the  habits  of 
self-esteem  which  successful  experience  too  often  engenders  ; 
and  in  this  debate,  the  remark  uttered  by  him  that  he  was 
not  "  the  competitor  in  any  respect  or  any  way  "  of  his  col 
league,  inspired  the  proud  sensibility  of  the  latter  to  se 
verely  rebuke  the  expression,  and  vindicate  any  reflection, 
if  such  were  conveyed  in  the  remark.  After  stating  that 
Mr.  Bell  had  not  stood  up  to  the  political  contests  in  Ten 
nessee,  he  said  :  "  I  have  had  competitors  again  and  again, 
and  many  of  them  not  inferior  in  ability  and  reputation 
even  to  the  honorable  Senator's  conception  of  himself.  I 
will  not  refer  to  the  issues  that  took  place  between  these 
competitors  and  myself.  I  leave  that  for  the  history  of  the 


116  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

country  to  tell.  I  have  had  competitors  that  were  worthy 
of  my  steel,  and  they  have  met  their  fate  like  honorable 
men,  and  recognized  me  as  such.  A  gentleman  and  well- 
bred  man  will  respect  me  ;  all  others  I  will  make  do  it. 

"  '  Upon  what  meat  doth  this  our  Caesar  feed, 
That  he  is  grown  so  great.' 

"  Is  he  beyond  the  reach  of  popular  sentiment  ?  In  rather 
a  taunting  and  sneering  manner  he  says  he  is  not  my  com 
petitor  in  any  sense.  If  you  never  have  been  my  competitor 
your  equals  have  ;  and  in  the  conclusion  of  their  contest 
they  have  adjusted  their  robes  and  prepared  themselves 
for  their  fate,  and  I  repeat  again,  fell  like  honorable 
men.  I  stand  here  to-day  not  as  the  competitor  of  any 
Senator  !  I  know  my  rights,  and  I  intend  to  learn  the  pro 
prieties  of  the  Senate  ;  and  in  compliance  with  those  pro 
prieties,  my  rights  and  the  right  of  the  State  I  have  the 
honor  in  part  to  represent,  shall  be  maintained  (to  use  terms 
very  familiar  with  us)  at  all  hazards  and  to  the  last  ex 
tremity I  must  say,  in  conclusion  of  these  desultory 

remarks,  that  I  have  been  forced  before  the  Senate  more 
and  oftencr  than  I  intended  to  have  been  under  any  reason 
able  circumstances,  for  the  first  twelve  months  or  two  years 
of  my  service  here.  My  intention  was  to  come  here  and 
pass  through  that  probation  which  older  and  more  expe 
rienced  men  and  Senators  more  talented  than  myself  should 
assign  and  prescribe  for  me.  I  have,  however,  been  forced 
thus  often  before  the  Senate.  It  has  been  contrary  to  my 
inclination  ;  but  I  believe  that  duty  to  myself,  duty  to  my 
State,  duty  to  principle,  required  me  to  do  so  ;  and  acting 
under  this  impression,  I  have  ventured  to  trespass  on  the, 
patience  and  time  of  the  Senate.  I  have  come  here  to 
vote  and  act,  and  shall  try  to  do  so.  I  thank  the  Senate 
for  the  attention  they  have  paid  me." 

A  large  portion  of  the  remarks  on  both  sides  were  in  ex- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  117 

planation  of  Tennessee  affairs ;  Senator  Johnson  holding 
that  the  Legislature  of  that  State  manifested  no  disrespect 
in  the  resolutions,  and  only  exercised  the  privilege  that  had 
been  exercised  by  most  of  the  States.  The  discussion  ex 
tended  through  a  large  portion  of  the  23d  and  24th  of  Feb 
ruary,  and  unpleasant  results  were  anticipated,  but  on  the 
25th  both  gentlemen  made  personal  explanations,  each 
evincing  a  spirit  becoming  the  Senatorial  character. 


CHAPTER    VII. 


RETRENCHMENT  IN   GOVERNMENT  EXPENDITURES. 


RESOLUTION  to  Reduce  the  Department  Expenses  —  A  Presidential  Test  to 
the  Presidential  Party  —  Leaving  the  Old  Senate  Chamber  —  Vice-President 
Breckinridge's  Address,  its  Lessons  —  Retrenchment  Inaugurates  the  New 
Senate  Chamber  —  Senator  Shields  Sustains  it  —  Johnson's  Proposi 
tion  —  The  Finance  Committee  Objects  —  Means  by  which  Measures  are 
Postponed  —  Fessenden,  Mason,  Davis —  Compliment  from  Mason  —  Growth 
of  Population  and  Government  Expenses  —  Fifty  Million  Dollars  Proposed 
as  the  Maximum  for  Annual  Expenses  of  Government  —  The  Pacific  Rail 
road —  Arguments  For  and  Against  it  —  Johnson  believes  it  Unconstitu 
tional  —  We  might  as  well  Build  a  Road  from  Boston  to  Little  Rock,  as  to 
the  Pacific  —  The  Railroad  as  a  Defense  for  California—  Proposes  to  have 
the  People  Vote  on  it  —  Senator  Gwin's  Millstone  —  Was  the  Pacific  Rail 
road  a  Party  Doctrine  —  Before  his  Election,  Mr.  Buchanan  Opposes  it  on 
the  Atlantic  Side  and  Favors  it  Secretly  on  the  Pacific  —  Johnson  does  not 
believe  Presidential  Conventions  should  periodically  Dictate  Terms  to 
Democrats  —  The  States  ought  to  Nominate  Candidates  —  Passage  on 
Presidential  Aspirations  between  Johnson  and  Davis  —  The  Former  not 
in  the  way  of  the  Latter  for  that  Office  —  Would  rather  be  an  Honest  Man 
— Senator  David  C.  Broderick  —  Supports  the  Bill  —  A  Self-made  Man  — 
The  Gold  Connection  between  California  and  the  Atlantic  States  —  Johnson 
to  Broderick  —  Broderick's  Death  —  Hunted  Down  by  the  Buchanan  Party 
—  Sketch  of  his  Career— - Speech  in  Reply  to  Hammond  —  Addresses  on 
his  Death  —  Fine  Tribute  from  Seward. 


IT  will  be  seen  that  with  the  rigid  simplicity  of  his  char 
acter,  Mr.  Johnson  always  espoused  the  cause  which  seemed 
to  him  to  most  fully  express,  explain  or  illustrate  the 
wants,  protests  or  purposes  of  the  masses.  This  course 
was  to  him  not  only  a  duty,  but  a  necessity.  The  man  was 
as  prominent  as  the  legislator,  and  feeling  always  superior 
to  politics.  He  was  watchful,  active,  conscientious.  He 

(118) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  119 

was  a  workingman  in  the  hall  of  legislation.  He  did 
not  seek  the  honor  of  representation  for  honor  alone. 
While  he  felt  proud  of  his  position,  it  is  probably  but  true 
of  him  that  his  chief  pride  was  in  the  exact  ratio  of  the 
power  it  extended  to  him  of  doing  good,  or  striving  to  do 
good.  I  have  already  indicated  his  views  touching  economy 
in  Government  expenditure.  In  justice  to  Mr.  Johnson, 
the  subject  needs  a  somewhat  more  extended  illustration. 

The  President's  Annual  Message  at  the  Second  Session  of 
the  Thirty-fifth  Congress,  having  given  Senator  Johnson  a 
favorable  opportunity  to  bring  the  subject  of  retrenchment 
plainly  and  fully  before  the  Senate,  he,  on  the  4th  of  Jan 
uary,  1359,  submitted  the  following  resolution,  and  asked 
for  its  immediate  consideration  : 

"  Resolved,  That  so  much  of  the  President's  second  Annual  Mes 
sage  as  relates  to  the  expenditures  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  which  is  in  the  following  words,  to  wit :  '  I  invite  Congress 
to  institute  a  rigid  scrutiny  to  ascertain  whether  the  expenses  in  all 
the  Departments  cannot  be  still  further  reduced,  and  I  promise  them 
all  the  aid  in  my  power  in  pursuing  the  investigation,'  bo  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Finance;  and  that  said  Committee  are  hereby 
instructed,  after  first  conferring  with  and  obtaining  all  aid  and  in 
formation  from  the  President  and  Heads  of  Departments,  as  indicated 
in  the  President's  Message,  to  report  a  bill,  reforming  as  far  as  pos 
sible,  all  abuses  in  the  application  of  the  appropriations  made  by 
Congress  for  the  support  of  the  various  Departments,  and  which 
will  reduce  the  expenditures  to  an  honest,  rigid  and  economical 
administration  of  the  Government." 

Hoping  that  President  Buchanan  had  made  the  sugges 
tion  in  good  faith,  Senator  Johnson  made  this  hope  a  fulcrum 
on  which  to  place  a  lever  and  raise  the  Administration  Sena 
tors  to  a  discussion  of  the  subject.  If  the  President  was 
not  in  earnest,  he  desired  to  put  him  to  the  test.  The 
latter  had  said  he  was  willing  to  give  every  aid  toward  an 
investigation  and  in  furtherance  of  a  reduction.  It  was  the 
very  thing  to  captivate  Johnson's  heart ;  and  while  he  used 
the  Presidential  recommendation  to  incite  the  Presidential 


120  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

party,  he  also  adjured  the  other  side  of  the  Senate  to  ac 
quiesce  in  his  resolution  testing  the  sincerity  of  the  Execu 
tive.  He  desired  to  hold  all  parties  to  their  professions, 
feeling  confident  that  every  vote,  act  or  speech  of  his  own 
in  Congress  as  elsewhere  had  corresponded  with  his  pro 
fession. 

Senator  Johnson  submitted  this  resolution  on  the  morn 
ing  when  the  Senate,  having  bade  farewell  to  the  old 
Chamber,  around  which  so  many  hallowed  memories  were 
gathered,  took  possession  of  the  new  one.  The  occasion 
was  solemn,  full  of  historic  references  to  the  past,  and  ad 
monition  as  to  the  future.  John  C.  Breckinridge,  then  Yice- 
Prcsident,  delivered  an  address,  some  portions  of  which 
read  with  a  terrible  retributive  significance  by  the  light 
which  his  treason  throws  over  the  page  recording  them. 
The  conclusion  of  this  address  sufficiently  indicates  botli  the 
high  tone  in  which  it  was  conceived,  and  the  self-made 
weight  of  moral  and  patriotic  obloquy  the  speaker  should  now 
feel  in  having  broken  the  devout  hope  expressed  by  him,  as 
embracing  the  duties  of  a  true  and  upright  American  Senator. 

"  And  now.  Senators,"  said  the  Vice-Presi  dent,  "  we  leave 
this  memorable  Chamber,  bearing  with  us,  unimpaired,  the 
Constitution  we  received  from  our  forefathers.  Let  us 
cherish  it  with  grateful  acknowledgments  to  the  Divine 
Power  who  controls  the  destinies  of  empires,  and  whose 
goodness  we  adore.  The  structures  reared  by  men  yield  to 
the  corroding  tooth  of  Time.  These  marble  walls  must  moul 
der  into  ruin  ;  but  the  principles  of  constitutional  liberty, 
guarded  by  wisdom  and  virtue,  unlike  material  elements,  do 
not  decay.  Let  us  devoutly  trust  that  another  Senate,  in 
another  age,  shall  bear  to  a  new  and  larger  Chamber,  this 
Constitution,  vigorous  and  inviolate,  and  that  the  last  gene 
ration  of  posterity  shall  witness  the  deliberations  of  the 
Representatives  of  American  States  still  united,  prosperous 
and  free." 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNS  ON.  121 

This  passage  furnishes  its  own  commentary.  Senator 
Johnson's  retrenchment  resolution  derived  from  the  occasion 
a  value  in  addition  to  its  intrinsic  worth  ;  nor  did  its  appro 
priateness  to  the  occasion  escape  the  sharp  comprehension 
of  Senator  Shields.  "  I  think,"  said  lie,  "  we  are  indebted  to 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Tennessee,  for  introducing 
the  necessary  subject  as  an  inauguration  of  the  Chamber. 
The  Senate  coul'd  not  be  better  occupied  on  the  first  morning 
of  the  first  day  of  its  session  in  this  Chamber,  in  my  humble 
judgment,  than  in  discussing  the  subject  of  retrenchment." 
Shields  doubted  whether  much  could  be  accomplished  during 
the  short  session,  but  "  the  very  discussion  of  the  subject, 
the  very  introduction  of  it,  the  exhibition  of  a  general 
feeling  among  Northern  and  Southern  men  in  favor  of  re 
trenchment,"  on  the  first  day  of  the  session  in  the  new 
Chamber,  would,  he  thought,  be  a  pleasant  augury  for  the 
country. 

Senator  Johnson  had  been  waiting  a  long  time  for  a  favor 
able  opportunity  to  commence  the  work  of  retrenchment. 
He  had  also  made  up  his  mind  that  such  a  labor  must  at 
least  have  the  countenance  of  the  head  of  the  Government. 
A  Senator  may  arise  in  the  upper  Chamber  ;  a  few  Repre 
sentatives  may  arise  in  the  House  ;  they  may  talk  about 
retrenchment,  introduce  resolutions,  and  nothing  result  there 
from.  The  Executive  now  offered  to  facilitate  the  investi 
gations  upon  which  retrenchment  might  be  based,  and 
Johnson  was  eager  to  take  him  at  his  word.  It  was  pro 
posed  to  send  his  resolution  to  the  Finance  Committee,  and 
quite  a  debate  ensued,  the  Chairman  of  that  Committee  pro 
posing  otherwise,  and  various  Senators  offering  various 
suggestions.  A  select  committee  was  suggested,  with  com 
plimentary  allusions  to  Senator  Johnson  as  its  chairman  ; 
but  the  latter  thought  that  if  the  Finance  Committee  could 

o 

not  grasp  the  question  during  the  session,,  no  select  com 
mittee   could.      He   was   especially   anxious    to   have   the 


122  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

question  sounded  by  the  ability  and  experience  of  the  Fi 
nance  Committee,  and  in  the.  course  of  his  advocacy  referred 
to  the  means,  past  and  present,  by  which  useful  measures 
were  and  are  postponed.  "  Mr.  President,"  said  he,  address 
ing  Senator  Fitzpatrick  of  Alabama,  who  occupied  the  chair; 
"you  luive  been  a  member  of  this  body  a  long  time.  I  see 
many  faces  here  with  whom  I  served  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  ;  and  from  the  time  I  took  my  seat  there  up  to  the 
present  moment,  whenever  this  subject  was  mooted,  the  cry 
has  been, '  this  is  not  the  time.'  There  was  always  something 
in  the  way.  An  appropriation  was  needed  for  this,  or  an 
appropriation  was  needed  for  that,  or  the  session  was  too 
short ;  it  was  not  time  to  commence  this  work.  When  will 
the  time  come?  When  can  we  commence  this  work?  In 
the  estimation  of  some  it  will  never  come,  and,  even  among 
the  friends  of  retrenchment  and  reform,  when  you  present  a 
proposition,  it  is  not  exactly  in  the  right  shape  ;  its  refer 
ence  is  not  to  the  right  committee,  or  the  session  is  too 
short  for  any  thing  to  be  done.  If  we  are  in  earnest  in  this 
matter,  if  (following  the  intimations  of  the  honorable  Senator 
from  Maine,  Mr.  Fessenden*)  we  are  sincere,  let  us  give  the 
public  some  evidence  of  our  sincerity.  Let  us  not  talk 
about  expenditure  ;  let  us  not  talk  about  extravagance  ;  but 
let  us  reduce  our  professions,  and  our  talk,  and  our  theories 
to  practice." 

The  cry  of  reform  and  retrenchment  is  too  often  made  on 
insufficient  grounds  and  without  any  definite  purpose.  No 
one  acquainted  with  Mr.  Johnson's  career  could  accuse  him 
of  either  want  of  knowledge,  such  as  is  gained  by  careful 
research,  or  want  of  purpose.  As  those  disposed  to  sneer 
at  his  chief  measures  of  amelioration  did  not  deny  him  the 
ability  to  illustrate  fitly  and  fully  an  object  the  usefulness 

*  Since  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  President  Lincoln,  succ°eding  Hon. 
S.  P.  Chase,  when  the  latter  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  103 

of  which  they  did  not  controvert,  Mason  of  Virginia  had 
"  great  reluctance  to  interfere  with  the  plan  of  the  Senator 
from  Tennessee/'  and  respectfully  asked  him  to  modify  his 
resolution.  Davis  of  Mississippi,  while  showing  where 
abuses  existed,  thought  the  resolution  an  arraignment 
without  proof,  but  would  vote  for  it  if  modified,  and  even 
Iverson  of  Georgia,  desiring  a  select  committee  so  that  the 
subject  might  have  the  zeal  and  ability  of  the  mover  of  the 
resolution,  as  chairman,  paid  him  a  marked  compliment. 
"  He,"  said  Iverson,  "  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  and  parliamen 
tary  propriety,  will  be  chairman  of  the  select  committee ; 
and  I  am  sincere,  when  I  say  that  there  is  no  man  in  this 
body  or  probably  in  either  House,  who  is  so  fit  and  appro 
priate  to  probe  this  wound  of  the  public  as  the  Senator 
from  Tennessee  ;  and  I  trust  that  on  this  account  the  amend 
ment  will  be  adopted,  and  that  we  shall  have  the  benefit  of 
his  experience  and  the  interest  he  takes  in  the  question." 

Senator  Johnson  was  not  so  unreasonable  as  to  imagine 
that  the  expenses  of  the  Government  should  not  keep  pace 
with  our  natural  and  national  progress.  As  the  business  of  the 
Republic  and  the  Republic  itself  increases  and  becomes  more 
extensive  in  all  that  pertains  to  a  government,  we  must  expect 
the  expenditures  to  correspondingly  increase.  But  the  sta 
tistics  consulted  by  Senator  Johnson  advised  him  that  while 
the  population  had  increased  seven-fold  from  1790  to  the  time 
at  which  he  spoke,  the  expenditures  had  increased  thirty-five 
fold.  In  1790  the  population  of  the  United  States  was  a 
fraction  less  than  4,000,000;  and  the  expenditures  in  1791 
were  $2,000,000.  In  1858  the  population  was  28,000,000, 
and  the  expenditures  of  the  Government  amounted  to  about 
$75,000,000.  At  least,  $75,000,000  was  the  estimate  ;  but 
the  actual  expenditures  reached,  as  we  are  told,  $81,000,000, 
and  the  amount  appropriated  at  the  previous  Congress  was 
$83,000,000.  Taking  the  estimate,  however,  as  Senator 
Johnson  did,  the  facts  in  the  case  forced  upon  him  the  con- 


124  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

viction  that  the  sooner  the  work  of  retrenchment  was  com 
menced  the  better. 

The  resolution  attracted  much  attention,  was  debated 
with  considerable  spirit  and  elicited  a  very  general  ex 
pression  of  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  Senators.  In  addi 
tion  to  the  means  alluded  to  of  making  it  practical,  it  was 
proposed  to  refer  it  to  a  committee  composed  of  the  chair 
men  of  the  seven  principal  committees  of  the  Senate  ;  but 
Senator  Douglas  having  shown  that  such  a  plan  would  be 
unfair,  in  having  the  committee  all  of  one  side  in  politics,  it 
was  withdrawn.  It  was  ordered  to  a  select  committee,  but 
Senator  Johnson  positively  declining  the  chairmanship, 
several  Senators  who  voted  in  the  hope  that  he  would 
accept  the  position  moved  a  reconsideration  and  it  fell 
through.  After  urging  the  adoption  of  this  searching  reso- 
lution  from  the  time  of  its  introduction  to  the  12th  of  Febru 
ary,  1857,  he  again  proposed  it,  preceded  by  an  additional 
one,  which  reads : 

"  Kcaoloetl,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  and  he  ia 
hereby  requested  to  cause  the  Heads  of  the  various  Executive  De 
partments  to  submit  estimates  of  the  expenditures  for  the  Govern 
ment  to  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  upon  a  basis  not  exceeding 
$50,000,000  per  annum,  exclusive  of  the  public  debt  and  the  in 
terest  thereon." 

In  advocating  this  proposition,  which  was  designed  to  be 
practical,  and  to  immediately  begin  the  work  of  retrench 
ment,  Senator  Johnson  said  :  "  I  am  aware,  as  was  remarked 
by  the  Senator  from  Illinois,  that  the  principal  expenditures 
of  all  Governments  have  been  in  the  Army  and  Navy.  They 
are  the  main  arteries  by  which  all  Governments  arc  bled  to 
death  ;  but  there  are  extravagances  and  abuses  which,  as  I 
think,  exist  in  other  Departments  beside  the  Army  and  Navy, 
and  these  resolutions  are  intended  to  embrace  all,  little  and 
big  ;  but  I  do  not  want  to  begin  with  wafers  and  quills  and 
pens.  Let  us  begin  with  the  leading  expenditures  of  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  125 

Government — the  principal  Departments.  Let  the  work 
commence  there,  and  these  little  incidental  retrenchments 
will  follow  as  a  matter  of  course." 

After  some  vicissitudes  which  waylaid  it  on  what  seemed 
one  or  two  auspicious  occasions,  its  indefatigable  mover  suc 
ceeded,  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  in  having  the  last  prop 
osition  passed,  a  significant  but,  at  the  same  time,  useless 
admonition  to  the  Administration. 

We  have  already  seen  the  determined  stand  taken  by 
Johnson,  when  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  against 
internal  improvements  of  a  local  nature  and  the  indis 
criminate  expenditure  of  the  public  money.  He  continued 
to  hold  the  same  views  and  to  enunciate  them  with  all  the 
force  which  conviction,  strengthened  by  fourteen  years7  ad 
ditional  experience,  made  him  the  master  of. 

Senator  Johnson's  caution  in  regard  to  expenditure  of 
public  money,  for  improvements  he  regarded  of  a  local  na 
ture,  compelled  him  to  review  most  carefully  all  that  might 
be  said  in  favor  of  or  against  a  Pacific  Railroad.  It  was 
not  his  intention  to  have  addressed  the  Senate  on  the  subject, 
or  but  briefly,  if  at  all  ;  but  the  question  assumed  such  an 
importance  in  the  various  amendments  proposed  by  Senators 
Davis,  Wilson,  Bell,  Doolittle  and  others,  as  well  as  the  scope 
to  which  the  project  extended  during  its  debate,  that  Sen 
ator  Johnson  felt  it  somewhat  incumbent  on  him  to  state 
why  he  would  vote  against  the  measure. 

Notwithstanding  there  were  some  positions  in  the  original 
bill  assumed  by  the  party  to  which  he  belonged,  yet  the 
fact  of  their  having  been  so  adopted  did  not  induce  him  to 
accept  them,  when,  to  his  own  mind,  they  were  untenable 
and  unauthorized.  As  a  strict  constructionist,  he  could 
regard  the  measure  in  no  other  light  than  as  clearly  uncon 
stitutional.  With  regard  to  works  of  internal  improvement 
to  be  constructed  by  the  Federal  Government,  he  admitted 
that  it  was  difficult  to  determine  where  the  power  of  the 


126  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

latter  commenced  or  ended  ;  or,  in  other  words,  what 
particular  character  of  improvement  was  national  or  what 
local.  It  was  his  settled  conviction,  however,  that  in  all 
matters  of  doubt  as  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Con 
gress  in  such  matters,  Congress  should  desist  from  the 
exercise  of  a  doubtful  power.  He  agreed  with  Jefferson, 
who  laid  it  down  as  a  fundamental  rule  in  all  doubtful 
questions,  to  pursue  principle,  as  "  in  the  pursuit  of  a  cor 
rect  principle  you  can  never  reach  a  'wrong  conclusion." 
Looking  at  the  question  before  the  Senate  in  its  best 
aspect,  he  saw  that  a  doubt  as  to  the  power  of  Congress 
existed,  in  which  case  he  could  but  stand  upon  Jefferson's 
rule  and  principle,  to  "  call  upon  the  source  of  all  power 
before  you  exercise  a  doubtful  authority." 

The  power  to  construct  the  road  was  placed  by  the 
friends  of  the  measure  on  that  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  says  that  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  war. 
But  it  did  not  follow,  in  his  mind,  that,  because  Congress 
has  the  power,  it  has  the  right  to  declare  war  unless  it  is 
necessary  and  proper.  The  fact  that  we  have  the  power 
does  not  imply  that  we  must  improperly  exercise  it.  He 
went  on  further  to  show  that  this  war-making  power  was 
accompanied  by  the  power  to  raise  armies  ;  but  that  also 
all  appropriations  for  their  maintenance  cannot  constitu 
tionally  exist  more  than  two  years.  And  why  ?  "  Because 
it  was  looked  upon  as  a  dangerous  power.  In  the  event  of 
a  declaration  of  war,  the  Constitution  of  the  country  makes 
the  President  of  the  United  States  Commander  of  the  Army 
and  the  Navy  ;  in  other  words,  it  places  the  sword  in  the 
Executive  hand,  but  it  gives  Congress  the  power  to  control 
appropriations.  The  question  naturally  arose,  was  it  either 
necessary  or  proper  to  declare  war  ?  He  did  not  see  that 
it  was  either  the  one  or  the  other.  Hence,  as  it  was  not 
necessary  to  exercise  the  war  power,  "  it  likewise  was  not 
necessary  and  proper  to  construct  the  Pacific  Railroad  as 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  127 

an  incident  to  carry  into  effect  the  war  power  when  it  was 
not  necessary  to  exercise  it."  He  showed  that  the  Presi 
dent,  in  his  Annual  Message,  disclaimed  all  power  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  to  make  the  road  unless  it  was 
under  the  war  power  j  but  said  that  there  were  "  important 
collateral  considerations  urging  us  to  undertake  the  work." 
Not  believing  in  the  existence  of  any  emergency,  Senator 
Johnson  did  not  feel  authorized  to  expend  "  two,  six  or 
eight  hundred  millions"  for  the  road.  He  could  not  see, 
because  the  road  would  be  a  convenience  in  the  event  of  a 
war  for  carrying  troops  and  munitions,  that  we  had  the 
power  to  construct  it,  or,  as  the  bill  did,  appropriate  land 
and  money  for  such  a  purpose  and  then  give  it  to  the  Ter 
ritories  through  which  the  road  may  pass  when  they  become 
States.  "  If  we  can  do  it,"  he  said,  "  why  may  we  not  begin 
at  Maine,  on  our  extreme  northeastern  boundary,  and  con 
struct  a  line  of  railroad  to  Boston,  and  from  Boston  to  New 
York,  and  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia,  and  from  Phila 
delphia  to  Baltimore,  and  from  Baltimore  to  Washington, 
and  from  Washington  to  Richmond,  and  from  Richmond  to 
Lynchburg,  and  from  Lynchburg  to  Knoxville,  and  from 
Knoxville  to  Chattanooga,  and  from  Chattanooga  to  Mem 
phis,  and  thence  to  Little  Rock  in  Arkansas,  a  direct  con 
nection  over  a  line  stretching  through  the  country."  Such 
a  line,  he  argued,  would  be  just  as  much  a  war  measure, 
and  just  as  necessary  and  proper,  as  an  exercise  of  the  war 
power,  as  to  construct  a  road  to  the  Pacific.  "  If,'7  said  he, 
in  further  illustration  of  this  point,  "  if  we  have  the  power 
in  the  one  case  to  construct  a  road  from  Little  Rock  to  any 
place  on  the  western  boundary  of  Missouri,  or  any  other 
point  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  pay  out  money  and  public 
lands  for  it,  is  it  not  just  as  constitutional,  is  it  not  just  as 
necessary  and  proper  for  the  Government  to  come  forward 
and  relieve  those  States  which  are  now  groaning  under  the 
heavy  debts  that  they  have  contracted  for  the  construction 


128  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

of  the  roads  I  have  mentioned  ?  Can  it  not  just  as  well 
do  that  as  continue  the  roads  to  the  Pacific  and  surrender 
the  line  to  the  States  through  which  it  may  be  con 
structed  ?  If  we  can  make  the  road  and  surrender  it  in 
the  one  case,  we  can  appropriate  for  one  that  is  already 
constructed  in  the  other." 

Passing  to  another  argument  made  in  favor  of  the  meas 
ure,  to  wit,  the  defense  of  California  and  the  danger  which 
menaced  the  Pacific  coast,  Senator  Johnson  did  not  see 
that  the  road  would  mitigate  the  latter  or  strengthen  the 
former.  After  the  road  was  constructed,  California,  without 
forts,  harbors,  arsenals  and  dockyards,  would  be  as  open 
to  attack  from  British  or  French  vessels  as  ever.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  we  let  the  road  alone  and  construct  forts 
and  arsenals  on  the  Pacific,  as  we  have  done  on  the  At 
lantic,  the  people  would  be  as  competent  to  defend  them 
selves  as  we  are.  "  By  the  time  we  construct  this  road, 
which  will  not  be  less  than  twenty-five  years,  or  perhaps  a 
much  greater  number  of  years,  they  will  be  more  competent 
to  defend  themselves  against  any  foreign  aggressions  than 
we  were  when  we  succeeded  in  achieving  the  independence 
that  we  now  enjoy."  If  the  Pacific  needed  forts,  coming 
within  the  constitutional  provisions,  he  would  give  them  ; 
but  lie  could  not  see  any  right  to  construct  the  road,  and 
before  entering  upon  such  an  exercise  of  power,  he  was  in 
favor  of  submitting  the  measure  to  the  people. 

"  It  seems,"  he  said,  "  from  the  multifarious  views  taken  of  the 
constitutional  power  to  pass  this  measure  by  its  friends,  that  it  has 
no  specific  or  definite  location.  It  is  a  kind  of  migratory  power  that 
is  wandering  about  in  the  Constitution,  seeking  some  place  to  make 
a  location.  Then  I  come  back  to  the  text  that  I  started  with ;  plac 
ing  it  upon  the  best  ground  possible,  it  is  a  doubtful  question ;  and 
being  a  doubtful  question,  I,  as  a  Democrat  favoring  a  strict  con 
struction  of  the  Constitution,  say  Congress  should  desist  from  the 
exercise  of  the  power ;  and  before  the  power  is  exercised,  if  this  Gov 
ernment  is  to  be  preserved  a  free  government,  let  us  go  to  the  States 


OF  ANDREW  jomrsox  129 

that  made  the  Constitution,  and  ask  them  for  an  enlargement  of  our 
authority,  or  to  definitely  and  distinctly  define  what  power  Congress 
3  in  reference  to  works  of  internal  improvement."*  ° 

^  During  the  debate,  one  of  the  California  Senators  [Mr. 
Gwin],  to  add  plausibility  to  the  scheme,  and  as  Johnson 
said,  "  to  hang  it  as  a  millstone  around  the  neck  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  party/7  stated  that  the  Cincinnati  National  Conven 
tion  m  1856  passed  a  resolution,  as  a  part  of  the  Democratic 
platform,  favoring  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  Railroad 
This  was  not  correct  and  did  not  escape  Senator  Johnson' 
showed  that  it  was  not  accepted  as  a  party  measure  wa« 
not  admitted  into  the  platform,  but  recommended  after  the 
platform  had  been  adopted  and  the  candidate  for  the  Pre*i- 
lency  nominated.     As  a  Democrat,  he  was  particular  in 
rawing  a  line  between  the  faith  of  the  party  and  an  outside 
ition  to  it.f     In  his  section  of  the  country,  during  the 
Presidential  canvass,  it  was  repudiated  and  condemned  by 
all  as  not  being-  part  of  the  Democratic  faith.     Neither  in 
that  region  was  Mr.  Buchanan  understood  as  entertainino- 
opimons  favorable  to  the  project,  or  admitting  its  constitu 
tionality  ;  and  it  was  with  great  surprise  that  these  people 
received  news  from  California  after  the  election  that  Mr 
Buchanan  had  written  a  letter  to  that  State  committing 
himself  to  the  railroad.     It  was  so  surprising  that  some 
looked  upon  that  letter,  being  published  after  the  election  as 
a  hoax,  as  not  authentic,  and  only  gotten  up  for  the  occasion 
In  the  same  speech,  25th  of  January,  1859,  Senator  John- 

*  Ctingresrioruil  Globe,  Second  Session,  Thirty-fifth  Congreas 

'  M;;,Hallett'  as  Chai™an  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  had  on  the 
third  day  of  the  sitting  of  the  National  Convention  at  Cincinnati,  reported  the 
platform  he  added,  apart  from  it,  a  resolution  "  with  respect  to  overland  corn- 
man,  cajon  wuh  the  Pacific.'^  This  resolution  was  taken  up,  and,  on  motion^ 

nav,  lol  7h  °p  De'aWare'  ^  WM  laid  °"  the  table  bJ  a  ™te  of-yeas,  154 ;' 
nays,  120.  The  Convention  then,  after  completing  the  platform,  nominated  Mr 
Buchanan  for  the  Pudency.  -  The  nomination  was  over,  the  platform  com 
plete;  the  creed  of  the  Democratic  party,  so  far  as  that  Convention  went,  was 
ted.  In  the  evening  session  the  resolution  relative  to  the- Pacific  Railroad 
was  passed. 

9 


130  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

son,  reviewing  the  political  aspects  of  the  times,  beheld,  as 
he  thought,  a  serious  departure  from  the  maxims  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  wise  precepts  of  the  fathers  and  founders  of 
the  Republic.  In  this  degeneracy  the  Democratic  party  had 
shared,  and  he  could  not  recognize  the  right  of  its  Presiden 
tial  Conventions  to  expound  periodically,  beyond  all  appeal, 
certain  tenets,  the  adoption  of  which  constitute  a  true  Demo 
crat.  The  debate  took  a  wide  range,  and  among  its  passages 
is  one  which  reads  now  with  peculiar  interest  and  signifi 
cance.  Jefferson  Davis  had  replied  to  Senator  Johnson,  and 
the  latter  in  a  rejoinder  reiterating  his  honest  convictions 
as  a  strict  constructionist,  added,  in  conclusion  : 

"  But  the  gentleman,  by  way  of  being  a  little  facetious,  speaking 
of  my  reference  to  a  change  in  the  Constitution,  alluded  to  the  num 
ber  of  candidates  that  might  be  before  the  country  in  reference,  as  I 
understood  him,  to  a  distinguished  office. 

"  Mr.  DAVIS. — I  was  answering  you,  sir;  the  office  you  spoke  of. 

Senator  Johnson  hoped  that  all  improper  appliances  will 
be  omitted  by  national  conventions  in  bringing  forward 
great  men  in  future. 

"  I  think,"  he  said,  "  the  people  of  the  different  States  are  as  com 
petent  to  judge  of  their  own  citizens,  and  their  qualifications  and 
various  merits,  and  their  worth,  as  a  national  convention ;  and  the 
chances  are  that  they  would  be  equally  as  pure  and  as  good  men  as 
would  be  brought  forward  by  a  national  convention  or  a  Congres 
sional  caucus.  At  this  point,  and  I  know  I  do  it  in  a  spirit  of  kind 
ness,  I  assure  the  Senator  I  am  willing  to  widen  the  field,  so  that  if 
he  has  any  aspirations  in  that  way  he  may  have  a  chance ;  I  have 
none. 

"  Mr.  DAVIS. — I  have  disclaimed  in  your  favor  already. 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee. — I  increase  your  chance,  particularly 
as  I  live  in  the  South.  But  the  idea  seems  to  be,  that  you  cannot 
come  forward  and  discuss  any  great  measure  that  has  a  tendency  to 
popularize  our  free  institutions,  but  you  must  be  associated  with  the 
Presidency.  That  seems  to  have  been  the  summitm  ~bonum  of  every 
thing  in  this  country.  It  is  the  climax  of  comparison  and  of  aspira 
tion  ;  and  whenever  you  make  a  move  that  has  a  tendency  to  popu- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  131 

larize  our  free  institutions,  or  carry  the  Government  nearer  to  the 
people,  it  is  said,  '  Oh  !  you  are  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.' 

"  Mr.  DAVIS. — I  ask  the  Senator  now,  as  he  is  replying  to  me, 
whether  he  did  not  bring  in  that  himself,  and  whether  my  remarks 
were  not  in  reply  to  him  on  that  point  ? 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee. — Bring  in  what  ? 

"  Mr.  DAVIS. — The  whole  subject  of  the  mode  of  nominating  a 
candidate  for  President. 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee. — Most  assuredly  I  did ;  but  I  made  no 
particular  allusion  to  any  set  of  individuals  being  candidates;  tho 
Senator  did.  That  is  the  difference  between  us.  I  introduced  the 
subject,  and  he  alluded  to  the  chances  of  particular  individuals. 
That  is  all  the  difference.  He  brings  cases  up ;  I  have  a  right  to 
comment  on  those  cases,  in  making  a  reply ;  and  as  I  before  told  the 
Senator,  I  am  not  in  his  way.  We  have  got  to  making  Presidents 
in  modern  times,  so  that  nobody  knows  who  is  safe.  I  do  assure  the 
Senator  that  I  prefer  to  discharge  my  duty  faithfully  as  an  honest 
representative  of  the  States  or  the  people.  Occupying  that  position 
— the  Senate  will  pardon  me  for  the  expression,  and  I  do  not  use  it 
in  a  profane  sense — when  contrasted  with  being  President  of  the 
United  States,  I  say  damn  the  Presidency !  it  is  not  worthy  of  the 
aspirations  of  a  man  who  believes  in  doing  good,  and  is  in  a  position 
to  serve  his  country  by  popularizing  her  free  institutions. 

"  The  Presidency !  I  would  rather  be  an  honest  man,  an  honest 
representative,  than  be  President  of  the  United  States  forty  times ! 
The  Presidency  is  the  absorbing  idea,  the  great  Aaron's  rod  that 
swallows  up  every  other  thing  ;  and  hence  we  see  the  best  legislation 
for  the  country  impaired,  ruined  and  biased.  The  idea  of  President- 
making  ought  to  be  scouted  out  of  the  Halls  of  Congress.  Our  legis 
lation  should  be  for  the  country,  and  let  President-making  alone. 
Let  the  people  attend  to  that.  Confer  the  great  privilege,  the  con 
stitutional  right,  upon  the  people  to  make  their  own  Presidents,  and 
not  have  them  made  by  national  conventions  or  by  Congress ;  let  the 
people  make  them  themselves ;  and  we  shall  have  better  Presidents, 
better  Administrations,  more  economy,  more  honesty,  more  of  every 
thing  that  tends  to  constitute  an  upright  and  correct  Government." 

Among  the  supporters  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  bill  was, 
naturally  enough,  David  C.  Broderick,  Senator  from  Cali 
fornia,  a  man  who  by  great  personal  force  of  character  had 
worked  himself  from  the  ranks  of  labor  into  a  most  distin 
guished  position.  Like  Johnson,  he  was  a  self-made  man. 


132  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Toombs  said— and  I  quote  the  Georgian,  as  his  known  pro 
clivities  and  associations  elevate  the  sentiments  which  he 
had  the  candor  to  offer  on  the  grave  of  one  in-  every  politi 
cal  sense  antagonistic  to  him,  and  as  he  was  the  only  ultra 
Southerner  in  the  Senate  who  had  the  courage  to  recognize 
the  merits  of  a  dead  foe — Toombs  said,  Broderick  was 
bold,  honorable,  truthful,  attached  to  the  interests  of  his 
country,  "  clear  in  his  office,"  and  a  man  that  he  considered 
an  honor  to  the  American  Senate.  Springing  from  the  hum 
blest  walks  of  society,  by  virtue  of  his  strength  of  character, 
and  in  his  native,  and  in  early  life,  almost  uncultivated  in 
tellect,  he  rose  to  be  a  peer  of  the  proudest  in  the  land,  and 
conducted  himself  in  the  Senate  "  in  such  a  manner  as  to  win 
respect  and  approbation,  notwithstanding  the  many  preju 
dices  which  had  surrounded  his  advent  into  this  body,  pro 
duced,  it  may  be,  by  the  many  and  stern  partisan  conflicts 
which  marked  his  active  but  troubled  career."  Toombs 
trusted  him  "  as  a  faithful  and  honest  and  upright  Senator."* 
The  temporary  conflict  of  two  such  men  as  Johnson  and 
Broderick  in  such  an  illustrious  arena,  presents  too  much 
valuable  suggestiveness  not  only  to  the  youth  of  the  Repub 
lic,  but  to  the  revilers  of  republican  government  abroad  to 
be  passed  over  with  mere  mention.  Broderick,  a  founder  of 
empire  on  the  Pacific,  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  a  Pacific 
Railroad.  Johnson,  who  had  actually  given  life  to  a  class 
where  independent  expression  of  opinion  was  regarded,  to 
say  the  least,  as  presumption,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  an 
equally  earnest  antagonist  of  the  measure.  Both  were 
strongly  illustrative  of  popular  thought ;  and  the  brief  pas 
sage  between  them  has  additional  interest,  as  exhibiting  the 
characteristics  of  the  localities  in  which  they  had  respect 
ively  achieved  success.  Broderick  desired  the  Senator  from 
Tennessee,  and  every  Senator  within  hearing,  to  understand 
that  the  State  of  California  was  no  mendicant  at  the  door 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  p.  749. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  133 

of  the  Senate  Chamber,  asking  for  an  appropriation  to  build 
a  railroad  from  Mississippi  to  her  borders.  He  rather  de 
manded  it,  and  he  believed,  if  there  was  any  generosity  in 
the  Senate,  it  should  be  given.  "  The  State  of  California," 
said  he,  "  has  sent  between  six  and  seven  hundred  million 
dollars  to  the  Atlantic  States  ;  and  what  have  you  sent  us 
in  return  for  our  money  ?  Nothing.  If  the  State  of  Cali 
fornia  for  fifty  days  should  withhold  her  money  from  you, 
the  banking  interests,  the  commercial  interests,  and  the 
manufacturing  interests  of  the  thirty-one  States  on  this  side 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains  would  be  paralyzed."  Senator 
Broderick  had  heard  that  Johnson  was  in  favor  of  the  pur 
chase  of  Cuba,  and  did  not  think  it  in  accordance  with  a 
strict  construction  of  the  Constitution.  He  was  further 
surprised  that  the  latter,  witli  whom  he  voted  to  give  one 
hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  away  to  actual  settlers, 
should  be  so  alarmed  at  giving  twenty  miles  of  land  on  each 
side  of  the  road  to  the  contractors  who  would  build  it  to 
California. 

Senator  Broderick's  remarks  conveyed  more  feeling  than 
argument.  He  wanted  the  road  built.  His  desires  were 
uppermost.  Senator  Johnson  did  not  see  any  constitutional 
authority  to  build  it.  He  had  gone  over  that  ground  pre 
viously,  and  in  replying  to  Broderick  confined  himself  to  the 
gold  connection  between  California  and  the  Atlantic  States. 
He  thought  the  United  States  successful  before  they  attained 
California.  They  had  been  subjected  to  and  had  survived 
many  trials,  and  had  also  had  a  "  good  deal  of  manufacturing, 
a  good  deal  of  very  successful  banking  and  commerce"  before 
that  event.  In  continuation,  he  said  : 

"  Where  does  the  gold  from  California  go  to  ?  While  they  dig 
in  their  gold-fields  in  California,  we  dig  in  our  corn-fields,  in  our 
cotton-fields,  and  in  our  rice-fields,  on  this  side  of  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains.  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
and  other  States,  might  ask,  what  would  you  do  but  for  our  cotton. 
Cotton  is  just  as  necessary  in  commerce  as  gold.  All  that  gold,  when 


134  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

it  goes  to  New  York  or  any  other  point,  goes  abroad ;  and  we  have 
run  through  our  mints  in  seven  years  six  or  seven  hundred  millions 
of  gold. 

"  Where  did  it  go  ?  Turn  to  your  tables  of  exports,  and  there  you 
find  it  went  off  with  your  bags  of  cotton,  your  hogsheads  of  tobacco, 
and  tierces  of  rice.  What  would  your  country  have  done  but  for 
rice,  cotton  and  tobacco  ?  What  would  the  country  have  done  but 
for  your  manufactured  articles  ?  Gold  is  the  peculiar  product  of 
California ;  cotton  is  the  peculiar  product  of  the  South ;  hogs  and 
horses  are  the  peculiar  products  of  the  Western  States.  You  find 
that  there  is  a  reciprocity  in  trade.  California  brings  her  gold  to  the 
United  States  because  she  can  do  better  with  it  here  than  anywhere 
else.  If  she  could  send  it  from  San  Francisco  to  England  direct  it 
would  go  there.  Withhold  gold  from  that  point  where  it  will  com 
mand  the  greatest  price  1  Withhold  gold  from  going  where  it  will 
command  the  greatest  price !  The  Senator  might  as  well  attempt  to 
lock  up  the  winds  or  chain  the  waves  of  the  ocean  as  to  place  gold 
beyond  the  influence  of  those  laws  which  control  the  commercial 
world.  Gold,  like  every  other  article  of  trade,  will  go  where  it  is  in 
the  greatest  demand.  Gold  will  go  where  it  gets  the  greatest  price ; 
so  will  cotton,  tobacco,  and  every  other  article  of  commerce. 

"  Let  us  reverse  the  argument,  and  ask  what  would  California  have 
done  for  flour,  what  would  California  have  done  for  manufactured 
articles,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  States  on  this  side  ?  What  would 
she  have  done  for  iron  ?  What  would  she  have  done  for  all  those 
things  that  constitute  her  a  great  people  ?  With  the  exception  of 
gold,  she  would  not  have  been  much.  While  you  are  digging  gold, 
you  must  have  something  to  eat  and  to  wear,  and  you  send  your 
gold  off  because  you  must  use  it  to  buy  those  articles  somewhere  else. 
That  is  all." 

Within  eight  months  from  the  period  of  this  debate  Brod- 
erick  had  passed  from  the  scenes  of  his  usefulness,  his  labors 
and  his  ambition.  He  fell  in  a  duel  in  California,  the  cir 
cumstances  inciting  which  had  been  forced  upon  him.  In 
deed,  it  was  prognosticated  at  the  time  of  his  return  home 
that  machinations  were  on  foot  to  victimize  him  to  the  unscru 
pulous  politicians  of  the  Buchanan  party,  whom  he  had  de 
nounced  and  defied,  and  the  State  politicians  who  could  only 
propitiate  success  by  ruining  him  personally,  politically,  or 
in  botli  ways,  for  Broderick's  person  and  politics  were  com- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  135 

mitted  to  each  other.  Naturally  a  bold  man,  his  isolated 
position  contributed  to  strengthen  this  characteristic  by 
rendering  him  little  likely  to  yield  to  those  restraints  which 
often  compel  men  of  family  to  expediencies.  For  the  same 
reason  he  was  reliable  and  immovable.  His  ambition  was 
great  and  laudable  ;  and  the  position  he  attained  sufficiently 
indicates  the  strong  will  which  could  triumph  over  a  com 
munity  largely  fashioned  of  the  elements  which  were  com 
bined  in  himself.  He  was  born  in  Washington  city,  of 
poor  Irish  parents ;  his  father,  a  stone-cutter,  worked  on 
the  Capitol,  which  was  to  echo  in  a  tribute  to  his  memory— 
a  gallant  rebuke  to  the  "mudsill"  doctrine  of  the  South. 
He  removed  to  New  York,  worked  at  his  trade,  mixed  in 
politics  successfully,  but  was  defeated  for  a  seat  in  Congress, 
and  departed  for  the  Pacific  shores,  declaring  he  would  come 
back  a  Senator.  He  did  ;  and  no  more  appropriate  record 
can  be  raised  to  him  than  that  expressed  by  himself  in  the 
following  passage,  which  it  is  difficult  to  characterize,  ex 
hibiting  as  it  does  a  fine  tribute  to  the  working  classes,  while 
displaying  the  unhealed  wounds  of  early  ambition  in  their 
ranks ;  and  the  deep  retrospective  feelings  of  a  disappointed 
man,  blended  with  the  triumphant,  almost  imperious  air  of 
one  who  after  great  labor  had  defiantly  organized  success. 
It  occurs  in  his  very  able  speech  against  the  Kansas-Lecomp- 
ton  Constitution,  and  in  reply  to  the  "mudsill"  speech  of 
Senator  Hammond  already  alluded  to  : 

"  I,  sir,  am  glad  that  the  Senator  has  spoken  thus.  It  may  have 
the  effect  of  arousing  in  the  working-men  that  spirit  which  has  been 
lying  dormant  for  centuries.  It  may  also  have  the  effect  of  arousing 
the  two  hundred  thousand  men  with  pure  white  skins  in  South  Car 
olina,  who  are  now  degraded  and  despised  by  thirty  thousand  aris 
tocratic  slaveholders.  It  may  teach  them  to  demand  what  is  the 
power 

li  'Link'd  with  success,  assumed  and  kept  with  skill, 
That  moulds  another's  weakness  to  its  will; 
Wields  with  their  hands,  but,  still  to  them  unknown, 
Makes  even  their  mightiest  deeds  appear  his  own  ?' 


136  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  I  suppose,  sir,  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  did  not  intend  to 
be  personal  in  his  remarks,  to  any  of  his  peers  upon  this  floor.  If  I 
had  thought  so,  I  would  have  noticed  them  at  the  time.  I  am,  sir, 
with  one  exception,  the  youngest  in  years  of  the  Senators  upon  this 
floor.  It  is  not  long  since  I  served  an  apprenticeship  of  five  years 
at  one  of  the  most  laborious  mechanical  trades  pursued  by  man — a 
trade  that  from  its  nature  devotes  its  follower  to  thought,  but  debars 
him  from  conversation.  I  would  not  have  alluded  to  this,  if  it  were 
not  for  the  remarks  of  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina ;  and  the 
thousands  who  know  that  I  am  the  son  of  an  artisan  and  have  been 
a  mechanic,  would  feel  disappointed  in  me  if  I  did  not  reply  to  him. 
I  am  not  proud  of  this.  I  am  sorry  it  is  true.  I  would  that  I  could 
have  enjoyed  the  pleasures  of  life  in  my  boyhood's  days,  but  they 
were  denied  to  me.  I  say  this  with  pain.  I  have  not  the  admiration 
for  the  men  of  the  class  from  whence  I  sprung  that  might  be  expect 
ed  ;  they  submit  too  tamely  to  oppression,  and  are  too  prone  to  neg 
lect  their  rights  and  duties  as  citizens.  But,  sir,  the  class  of  society 
to  whose  toil  I  was  born,  under  our  form  of  government,  will  control 
the  destinies  of  this  nation.  If  I  were  inclined  to  forget  my  connec 
tion  with  them,  or  to  deny  that  I  sprung  from  them,  this  Chamber 
would  not  be  the  place  in  which  I  could  do  either.  While  I  hold  a 
seat  here,  I  have  but  to  look  at  the  beautiful  capitals  adorning  the 
pilasters  that  support  this  roof,  to  be  reminded  of  my  father's  talent, 
and  to  see  his  handiwork. 

"  I  left  the  scenes  of  my  youth  and  manhood  for  the  '  far  West,' 
because  I  was  tired  of  the  struggles  and  the  jealousies  of  men  of  my 
class,  who  could  not  understand  why  one  of  their  fellows  should  seek 
to  elevate  his  condition  above  the  common  level.  I  made  my  new 
abode  among  strangers  where  labor  is  honored.  I  had  left  without 
regret ;  there  remained  no  tie  of  blood  to  bind  me  to  any  being  in 
existence.  If  I  fell  in  the  struggle  for  reputation  and  fortune  there 
was  no  relative  on  earth  to  mourn  my  fall.  The  people  of  California 
elevated  me  to  the  highest  office  within  their  gift.  My  election  was 
not  the  result  of  an  accident.  For  years  I  had  to  struggle,  often  see 
ing  the  goal  of  my  ambition  within  my  reach ;  it  was  again  and  again 
taken  from  me  by  the  aid  of  men  of  my  own  class.  I  had  not  only 
them  to  contend  with,  but  almost  the  entire  partisan  press  of  my 
State  was  subsidized  by  Government  money  and  patronage  to  oppose 
my  election.  I  sincerely  hope,  sir,  the  time  will  come  when  such 
speeches  as  that  from  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  will  be  con 
sidered  a  lesson  to  the  laborers  of  the  nation."* 

*  Speech  of  March  22,  185S. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  137 

Broderick  might  well  feel  proud  of  his  success.  The  great 
opposition  he  had  overcome  but  added  to  his  natural  inde 
pendence.  He  held  similar  views  as  Johnson  regarding  the 
assumption  of  cliques  to  read  men  who  declined  to  follow 
their  dictation  out  of  the  Democratic  party.  Hence  he  soon 
was  in  an  attitude  of  defiance  to  Mr.  Buchanan  and  his 
rulers  ;  while  his  colleague  from  California,  Mr.  Gwin,  was 
a  ready  and  reckless  co-operator  with  the  dominant  Southern 
conspirators.  To  the  latter,  Broderick  became  very  obnox 
ious,  while  he  won  the  steady  respect  of  the  wisest  and  best 
statesmen  of  all  parties  in  the  Chamber — men  such  as  Doug 
las,  Crittenden  and  Seward.  His  death  was  the  sensation 
of  the  day  ;  and  its  announcement  in  Congress  elicited  more 
than  usual  feeling  and  eloquence.  The  proceedings  in  both 
Houses  were  in  striking  contrast  to  the  usual  routine  of  such 
occasions.*  Mr.  John  B.  Haskin,  who  had  been  his  school 
mate,  spoke  of  the  integrity  and  earnestness  of  his  youth. 
Mr.  Sickles  illustrated  his  energy  by  describing  him  as  "  a 
man  of  no  recreation,"  while  Senator  Seward,  regarding  the 
extension  of  our  empire  as  the  great  national  event  of  the  day, 
thus  indicated  his  place  in  history.  "  He  who  shall  write  its 
history  will  find  materials  copious  and  fruitful  of  influence 
upon  the  integrity  of  the  American  Union  and  the  destiny 
of  the  American  people.  He  will  altogether  fail,  however,  if 
he  does  not  succeed  in  raising  Houston,  Rusk  and  Broderick 
to  the  rank  among  organizers  of  our  States  which  the  world 
has  assigned  to  Winthrop  and  Yilliers,  Raleigh  and  Penn, 
Baltimore  and  Oglethorpe,  as  well  as  in  placing  Taylor  and 
Scott  and  Worth  and  Quitman  as  Generals,  by  the  side  of 
Washington  and  Greene  and  Marion.  Impartiality  will 
require  him  to  testify  that  Broderick,  more  vigorously  and 

*  In  the  Senate,  Haun  of  California,  Crittenden,  Seward,  Foster  of  Connecti 
cut,  Foote  of  Vermont,  Wade  of  Ohio,  and  Toorabs;  and  in  the  House,  Burch 
of  California,  Haskin  and  Sickles  of  New  York,  Hickman  of  Pennsylvania,  Bur- 
lingame  of  Massachusetts,  Isaac  X.  Morris  of  Illinois,  and  Stout  of  Oregon,  de 
livered  biographical  or  eulogistic  addresses. 


138  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

resolutely  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  overcame  accidents 
and  circumstances  which  opposed  his  success.  Neither  birth, 
nor  fortune,  nor  education,  nor  training,  nor  patronage,  nor 
association,  nor  prestige  of  any  kind  favored  ambition  in  his 
case."  Alluding  to  the  settlement  of  California  and  the 
tumultuous  element  which  flocked  thither,  Senator  Seward 
said  :  "  We  asked  how  and  when  shall  this  political  chaos  be 
reduced  into  the  solid  substance  of  a  civil  State  ?  Even 
while  we  were  yet  asking  these  questions,  we  saw  that  State 
rise  up  before  us  in  just  proportions,  firm,  vigorous,  strong 
and  free,  complete  in  the  fullest  material  and  moral  suffi- 
cency,  and,  at  the  same  time,  loyal  and  faithful  to  the  Fed 
eral  Union.  The  hand  that  principally  shaped  it  was  that 
of  David  C.  Broderick."* 

*  Cony ressi') n,al  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  Feb.  13,  1860. 


CHAP  TEE    VIII. 


THE   SLAVERY   QUESTION. 

JOHNSON'S  Position  on  the  Slavery  Question  —  Tolerant,  not  Radical  —  Pro} 
tion  in  18i2  — 1849  —  Representation  on  a  Slave  Basis —  Grounds  of  S 
to  the  Compromise' Measures  —  Not  a  Believer  in  Compromises  —  Rig 
Virtue  always  Suffer  by  Compromising  with  Wrong  and  Vice  —  "  Contjrv- 
atism"  the  Plea  of  Despots  —  Did  not  sing  Peans  to  the  Union  —  Did  not 
Believe  it  in  Danger  —  On  Union  Saviors  and  Saving  —  Judged  other  i  by 
Himself —  His  Position  in  Contrast  with  some  Northern  Democrats  —  His  Idea 
of  John  C.  Calhoun  —  A  Sectarian  not  a  Nationalist  —  Johnson's  name  pre 
sented  to  the  Charleston-Baltimore  Convention  for  the  Presidency  —  Voted 
for  through  Thirty-six  Ballotings  —  Letter  of  Withdrawal. 

ON  the  Slavery  question,  Senator  Johnson  held  to  the 
dogmas  as  then  received  by  the  party  with  which  he  gener 
ally  acted,  but  it  was  not  an  institution  superior  to  all  others, 
or  on  which  he  would  sacrifice  the  integrity  of  the  Republic. 
While  never  regarding  the  institution  as  permanent,  he,  as 
a  Southern-born  man,  has  uniformly  sustained  it.'  In  his 
own  words  he  then  believed  that  slavery  had  its  foundation 
and  would  find  its  perpetuity  alone  in  the  Union,  and  the 
Union  its  continuance  in  a  non-interference  with  it.  A  re 
view  of  his  political  life  abundantly  demonstrates  his  recog 
nition  of  it  as  an  existing  institution.  But  while  this  is  true, 
the  support  he  yielded  to  it  was  not  such  as  at  all  times  to 
meet  the  approval  of  ultra  and  extreme  Southern  men. 
More  than  once  his  independent  action  was  exposed  to  their 
censure,  and  to  the  charge  of  entertaining  anti-slavery  senti 
ments.  As  early  as  1842,  on  a  proposition  to  divide  the 

(139) 


140  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

State  of  Tennessee  into  Congressional  Districts,  he  intro 
duced  into  the  Legislature  the  following  resolutions  : 

"Resolved,  l>y  the  General  AnsemUy  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  That 
the  basis  to  be  observed  in  laying  the  State  off  into  Congressional 
Districts,  shall  be  the  voting  population,  without  any  regard  to  the 
three-fifths  of  the  Negro  population. 

"Resolved,  That  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  and  eighty- 
three  voters  shall  be  divided  by  eleven,  and  that  each  eleventh  of  the 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  eighty-three  voters,  shall  be  en 
titled  to  one  member  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  or  as  near 
as  may  be  practicable  without  a  division  of  counties." 

These  resolutions,  together  with  his  Homestead  policy, 
subjected  him  to  severe  criticism  by  radical  Southern  men. 
He,  however,  pursued  the  tenor  of  his  ways  and  thoughts, 
and  did  not  permit  himself  to  be  forced  into  extreme  views 
which  he  could  not  conscientiously  hold,  on  the  one  hand ; 
or  into  the  expression  of  passionately  self-destructive  antag 
onism  on  the  other.  He  could  not  accept  their  views  and 
would  not  part  with  his  own.  Hence  he  took  the  institution 
of  slavery  as  it  stood.  It  was  so  interwoven  with  all  the 
political  and  social  interests  of  the  South,  where  he  resided, 
that  so  long  as  it  remained  subservient  to  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  country,  he  continued  to  yield  it  his  counte 
nance  and  tolerant  support ;  but  when  it  attempted  to  rise 
above  the  authority  of  the  Government  itself,  and  waged  war 
against  the  nation,  he  promptly  took  his  stand  by  the  Gov 
ernment  as  paramount  authority,  and  as  the  only  hope  for 
the  perpetuity  of  free  institutions,  and  the  attainment  of  a 
higher  civilization. 

But  on  this  question,  as  well  as  on  all  others  I  have  intro 
duced  in  this  Memoir,  he  has  spoken  clearly  and  understand- 
ingly  for  himself.  Addressing  his  constituents  at  the  open 
ing  of  his  canvass  for  Congress  in  the  spring  of  1849,  in  a 
speech  which  was  subsequently  published  in  pamphlet  form, 

he  said  : "  The  whole  number  of  slaves  in  fifteen 

States  of  the  Union  is  three  million — estimated  at  four  hun- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  Hi 

drcd  dollars  each,  amount  to  twelve  hundred  million  dollars. 
At  first,  the  mind  is  not  prepared  to  conceive  the  vast  amount 
of  capital  vested  in  slaves  in  the  United  States.  The  pro 
ducts  of  slave  labor  in  this  country,  aside  from  their  natural 
increase,  and  the  amount  to  supply  the  home  market  in  three 
articles  alone — cotton,  tobacco  and  rice — amount  to  nearly 
sevent}T-two  million  dollars,  making  more  than  one-half  of 
all  our  exports  during  the  last  fiscal  year,  and  constituting  a 
large  item  in  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

"  The  institution  of  slavery  was  introduced  into  this  coun 
try  by  our  forefathers,  anterior  to  the  existence  of  our  pres 
ent  form  of  government,  and  recognized  by  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  made  a  part  of  the  basis  of  repre 
sentation.  It  has  become  so  closely  connected  with  the 
operations  of  the  Government,  and  the  commerce  of  the 
whole  country,  that  it  may  now  be  considered  as  one  of  the 
ingredients  of  our  political  and  social  system. 

"  In  this  connection  I  might  refer  to  one  or  two  objections 
urged  by  the  non-slaveholding  States  to  the  institution  as  it 
exists  in  the  Southern  States.  One  is,  that  in  apportioning 
the  representation  among  the  several  States,  that  three-fifths 
of  the  slaves  are  included  in  the  basis,  and  thereby  the  slave 
power  is  increased  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  by  its 
abolition  this  power  in  the  South  would  be  weakened.  This 
should  be  no  cause  of  complaint  on  their  part.  There  are 
three  millions  of  slaves  in  the  United  States  [now  estimated 
at  four  millions].  By  the  Constitution,  in  apportioning  repre 
sentation  among  the  several  States,  only  three-fifths  of  them 
are  counted  ;  assuming  the  ratio  to  be  one  hundred  thousand, 
would  give  them  eighteen  members  of  Congress — three-fifths 
of  three  millions  being  eighteen  hundred  thousand.  If  they 
were  all  free  persons  it  would  give  the  South  twelve  mem 
bers  more  at  the  same  ratio — twelve  hundred  thousand  being 
two-fifths  of  three  millions.  It  will  at  once  be  perceived 
that  this  objection  is  not  well  founded  ;  instead  of  slavery 


142  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

being  an  ingredient  of  political  power  to  the  South,  it  is  an 
element  of  political  weakness." 

In  1850,  during  a  discussion  on  a  series  of  resolutions — 
introduced  by  himself  into  the  House  of  Representatives — 
substantially  similar  to  the  Compromise  measures,  Johnson 
gave  expression  to  his  faith  in  the  necessity  of  the  supremacy 
of  the  Union  :  "  We  all,"  said  he,  "  belong  to  the  same  great 
American  family  ;  we  all  profess  to  be  attached  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  country — that  Constitution  which  has  been 
established  by  our  forefathers.  Then  in  the  spirit  of  the 
provisions  of  that  sacred  instrument,  we  ought  all  to  come 
forward,  and  co-operate  in  erecting  an  altar  to  our  common 
country,  upon  which  each  one  of  us,  whether  from  the  East 
or  the  West,  may  sacrifice  something  to  preserve  the  har 
mony  that  has  heretofore  existed  between  the  extremes 
of  the  Union.  In  this  spirit  I  have  left  the  details  to  be 
regulated  when  the  bill  shall  be  reported.  If  one  shall  be 
reported,  or  if  one  shall  be  sent  to  us  from  the  other  end  of 
the  Capitol,  containing  all  the  provisions  specified  in  the 
resolutions,  I  shall  sustain  it ;  or  if  it  be  presented  in  a 
series  of  measures,  I  shall  sustain  them  in  the  order  in  which 
they  are  presented.  If,  however,  the  propositions  be  discon 
nected,  or  if  any  effort  be  made  to  take  one  out  of  the  series 
and  force  it  upon  the  country,  leaving  the  others  unadjusted, 
I  intend  to  hold  myself  uncommitted,  and  accommodate  my 
self  to  the  exigencies  of  the  case  as  they  may  arise. 

"  In  conclusion ,  I  will  only  say,  as  relates  to  this  Negro 
question,  that  I  trust  and  hope  in  God's  name,  and  I  hope 
there  is  no  irreverence  in  making  this  appeal,  which  I  do 
with  all  solemnity,  for  if  I  know  myself  and  the  deep  interest 
which  I  and  others  around  me  have  in  the  welfare  of  our 
country  and  the  harmonious  working  of  our  institutions,  I 
trust  and  hope  that  Whigs  and  Democrats,  the  reflecting, 
the  intelligent  and  the  patriotic  of  both  parties,  will  look  to 
the  extent,  the  length  and  breadth  and  height  of  this  mo- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  143 

mentous  question.  I  trust,  in  looking  to  the  amount  of  public 
property  and  tranquillity  and  happiness,  as  well  as  the  great 
value  of  property  which  is  involved  in  the  adjustment  of  our 
present  difficulties,  they  will  be  brought  to  feel  that  the 
preservation  of  this  Union  is  paramount  to  all  other  consid 
erations." 

Mr.  Johnson  was  not  a  compromise  man,  not  a  believer  in 
compromises,  and  at  a  later  period  we  find  an  explanation 
of  his  action  at  this  time.  He  was  for  each  of  the  measures 
because  he  believed  it  to  be  right,  but  advised  both  sections 
to  abandon  the  idea  of  compromise  and  rely  upon  the  guar 
antees  of  the  Constitution.  He  believed  there  never  was  a 
compromise  in  which  either  party  to  it  was  not  wronged. 
He  fell  back  on  Ids  old  idea  that  there  was  a  principle  of 
right  somewhere  and  that  we  should  ascertain  and  maintain 
it.  The  history  of  compromises  exhibited  only  an  excuse 
for  continual  agitation.  In  1820  we  had  a  compromise. 
The  Republic  was  agitated;  dissolution  threatened  before 
it  was  made,  and  when  effected  it  became  a  permanent 
subject  of  contention,  agitation  and  discussion  until  it  was 
repealed.  As  Senator  Johnson  said,  "You  get  up  a  great 
agitation  and  settle  it  by  a  compromise  ;  and  then  you  keep 
up  an  agitation  as  to  what  the  compromise  means  or  what  is 
the  extent  of  its  obligation.  In  1850  several  measures  were 
passed  as  compromise  measures.  They  produced  a  great 
agitation.  A  dissolution  of  the  Union  was  threatened  ;  and 
in  1851  some  great  pacificators  came  forward — men  who 
were  Avilling  to  be  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  their  country 
on  another  compromise.  That  compromise  has  since  been 
a  continual  and  increasing  source  of  agitation."  In  contin 
uation,  he  said  : 

"  Whenever  there  is  a  difficulty  between  vice  and  virtue,  vice  can 
get  up  an  agitation,  an  issue  with  virtue,  and  of  course  vice  is  always 
ready  to  compromise ;  but  when  virtue  compromises  with  vice,  vice 
obtains  the  ascendancy.  Whenever  there  is  a  contest  between  truth 
and  falsehood,  and  it  is  settled  by  a  compromise,  truth  gives  way 


144  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

and  falsehood  triumphs.  IH  it  not  tims  to  stop  compromising  ?  I 
think  we  have  compromises  enough,  and  I  will  say  here  in  my  place 
to-day,  that  I  believe  the  agitation  which  has  taken  place,  first  in 
getting  up  compromises,  and  then  upon  the  compromises  after  they 
are  made,  has  done  more  to  make  the  institution  of  Slavery  perma 
nent  than  all  the  other  action  of  the  Federal  Government." 

The  constant  pressure  outside  solidified  the  institution  in 
the  Southern  States,  and  Southern  men  were  more  reconciled 
to  it  than  ever.  In  agitation  might  be  found  all  the  evil 
•which  surrounded  them.  Hence  he  implored  both  sides  to 
seek  the  right  and  abandon  fruitless  compromises. 

u  Let  us  agree,  North  and  South,  to  abide  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  country,  and  have  no  more  compromises.  We  have  been  com 
promised  and  conservatised  until  there  is  hardly  any  Constitution 
left.  We  first  compromise  and  settle  a  question  wrong,  and  then  we 
must  all  turn  conservatives  and  stand  by  the  wrong  that  has  been 
accomplished  by  the  compromise.  Compromise  !  I  almost  wish  the 
term  was  stricken  out  of  the  English  language.  Conservatism  !  It 
is  the  argument  of  despots  and  tyrants,  one  that  entails  an  existing 
institution  in  its  present  form  whether  it  be  right  or  wrong."* 

Johnson,  though  opposed  to  compromises,  finally  voted 
for  the  individual  measures  on  the  basis  stated  by  himself, 
and  on  the  distinct  and  oft  reiterated  doctrine  that  the 
Constitution  was  superior  to  all  compromises,  and  the 
country  paramount  to  party.  He  voted  for  the  measures, 
imploring  Whigs  and  Democrats  and  the  thoughtful  men 
of  whatever  side  to  feel  that  "  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
was  paramount  to  all  other  considerations." 

To  this  sentiment,  uttered  in  the  equable  but  earnest 
tones  of  advice  from  one  who,  even  much  later,  in  the  un 
suspecting  honesty  of  his  own  patriotism,  believed  the  Union 
not  in  danger.  Senator  Johnson  has  stood  with  a  boldness 
and  a  heroism  equal  in  every  respect  to  the  contingencies 
involved  in  it.  For  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  Com 
promise  measures,  as  late  as  January,  1859,  he  declared  he 

*  Congressional  Globe,  First  Session,  Thirty-fifth  Congress,  1858. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 45 

did  not  sing  peans  to  the  Union,  because  it  was  not  likely 
ever  to  be  in  any  real  danger.  This  sentiment  was  elicited 
in  the  debate  on  the  Pacific  Railroad,  when  among  the 
reasons  adduced  for  its  construction  was,  that  it  would  be 
"  a  great  bond  of  Union."  Senator  Johnson  thought  that 
if  the  Union  hung  together  by  no  stronger  tenure,  it  cer 
tainly  would  not  survive.  And  this  led  him  to  the  cry  of 
Union  saving  that  accompanied  every  matter  brought  be 
fore  the  public. 

"  *  The  Union !  the  Union  !'  is  the  constant  cry.  Sir,  I  am  for  the 
Union  ;  but  in  every  little  speech  I  have  to  make,  I  do  not  deem  it 
necessary  to  sing  peans  and  hosannas  to  the  Union.  I  think  the 
Union  will  stand  uninterrupted ;  it  will  go  on,  as  it  has  gone  on, 
without  my  singing  peans  to  it ;  and  this  thing  of  saving  the  Union, 
I  will  remark  here,  has  been  done  so  often  that  it  has  got  to  be 
entirely  a  business  transaction.  Every  now  and  then,  as  Addison 
used  to  say,  great  men  come  up  in  clusters ;  and  there  seems  to  come 
up  a  cluster  of  individuals  who  are  exceedingly  anxious  for  immor 
tality,  either  in  this  or  the  other  world,  perhaps  in  both,  and  they 
must  get  up  a  crisis ;  the  different  portions  of  the  Union  must  be 
arrayed  against  each  other,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  save  the 
Union.  Hence  there  are  compromises  on  one  side  and  on  the  other ; 
and  they  all  come  up  and  seem  to  make  a  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of 
their  common  country,  and  the  Union  is  once  more  saved  I" 

"  I  have,"  said  he,  "  never  considered  the  Union  yet  in 
danger."  He  did  not  believe  that  all  the  factionists  in  the 
country  or  the  Government  could  pull  it  to  pieces  or  dis 
solve  the  bands  that  bound  it  together — bands  of  mutual 
interest,  of  patriotism,  the  idea  and  association  of  a  common 
suffering.  He  did  not  believe,  to  narrow  the  necessity  even 
down  to  the  selfish  motives  which  are  said  to  control  men, 
that  the  sordid  principle  of  self-interest  could  dissolve  the 
Union.  "  I  cannot  be/7  he  emphatically  said  ;  "  it  cannot  be 
dissolved !" 

He  judged  of  others  by  the  faitli  in  his  own  head  and 
heart.  Knowing  that  the  compact  could  not  be  legally 
broken  by  the  band  of  disquiet  and  ambitious  politicians 
10 


146  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

who  were  in  the  habit  of  bewildering  their  auditors  and 
themselves  with  metaphysical  theories  on  States'  rights 
and  periodically  threatening  to  invoke  the  "  God  of  battles," 
he  could  not,  would  not,  allow  himself  to  believe  that,  by 
persistent  audacity  and  artifice,  subdivisions  of  party  could 
be  so  effected  as  to  produce  the  desired  contingency  ;  and 
that  even  the  high  places  of  the  Government  could  become 
so  inoculated  with  infamy  as  to  turn  popular  trust  into  par 
ricidal  treason. 

His  faith  in  the  Union  was  too  great,  his  pride  in  the 
bounty  of  its  institutions,  under  which  men  like  himself 
had  risen  to  eminence,  too  glorious,  to  comprehend  how  a 
hand  could  be  raised  against  it.  This  very  faith  and  pride, 
however,  but  made  him  the  stronger  to  face  the  crisis  when 
it  broke  upon  him  in  all  its  terrible  reality. 

Such  were  Senator  Johnson's  views  on  slavery  up  to  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion.  He  could  not,  considering  his 
relations  with  a  Southern  State,  have  said  less.  It  showed 
remarkable  strength  in  his  own  convictions  not  to  have  said 
more,  especially  when  leading  Northern  Democrats,  seek 
ing  political  promotion,  in  and  out  of  Congress — men  like 
Benjamin  F.  Butler  and  Benjamin  F.  Hallett  of  Massachu 
setts,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson  of  New  York,  Jesse  D.  Bright  and 
Graham  N.  Fitch  of  Indiana,  Jeremiah  S.  Black  and  William 
Bigler  of  Pennsylvania,  Joseph  Lane  of  Oregon,  and  others, 
outrivaled  Southern  leaders  in  devotion  to  Southern  insti 
tutions.  I  refer  to  this  fact,  not  to  invite  invidious  criticism 
on  many  of  the  latter  who  have  well  served  the  Union  cause 
since,  but  to  show  by  contrast  the  independent  and  brave 
position  of  Andrew  Johnson  at  the  time.  He  gave  slavery 
a  respectful  recognition  and  tolerant  speech,  when  his 
Northern  compeers  chiefly  studied  and  explained,  and 
made  capital  by  extolling  it.  But  it  was  the  fashion  in 
those  days  to  look  for  all  wisdom  and  statesmanship  in  emi 
nent  Southern  men  and  those  who  agreed  with  them.  In 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  i  4  7 

this  connection,  and  as  illustrative  of  Senator  Johnson's 
individuality,  his  idea  of  John  C.  Calhoun  has  an  interest. 
He  not  only  did  not  think  him  infallible,  but  he  denied  him 
practical  power  as  a  politician. 

"  Mr.  Calhoun  had  some  peculiar  notions  about  govern 
ment  ;  and  if  he  were  now  living,  he  and  all  the  men  in  the 
United  States  could  not  put  a  government  into  successful 
and  practical  operation  under  the  system  he  laid  down. 
He  was  a  logician  ;  he  could  reason  from  premise  to  con 
clusion  wTith  unerring  certainty,  but  he  was  as  often  wrong 
in  taking  his  premises  as  any  body  else.  Admit  his  pre 
mises,  and  you  were  swept  off  by  the  conclusions  ;  but  look 
at  bis  premises,  and  he  was  just  as  often  wrong  as  any  other 
statesman  ;  and  I  think  Mr.  Calhoun  was  more  of  a  poli 
tician  than  a  statesman.  Mr.  Calhoun  never  possessed  that 
class  of  mind  that  enabled  him  to  found  a  great  party.  He 
founded  a  sect  ;  and  if  he  had  been  a  religionist,  he  would 
have  been  a  mere  sectarian.  He  would  never  have  gone 
beyond  founding  a  sect  peculiar  to  himself.  His  mind  was 
metaphysical  and  logical,  and  he  was  a  great  man  in  his 
peculiar  channel,  but  he  might  be  more  properly  said  to 
have  founded  a  sect  than  a  great  national  party.'7 

This  free  sketcli  of  the  South  Carolina  nullification  idol  was 
presented  in  the  Senate  just  twelve  days  before  the  assem 
bling  in  Charleston  of  the  National  Democratic  Convention 
to  nominate  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  The  Democ 
racy  of  Tennessee  instructed  their  delegates  to  put  the 
name  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  nomination,  which  was  accord 
ingly  done.  Up  to  the  thirty-sixth  balloting  he  received  the 
vote  of  his  State,  after  which  Mr.  Ewing  of  Tennessee 
withdrew  the  name,  in  the  hope  of  furthering  the  chances 
of  a  nomination.  Previous  to  the  balloting,  there  was 
great  contention  on  the  adoption  of  a  platform,  the  Douglas 
doctrine  of  territorial  sovereignty  on  the  Slavery  question 
prevailing,  when  the  delegations  of  Alabama,  Mississippi, 


148  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

Florida,  Texas,  all  of  the  Louisiana  delegation  except  two, 
all  of  the  South  Carolina  delegation  except  three,  three  of 
the  Arkansas  delegation,  two  of  the  Delaware  delegation, 
and  one  from  Nortli  Carolina,  withdrew  from  the  Conven-, 
tion.  After  sitting  for  ten  days  and  finding  it  impossible 
to  effect  a  nomination,  the  Convention  adjourned  pn  the  6th 
of  May,  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on  the  18th  June.  On  the  first 
day  of  the  re-assembling  in  Baltimore  of  the  National  Con 
vention,  Senator  Johnson  withdrew  his  name  in  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  a  leading  member  of  the  Tennessee  delegation  : 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  June  18,  1860. 

u  GENERAL  SAMUEL  MILLIGAN  :  Dear  Sir— Whilst  deeply  thank 
ful  to  you  and  your  associate  delegates  in  the  National  Convention 
for  your  support  of  my  name  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
indorsing  and  reflecting  therein  the  honor  done  me  by  the  State 
Convention  of  the  Democracy  of  Tennessee,  an  honor  and  distinc 
tion  given  my  name  by  the  people  whom  I  have  served,  and  whose 
confidence  is  worthy  of  the  best  efforts  and  highest  ambition  of  any 
man,  yet  in  this  hour  of  peril  to  the  harmony  and  integrity  of  the 
Democratic  party — in  this  hour  of  serious  apprehension  for  the 
future  welfare  and  perpetuity  of  our  Government — I  cannot  and 
will  not  suffer  my  name  to  add  to  the  difficulties  and  embarrass 
ment  of  my  friends.  I  feel  that  it  is  incumbent  upon  you,  upon  me, 
that  every  thing  that  can  honorably  and  consistently  be  done  should 
be  done  by  us  to  secure  unity  and  harmony  of  action,  to  the  end 
that  correct  principles  may  be  maintained,  the  preservation  of  the 
only  national  organization  remaining  continued,  and,  above  all,  that 
the  Union,  with  the  blessings,  guarantees  and  protection  of  its  Con 
stitution,  perpetuated  for  ever. 

"  That  the  Tennessee  delegation  may  so  act,  and  that  in  no  con 
tingency  they  may  find  themselves  embarrassed  by  the  action  of  our 
State  in  regard  to  myself,  I  desire  through  you  to  request  that  they 
will  not  present  my  name  to  the  Convention  at  Baltimore,  and  to 
each  of  them  tender  my  regards. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc.,         ANDREW  JOHNSON." 


CHAPTER    IX. 

JOHNSON'S  COMPEERS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 

PARTY  Leaders  in  the  Senate  —  Douglas,  Crittenden,  Seward  and  Davis  —  A 
Scene  in  the  Senate  —  Crittenden  Replying  to  Green  —  Personal  Sketch  of 
Crittenden  —  His  Political  Schooling  —  Defends  it  —  The  Oldest  Senator  — 
On  the  Kansas  Question  —  Defending  his  own  Rights,  learns  to  Defend  those 
of  others  —  The  Crittenden-Montgomery  Bill  —  The  English  Bill  Votes  — 
Crittenden  Opposes  Slidell's  Cuba  Bill  — Parting  with  the  old  Chamber ; 
His  Love  for  the  Union  — Patriarch  of  the  Senate —  Stephen  A.  Douglas  — 
Lessons  of  his  Life  —  His  wide-spread  Fame  —  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Territories  —  Early  Grounds  on  Non-intervention  by  Congress  with 
Slavery — Fundamental  Principle  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  —  Bu 
chanan  breaks  Faith  with  it — Douglas  stands  by  Popular  Rights  —  Debate  on 
"Lecompton"  —  Scene  in  the  Senate  when  Douglas  Spoke  —  His  Speech  — 
The  Duty  of  a  Senator  —  The  States  and  the  Union  —Presidential  Tests  of 
Party  Fealty  —  Senatorial  Contest  in  Illinois  —  What  he  had  to  Contend 
with  —  Defeats  Lincoln  on  the  Seuatorship  —  Lincoln  Defeats  him  for  the 
Presidency  —  Hatred  of  Buchanan  and  the  Disunionists  for  Douglas  —  Pro 
phetic  Views  on  the  Rebellion  —  Visit  and  Advice  to  Lincoln  —  Wants  two 
hundred  thousand  Men  at  the  first  call —His  Last  Words  —  William  H. 
Seward — His  Distinguished  Career  from  1320  —  Governor  of  New  York  — 
Controversy  with  Virginia  and  Georgia  touching  Fugitive  Slaves  —  Re 
fuses  to  give  up  M'Leod  the  Ship-burner —  The  Advocate  of  Greeks,  Hun 
garians  and  Irish  opposed  to  Compromises  of  '50  —  ''Higher  Law"  and 
"  Irrepressible  Conflict"  —  On  Lecompton  —  Character  of  his  Eloquence  — 
Jefferson  Davis  —  Quincy  Adams  Prognosticates  his  Destruction  —  Leaves 
Congress  for  the  Mexican  War  —  At  Monterey  —  Noted  Movement  at  Buena- 
vista  —  Sir  Colin  Campbell  Imitates  Him  —  Refuses  Commission  of  Briga 
dier  on  States-rights  Grounds  — Sent  to  the  United  States  Senate  — 
Repudiates  the  Union  Bank  Bonds  —  Defeated  by  Henry  S.  Foote  for  Gov 
ernorship  of  Mississippi  —  Advocates  Franklin  Pierce — Secretary  of  War, 
his  Administration  —  Opposed  to  General  Scott  — His  Power  in  and  Use  of 
the  Cabinet  — On  a  United  South  —  Contemplates  Disunion  with  Emotion 
at  Pass  Christian  — Feelings  for  the  Flag  — Dissolution  before  Submission 
—  Views  on  Prominent  Measures  — In  the  Senate  — Visits  the  North  — 
Modified  Sentiments  — Views  for  North  and  South  — Union  Address  to 
Massachusetts  —  Disunion  Address  to  Mississippi  — As  a  Congressional 
Leader  — Hammond,  Hunter,  Mason,  Toombs,  Iverson,  C.  C.  Clay,  A.  G. 
Brown,  Slidell,  Benjamin,  Wigfall,  the  Characteristics  and  Manner  of 
Davis. 

BEFORE   proceeding  further  witli   this  narrative  which 
now  reaches  the  eve  of  the  greatest  events  in  the  history 

(149) 


150  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

of  the  Republic,  it  is  fit  that  we  take  a  glance  at  the  promi 
nent  party  leaders  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  where 
Andrew  Johnson  had  already  won  a  peculiar  and  distinctive 
reputation,  and  where  he  was  destined  to  achieve  a  still 
further  and  more  impressively  brilliant  and  useful  renown. 

The  Senate  of  the  Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-sixth  Congresses 
was  composed  of  forcible  representative  men  from  a  ma 
jority  of  the  States.  There  was  much  more  than  average 
ability  and  political  experience  in  the  body,  as  a  whole  ; 
while  in  several  special  instances  the  Chamber  was  dis 
tinguished  by  the  presence  of  statesmen  and  politicians 
who  were  received  by  the  whole  country  as  the  successors 
of  the  Clays  and  Calhouns,  the  Webstcrs  and  Casses, 
the  Beutons,  Ilaynes,  Wrights  and  Prcstons,  whose  names 
are  linked  with  great  and  exciting,  national  and  sectional 
parties,  measures  and  conflicts. 

Among  the  men  of  mark,  distinguished  in  the  past  on 
other  fields,  cither  as  party  leaders  or  party  workers,  or  at 
the  time  for  their  prominent  or  passionate  co-operation  in 
the  conflicts  of  the  day  who  were  the  compeers  of  Johnson 
in  the  Chamber,  were  Douglas  of  Illinois,  Seward  of  New 
York,  Davis  and  A.  G.  Brown  of  Mississippi,  Crittcnden 
of  Kentucky,  Hammond  of  South  Carolina,  Hunter  and 
Mason  of  Virginia,  Toombs  and  Iverson  of  Georgia,  Slidcll 
and  Benjamin  of  Louisiana,  Wade  and  Pugh  of  Ohio,  Hale 
of  New  Hampshire,  Wilson  and  Sumncr  of  Massachusetts. 
Green  of  Missouri,  Fessendcn  and  Hamlin  of  Maine,  Bell 
of  Tennessee,  Bayard  of  Delaware,  Bright  of  Indiana,  Doo- 
little  of  Wisconsin,  C.  C.  Clay  of  Alabama,  Broderick  and 
Gwin  of  California,  Foster  of  Connecticut,  Stuart  of  Michi 
gan,  Clingman  of  North  Carolina,  Harlan  of  Iowa,  Cam 
eron  and  Biglcr  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  soldier  Senators — 
Houston  of  Texas,  Shields  of  Minnesota,  and  Lane  of 
Oregon.  Others  there  were  in  the  Chamber  also,  abler 
men  than  some  mentioned,  such  as  Preston  King  of  New 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  151 

York,  Foot  and  Collamcr  of  Vermont,  and  others,  who  did 
not  seek  occasion  to  speak,  but  permitted  the  occasion  to 
have  the  benefit  of  their  wisdom,  experience  and  equable 
judgment. 

Pre-eminent  in  the  variously  distinguished  group,  those 
upon  whom  the  greatest  amount  of  political  power  and  hope, 
as  well  as  the  widest  range  of  popular  interest  respectively 
concentrated,  were  Douglas,  Crittenden,  Scward  and  Davis. 
Douglas,  the  apostle  of  a  true  Democracy  ;  Seward,  the 
founder  and  best  expounder  of  the  new  Republican  party  ; 
Davis,  then  the  guardian  rather  than  the  guide  of  the  slave 
owners'  conspiracy,  were  undoubtedly  the  centres  around 
which  gathered  inside  and  outside  of  the  halls  of  Congress 
all  the  principle  and  interest  lending  strength  to,  or  taking 
inspiration  from  the  ideas  with  which  they  were  identified. 
By  the  friends  and  disciples  of  Douglas  and  Seward,  Crit 
tenden  was  respected  for  his  independence,  loved  for  his 
patriotism  and  applauded  for  the  touching  and  elevated 
tones  of  eloquence  by  which  he  sought  to  check  the  turbu 
lent  spirit  of  the  South  and  the  equally  reckless  extremists 
of  the  North.  He  appealed  to  the  prudent  men  of  both 
sections,  and  by  his  experience  and  the  associations  of  his 
long  and  honorable  career  commanded  attention  even  where 
his  healthy  views  did  not  suit  the  designs  born  of  frenzy  and 
diseased  ambition.  This  allusion  to  his  associations  and 
his  eloquence  calls  to  mind  a  scene  in  the  Senate,  a  sketch 
of  which  will  serve  to  keep  the  eminent  Kentuckian  before 
the  mind's  eye  of  the  reader. 

In  one  of  the  interesting  episodes  of  the  famous  Kansas- 
Lecompton  debate  of  March,  1858,  an  allusion  made  by 
Senator  Green  of  Missouri,  brought  to  his  feet  the  venerable 
Senator  who  occupied  a  seat  immediately  next  the  bar  of  the 
Chamber,  and  nearly  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Vice-Presi 
dent's  chair.  A  man  of  medium  height,  and  rather  spare 
figure,  his  face  is  strongly  marked,  years  and  thoughtful  ex- 


152  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

perience  completing  the  original  outlines  of  nature.  There 
is  a  warm,  healthy  flush  over  his  features,  as  though  a  strong 
heart  contributed  to  their  sedate  enthusiasm,  and  making  a 
pleasant  and  picturesque  contrast  with  the  white  hair  that 
decorates  his  head.  His  manner  is  as  marked  as  his  features, 
disclosing  earnestness  and  pathos  ;  while  his  matter  is  pre 
sented  with  freshness,  vigor  and  copiousness  of  language 
which  command  respectful  attention.  Even  those  who  dif 
fer  with  the  Senator's  views  yield  to  his  eloquence.  But  it 
is  when  rising  above  the  sectionalities  of  debate,  he  invokes 
a  national  inspiration,  and  gives  voice  to  it,  that  he  is  pe 
culiarly  affecting  and  effective,  evoking  from  his  hearers  the 
tearful  solicitude  he  portrays  himself.  On  the  present  oc 
casion,  he  speaks  of  himself,  and  his  words  consequently  are 
especially  interesting.  The  eyes  of  the  Senators  of  all  sides, 
are  inquiringly  turned  to  him.  The  full  galleries  are  ex 
pectant,  and  many  a  political  enthusiast  who  slept  in  the 
lobbies — for  it  is  the  day  after  the  midnight  scene  of 
splendor,  when  Douglas  addressed  the  Senate — is  thoroughly 
awakened  by  the  voice  of  the  venerable  orator.  He  said 
the  Senator  from  Missouri  was  surprised  at  his  feelings, 
and  intimated  that  his  schooling  had  been  bad.  Briefly 
reviewing  the  political  points  made  by  Senator  Green,  he 
said  he  knew  his  own  defects,  but  did  not  like  them  to  be 
attributed  to  the  school  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up. 

"  If  my  education  is  defective/'7  he  said,  "  it  is  on  account 
of  some  defect  in  me,  and  not  in  the  school.  The  gentleman 
is  a  young  man,  and  a  young  Senator.  I  hope  and  wisli  for 
him  a  long  life  of  public  usefulness.  He  may  have  learned 
much  more  than  I  have  done  ;  and,  if  so,  it  only  shows  the 
superiority  of  his  capacity  to  learn,  for  I  am  sure  he  has  not 
been  in  a  better  school.  Sir,  this  is  the  school  in  which  I 
was  taught.  I  took  lessons  here  when  this  was  a  very  great 
body  indeed.  I  will  make  no  comparisons  of  what  it  is  now, 
or  was  then  or  at  any  other  time  ;  but  I  learned  from  your 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  153 

Clays  and  your  Webstcrs,  your  Calhouns  and  your  Prestons, 
your  Bentons  and  your  Wrights,  and  such  men.  I  am  a 
scholar,  I  know,  not  likely  to  do  much  credit  to  the  school 
in  which  I  was  taught ;  and  it  is  of  very  little  consequence 
to  the  world,  or  to  the  pubMc,  whether  I  have  learned  well 
or  ill.  It  will  soon  be  of  no  importance  to  this  country  or 
to  any  body." 

This  proud  yet  modest  speech  created  an  interest  in  the 
speaker  on  the  part  of  those  strangers  in  town  who  did  not 
know  his  person  or  career.  They  naturally  asked  who  he 
was  ;  and  a  dozen  voices,  with  some  surprise  and  much  grati 
fication,  replied,  "  Crittenden  of  Kentucky." 

He  was  then  the  oldest  Senator  in  the  Chamber.  It  was 
more  than  forty  years  since  he  first  entered  it  in  a  represent 
ative  character.  He  was  a  Senator  before  Webster,  Cal- 
houn  and  Benton,  long — many  years — before  Wright  and 
Preston.  He  was  not  the  pupil,  but  the  contemporary,  of 
those  men.  He  learned  with,  and  not,  as  he  modestly  says, 
from,  them. 

With  the  great  Kansas  question  and  debate,  which  was 
the  political  centre  around  which  all  the  elements  of  agita 
tion  revolved  at  the  period  under  notice,  Crittenden's  name 
is  inextricably  woven.  He  opposed  the  admission  of  Kansas 
under  the  Topeka  Constitution  in  1856,  and  also  under  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  in  1858,  because  he  did  not  believe 
it  had  the  sanction  of  the  people.  On  the  latter  occasion 
Crittenden  declared  lie  was  a  Southern  man,  as  ready  as  any 
man  to  defend  the  South  against  any  invasion  of  her  rights. 
But  the  same  feeling  which  inspired  him  to  defend  his  own 
rights  inspired  him  to  defend  the  rights  of  others. 

During  the  debate  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  had  been 
delighted  with  the  display  made  by  Senators,  North  and 
South,  of  the  resources  of  their  sections.  He  heard  them 
with  great  pride.  One  showed  the  mighty  resources  in 
products  of  the  South ;  another  exhibited  the  skill,  labor, 


154  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

navigation,  and  commerce  of  the  North.  If  a  man  might  be 
proud  of  either  as  separate  nations,  how  should  lie  feel  at 
their  union  ?  His  allegiance  was  not  to  any  particular  sec 
tion.  He  desired  to  be  ruled  by  a  spirit  of  justice,  and  did 
not  weigli  this  matter  in  any  sectional  sense.  He  was  anx 
ious  to  aid  in  a  settlement  of  all  differences.* 

Senator  Crittcnden  also  opposed  Slidell's  bill  to  facilitate 
the  acquisition  of  Cuba.  He  was  willing  that  President 
Buchanan  should  undertake  negotiations  for  its  purchase, 
but  was  too  proud  of  his  country  on  the  one  hand  to  admit 
that  the  island  was  a  necessity  to  the  United  States,  and 
on  the  other  did  not  feel  authorized  to  vote  thirty  millions 
at  the  disposal  of  the  President  merely  to  enable  him  "  to 
commence  a  negotiation." 

On  the  removal  of  the  Senate  from  the  old  to  the  new 
Chamber  in  the  Capitol,  a  very  impressive  sight,  rendered 
particularly  interesting  by  the  admission  of  ladies  on  the 
floor,  the  galleries  being  over-crowded,  Senator  Crittenden 
made  a  short  but  touching  farewell  to  the  scene  of  their 

*  For  this  purpose  Senator  Crittcndeu  offered  a  substitute  for  the  bill  admit 
ting  Kansas.  It  was  defeated  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of— yeas,  24 ;  nays,  84  ;  but 
was  introduced  into  the  House  by  Mr.  Montgomery,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  passed 
— yeas,  rjo  ;  nays,  112.  The  Crittenden-Montgomery  Bill,"  as  it  was  called,  pro 
vided  for  the  submission  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  the  vote  of  the  peo 
ple  of  Kansas.  If  it  had  a  majority,  the  President  was  to  be  informed,  who 
would,  by  proclamation,  declare  Kansas  admitted  on  that  Constitution,  without 
further  Congressional  interference.  If  rejected,  it  provided  for  a  convention, 
to  be  called  at  an  early  day,  under  suitable  guards,  for  the  formation  of  another 
Constitution,  and  allowed  the  new  State  one  Representative  in  Congress  until 
the  next  census.  The  bill  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  Anti-Lecomptonites. 
It  was  considered  a  national,  and  not  a  party,  measure.  On  the  2<1  of  April,  on 
motion  of  Senator  Green,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  disagreeing  with  the 
House  bill— yeas  33,  nays  2";  and  on  the  8th,  the  House,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Montgomery,  "adhered  to  its  amendment,"  by— yeas,  lit);  nays,  111.  Thus 
there  was  direct  conflict  between  the  branches  of  the  National  Legislature.  The 
Washington  States,  March  19,  1858,  thus  confronted  the  bills  :  "  The  Senate  bill 
dictates  terms  to  a  portion  of  the  United  States.  The  House  bill  but  recognizes 
the  rights  which  every  State  enjoys.  The  Senate  bill  accepts,  after  altering, 
the  Southern  clause  in  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  The  House  bill  admits 
Kansas,  and  refers  the  instrument,  untouched,  to  the  people.  The  Senate  bill 
illegally  perpetrates  a  cheat  on  the  South,  and  humbugs  the  North.  The  House 


OF  ANDREW  JOHXSOX.  1 f>5 

labors,  mingling*  with  it  memories  of  the  great  men  who  had 
left  their  impress  on  the  very  walls,  and  many  hopes  that 
the  Senate  would  always  maintain  a  powerful  and  con 
servative  influence  for  its  own  dignity  and  the  glory  of  the 
country. 

The  key  note  of  the  Kentucky  patriot's  aspiration  and 
inspirations  throughout  all  the  troubles  which  precluded  the 
rebellion,  is  fully  and  fitly  sounded  in  a  speech  in  Chicago 
late  in  1859.*  He  most  impressively  implored  a  reliance  on 
the  Constitution  and  a  love  for  the  Union.  He  went  to 
Chicago  to  forget  that  a  cloud  of  politics  hung  over  the 
country,  and  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  dragged  into 
political  discussion.  Party  politics  were  very  transitory 
affairs.  We  are  made  to  regard  them  as  of  great  impor 
tance  when  to-morrow  will  bury  them  in  oblivion.  "  I  am 
at  home  here,"  lie  said,  "  though  I  came  with  very  few  ac 
quaintances  and  friends  in  this  part  of  the  country  ;  yet  the 
whole  land  is  my  country.  The  Union  makes  us  one  people : 
may  God  preserve  that  Union  !"  The  impassioned  earnest 
ness  of  this  invocation  struck  a  chord  in  the  vast  assemblage, 
and  the  speaker  was  interrupted  by  loud  applause.  "  Pre- 

bill  honestly  gives  the  whole  thing,  Southern  clause  and  all,  to  the  will  of  the 
people."  April  13,  the  Senate  insisted  on  its  disagreement,  and  asked  for  a  com 
mittee  of  conference,  by  a  vote  of— yeas,  30 ;  nays,  24  ;  and  the  presiding  officer 
pro  tempore  (Senator  Foot  of  Vermont)  appointed  Messrs.  Green,  Hunter,  and 
Seward  as  the  committee  on  the  part  of  the  Senate.  On  the  next  day,  Mr. 
Montgomery  moved  "that  the  House  insist  on  their  adherence,"  which,  after 
an  excited  discussion,  was  negatived  by  108  to  107,  the  Speaker  voting  in  the 
negative.  Mr.  English,  of  Indiana,  who,  that  morning,  in  caucus  of  Anti- 
Lecomptonites,  had  expressed  his  determination  to  accede  to  the  Senate's  re 
quest,  moved  that  "  the  House  agree  to  the  conference,"  which  was  passed  by 
103  to  108,  the  Speaker  voting  in  the  affirmative.  This  result  was  received  by 
the  galleries  with  applause.  The  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House  were 
Messrs.  W.  H.  English  of  Indiana,  A.  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia,  and  W.  A. 
Howard,  of  Michigan.  On  the  23d,  Senator  Green  reported  in  the  Senate,  and 
Mr.  English,  in  the  House,  a  substitute  agreed  to  by  the  majority  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Conference.  This  amendment  was  offered  by  Mr.  English,  and  is 
now  known  as  the  "English  Bill."  On  Friday,  April  30,  the  bill  passed  both 
branches.  In  the  House  the  vote  stood—  yeas,  112  ;  nays  103.  In  the  Senate— 

1  ;  nays,  22.  —  Our  Lining  Representative  Men,  pp.  136-7. 
*  At  the  National  Agricultural  Fair. 


156  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

serve  the  Union,"  he  added,  "  and  the  Union  will  preserve 
you,  and  make  you  the  mightiest  people  in  the  world !" 

In  early  life  Mr.  Crittenden  was  a  Republican,  and  aftcr- 
terward  a  Whig.  At  the  period  of  which  I  write  he  was 
called  an  "  American."  He  was  a  devoted  friend  of  Henry 
Clay,  on  whose  death  he  made  one  of  his  greatest  efforts  ;  and 
his  experience  and  eloquence  always  caught  the  ear  of  the 
Senate,  of  which  he  was  at  times  denominated  the  Patriarch. 

He  was  subsequently  the  motive  power,  the  head  and 
heart  of  the  nucleus  calling  itself  the  "  Constitutional  Union 
party."  After  the  expiration  of  his  Senatorial  term,  Mr. 
Crittenden  was  returned  to  Congress  as  a  Representative. 

The  name  of  no  American  statesman  had  been  more  fa 
miliar  to  the  public  ear  for  several  years  than  that  of  Stephen 
A.  Douglas.  The  opinions  of  none  had  been  more  eagerly 
listened  to,  more  violently  attacked,  or  more  gallantly  de 
fended  than  those  of  "  the  Little  Giant"  of  the  West,  The 
anxiety  to  hear  him  in  the  Halls  of  Congress  was  equaled 
only  by  the  impatient  desire  of  far-distant  places  to  read 
what  he  had  said.  Newspapers  of  all  shades  of  political 
opinion  found  it  to  their  advantage  not  only  to  state  his 
views,  but  to  chronicle  them  in  his  own  words  :  consequently, 
none  of  those  who  may  be  called  his  contemporaries,  of 
whatever  party,  had  such  wide-spread  publication.  In  the 
Democratic  party,  no  one  attracted  so  much  attention  in  his 
day  ;  and  in  the  Republican  party,  Senator  Seward  alone 
approached  him  in  commanding  the  public  eye  and  ear. 
His  career  had  been  exceedingly  brilliant — the  romantic 
details  of  his  youthful  struggles  very  fitly  prefacing  the 
chivalric  boldness  of  his  manhood.  His  life  was  a  splendid 
illustration  of  the  developing  influences  of  American  insti 
tutions  ;  and  the  memoirs  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  in  some 
future  day  will  nerve  many  an  orphaned  youth  for  the  battle 
of  life,  and  give  him  strength  to  combat  and  to  conquer 
when  engaged  in  it. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  157 

From  early  life  a  politician,  he  had  developed  into  a  wise, 
brave  and  unconquerable  statesman.  Having  survived  the 
visitation  of  ill  health,  and  overcome  the  vicissitudes  of  ill- 
fortune  in  his  youthful  days,  he  arose  step  by  step  through 
numerous  legal,  judicial  and  legislative  offices  to  the  first 
place  in  the  hearts  and  heads  of  the  Democratic  party,  if  not 
of  the  great  majority  of  the  people.  At  the  time  of  which 
I  write  his  name  and  fame  were  on  every  lip.  This  partly 
arose  from  the  truthfulness  of  his  views  on  the  Slavery 
question  in  the  Territories  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  tre 
mendous  efforts  made  by  President  Buchanan,  his  Cabinet, 
and  the  Southern  party  to  crush  him  on  the  other.  As 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  first  in  the  House, 
and  afterward  in  the  Senate,  Douglas  had  reported  and 
carried  through  bills  organizing  the  Territories  of  Minne 
sota,  Oregon,  New  Mexico,  Utah,  Washington,  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  and  also  the  bills  for  the  admission  of  the  States 
of  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota  and  Oregon.  He 
early  took  grounds  touching  the  Slavery  question  in  the 
organization  of  Territories  and  admission  of  States,  and  held 

O 

that  Congress  should  not  interfere.  He  declared  as  its 
fundamental  principle  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  iu  1854, 
that  "  it  was  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  act  not  to 
legislate  slavery  into  any  State  or  Territory,  nor  to  exclude 
it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free 
to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own 
way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.7'' 
Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected  President  on  this  principle,  but 
he  had  scarcely  got  his  Administration  into  working  order, 
if  it  can  be  said  to  have  ever  attained  that  point,  before  its 
power  was  directed  to  an  invasion  of  this  principle,  by  an 
attempt  to  force  the  people  of  Kansas  to  accept  a  constitu 
tion  they  did  not  make.  The  Administration  and  the 
Southern  political  friends  with  whom  Douglas  had  acted, 
united  in  this  attempt.  He,  however,  did  not  hesitate  as  to 


158  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

his  duty,  but  struck  a  bold  blow  for  popular  rights.  The 
contest  spread  all  over  the  country.  In  it  Douglas  was  sus 
tained  by  the  great  mass  of  the  North,  and  was  denounced 
by  the  Democratic  Administration,  supported  by  a  united 
South.  He  stood  firmly  by  his  position  ;  maintained  it  by 
argument  in  proof,  and  defied  the  consequences  personal  to 
himself.  It  was  a  great  war  between  Douglas  on  the  one 
side,  and  Buchanan  and  the  Southern  conclave  on  the  other  ; 
and  in  which  the  weapons  wielded  by  the  latter  were  jeal 
ousy  and  personality,  and  by  the  former,  principle  and  an 
energy  that  rivaled  it  in  power. 

The  debate  in  the  Senate  will  long  be  remembered,  The 
whole  country  was  excited  to  a  curiosity  and  anxiety  without 
bounds.  Nothing  was  talked  of  but  "  Kansas  "  and  "  Doug 
las."  The  debate  on  "  Lecompton  "  continued  from  the  1st 
to  the  23d  of  March.  The  closing  scenes  were  peculiarly 
interesting.  By  day  and  night  the  gallaries  were  crowded. 
Douglas'  speech  on  the  22d  was  the  climax  of  the  debate, 
and  the  expectation  that  he  would  speak  at  the  morning 
session  filled  the  galleries,  lobbies,  stairways,  ante-rooms 
and  every  avenue  of  the  Capitol  at  an  early  hour.  The 
crowd  kept  increasing,  and  the  observed  of  all  observers 
entered  the  Chamber  immediately  after  a  fainting  lady  had 
been  carried  out  of  the  gallery,  just  after  noon.  The  ex 
pected  speech  was  not  delivered,  but  the  crowd  remained. 

At  the  evening  session  the  scene  presented  in  the  Senate 
was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  exciting  ever  witnessed. 
No  sooner  were  the  galleries  cleared  when  the  recess  was 
taken,  than  the  crowds  who  all  the  morning  expected  Doug 
las  would  speak,  and  patiently  awaited  a  chance  to  get  in, 
filled  up  the  seats.  At  five  minutes  after  five  the  galleries 
were  empty  ;  in  five  minutes  more  they  were  filled  with  a 
brilliant,  fashionable,  and  intelligent  array.  In  the  gentle 
men's  gallery  the  people  were  literally  walking  on  each 
other.  They  formed  a  human  pyramid  reaching  up  to  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  159 

windows,  on  the  inside  sills  of  which  some  persons  were  for 
tunate  enough  to  be  lifted.  For  two  hours  the  throngs  of 
people  were  wedged  together  in  expectancy  of  the  great 
speech.  Some  ladies  brought  books,  others  their  knitting, 
and  thus,  having  secured  seats  early,  industriously  killed  the 
time  between  5  and  7  P.  M. 

When  the  Chamber  was  called  to  order,  Gwin  and  Sew- 
ard  simultaneously  arose  with  the  same  purpose — to  move 
the  admission  of  the  ladies  to  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  It 
was  agreed  to.  Tiic  doors  were  thrown  open,  and  a  perfect 
flood  of  beauty,  bearing  on  the  tide  all  manner  of  broken 
hoops  and  dragged  crinoline,  poured  into  the  Chamber.  In 
a  few  moments  every  spot  was  occupied,  while  on  all  the 
lobbies  such  discontent  arose  from  the  unaccommodated 
crowds  of  gentlemen  and  ladies  there,  that  several  times  the 
Chair  was  called  on  to  dispatch  officers  to  allay  the  disorder. 

The  appearance  of  Senator  Douglas  was  the  token  for  a 
round  of  applause.  The  sight  must  have  been  deeply  grati 
fying  to  him,  as  it  was  entrancing  to  that  mother  and  daugh 
ter*  who,  from  the  reporter's  gallery,  looked  upon  the  scene 
with  an  anxiety  and  pleasure  which  might  tell  the  physiog 
nomist  that  they,  of  all  the  great  and  brilliant  crowd,  had  the 
deepest  and  most  exalted  interest  in  it. 

For  three  hours  Senator  Douglas  spoke.  Commencing 
calmly,  with  an  expression  of  doubt  of  his  own  physical 
strength  to  carry  him  through  the  duty  before  him,  he 
warmed  up  by  degrees,  lifting  the  head  and  heart  of  the 
multitude  with  him,  until  one  almost  felt  as  if  he  were  in 
Europe  during  the  revolutions,  listening  to  some  powerful 
tribune  of  the  people  expounding  their  rights  and  inspiring 
them  to  such  action  as  made  America  a  republic.  He  went 
through  his  public  course.  The  period  embraced  some  of 
the  most  prominent  and  vital  acts  in  the  history  of  American 
politics.  He  showed — not  as  a  defense,  but  in  a  proud, 

*  Mrs.  Douglas  and  her  mother. 


160  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

manly,  and  almost  defiant  spirit — what  his  acts  had  been  ; 
he  echoed  his  own  words  ;  he  was  proud  of  his  deeds — 
deeds  and  words  which  were  recognized  portions  of  the 
policy  of  the  Democratic  party. 

•  As  he  proceeded,  with  emphatic  and  measured  dignity,  to 
define  his  position  in  the  present  crisis — what  the  duty  of  a 
Senator  from  a  sovereign  State  was,  and  the  responsibility 
he  owed  to  the  people  whose  voices  culminated  in  him — he 
held  the  multitude  chained  with  that  peculiar  eloquence 
which,  based  on  common  sense  and  the  rights  of  man 
reaches  its  destination  without  the  aid  of  winged  rhetoric. 
Such  eloquence  does  not  dazzle,  it  convinces  ;  it  does  not 
stretch  the  fancy,  but  solidifies  the  head  ;  it  does  not  hold 
the  breath,  but  makes  one  breathe  freer,  for  it  cheers  the 
heart. 

The  great  burst  of  applause  which  broke  from  the  galle 
ries  and  rolled  over  the  Chamber  was  a  nobler  testimony  to 
the  principles  enunciated  by  the  eloquent  Senator  than 
might  be  written.  He  was  there  the  defender  of  the  people, 
the  representative  of  a  State,  and  not  the  vassal  of  the  Ex 
ecutive,  nor  the  valet  of  the  Administration,  to  do  its  bid 
ding  without  consulting  his  own  judgment  or  the  interest  of 
his  people.  He  stood  forth  as  the  champion  of  State  sover 
eignty.  This  Union  was  not  an  empire  or  absolute  mon 
archy,  in  which  States  were  but  provinces  without  individual 
and  distinct  and  different  rights.  It  was  a  confederacy  of 
nations,  each  one  of  which  was  equally  represented  in  the 
Senate. 

As  he  exposed  the  fallacy  of  making  the  question  a  test 
with  the  Democracy,  and  claimed  the  right  to  vote  against 
it,  he,  with  admirable  adroitness  and  force,  asked  if  Brown 
of  Mississippi,  was  read  out  of  the  party  for  differing  with 
the  neutrality  policy  of  the  Administration?  if  Toombs 
was  read  out  for  opposing  the  Army  bill  ?  if  Mason  would 
be  expelled  for  not  swallowing  the  Pacific  Railroad  ?  Why, 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  161 

then,  should  he  be  expelled,  read  out,  denounced,  because  he, 
like  those  Senators,  thought  for  himself  on  an  Administra 
tion  measure?  The  effect  was  electric,  and  was  greatly 
indebted  to  the  manner  of  the  Senator.  He  grew  in  enthu-' 
siasm  with  the  progress  of  his  subject ;  and  up  to  the  last 
sentence,  in  which  he  gracefully  prayed  the  indulgence  of 
the  Senate  to  overlook  the  style  of  his  argument,  as  his  re 
cent  illness  prevented  it  being  more  perfect  and  satisfactory 
to  himself — up  to  the  last  word — the  mass  of  people  who 
heard  him  were  not  only  patient,  but  delighted.  It  really 
was  a  study  to  behold  the  Administration  leaders. 

The  great  contest  with  Abraham  Lincoln,  on  which  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  depended,  next  took  place.  In  Illinois, 
in  addition  to  the  acknowledged  ability  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
Douglas  had  the  power  of  the  Administration  and  the  or 
ganization  of  Government  officials,  which  vindictively  fol 
lowed  him,  to  encounter  and  overwhelm.  It  was  an  in 
tensely  exciting,  hard  fought*  and  interesting  canvass.  It 
resulted  in  re-electing  Douglas  to  the  Senate  and  electing 
Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  ;  for  the  Republicans  having  made 
Lincoln  their  standard-bearer  in  a  contest  with  the  great 
Democratic  leader,  brought  his  name  prominently  before  the 
whole  country.  To  have  met  Douglas  at  such  a  time  was 
in  itself  reputation,  and  the  Illinois  contest  was  but  ex 
tended  to  the  Republic,  when  his  friends  nominated  the 
defeated  Senatorial  candidate  for  the  higher  office  of  Pres 
ident. 

The  hatred  of  the  Administration  to  Douglas  was  used', 
most  effectively  by  the  conspirators,  who  beheld  in  the  latter 

*  In  illustration  of  the  arduous  nature  of  the  canvass,  Judge  Douglas  himself 
told  me  that  in  four  months  he  made  one  hundred  and  thirty  speeches,  all  save 
three  of  which  were  in  the  open  air.  He  spent  most  of  the  time  in  railroad 
cars  and  carriages,  on  an  average  going  to  bed  but  three  times  a  week.  Once 
during  the  canvass  he  was  five  days  and  nights  without  having  his  clothes  oft' 
or  going  to  bed.  I  have  heard  these  details  corroborated  many  times  by  persons 
who  accompanied  Douglas  during  the  exciting  period. 
11 


162  LIFE  -4-#2>  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

their  most  powerful  enemy.  The  designs  of  both  culminated 
in  the  disruption  of  the  Charleston-Baltimore  Convention, 
the  secession  of  the  chief  Southern  delegates  from  which  but 
indicated  the  secession  of  the  States  from  the  Union  a  few 
months  later.  After  a  wonderful  canvass,  in  which  the  whole 
question  of  Union  vs.  Disunion  was  elicited  and  discussed, 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  President,  and  the  action  of  South 
Carolina  precipitated  the  Rebellion.  Douglas,  like  many 
others,  at  first  had  hopes  that  legislative  action  might  avert 
war,  but  threw  overboard  all  party  feeling  when  the  South 
ern  leaders  fully  developed  their  plans.  That  he  fully 
grasped  both  the  terrors  and  duties  of  the  occasion  is  shown 
by  a  conversation  held  on  the  1st  January,  1861,  with  Gen. 
C.  B.  Stewart  of  New  York,  who  made  a  note  of  it.  In 
reply  to  a  query  as  to  the  results  of  the  efforts  of  Davis  and 
his  associates  to  divide  the  Union,  Douglas  said  : 

"  The  Cotton  States  are  making  an  effort  to  draw  in  the  Border 
States  to  their  scheme  of  secession,  and  I  am  too  fearful  they  will 
succeed.  If  they  do  succeed  there  will  be  the  most  remarkable  civil 
war  the  world  has  ever  seen,  lasting  for  years.  Virginia  will  become 
a  charnel-house ;  but  the  end  will  be  the  triumph  of  the  Union  cause. 
One  of  their  first  efforts  will  be  to  take  possession  of  the  Capitol,  to 
give  prestige  abroad  ;  but  they  will  never  succeed  in  taking  it ;  the 
North  will  rise  en  masse  to  defend  it;  but  it  will  become  a  city  of 
hospitals ;  the  churches  will  be  used  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and 
even  the  Minnesota  block  (now  the  Douglas  Hospital)  may  be  de 
voted  to  that  purpose  before  the  end  of  the  war." 

His  visitor  asked,  "What  justification  is  there  for  all 
this  ?"  Douglas  replied  : 

"  There  is  no  justification,  nor  any  pretense  of  any.  If  they  will 
remain  in  the  Union  I  will  go  as  far  as  the  Constitution  will  permit 
to  maintain  their  just  rights,  and  I  do  not  doubt  but  a  majority  of 
Congress  will  do  the  same.  But,"  said  he,  rising  on  his  feet  and 
extending  his  arm,  "  if  the  Southern  States  attempt  to  secede  from 
the  Union  without  further  cause,  I  am  in  favor  of  their  having  just 
so  many  slaves  and  just  so  much  slave  territory  as  they  can  hold  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  no  more." 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 63 

Even  in  minute  details  the  indications  here  made  were 
prophetic.  After  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter,  when  Washington 
city  was  profoundly  agitated,  and  the  action  of  the  Govern 
ment  looked  to  with  feelings  which  cannot  be  described,  the 
position  of  Douglas  naturally  created  the  widest  anxiety  and 
much  discussion.  At  the  solicitation  of  the  Hon.  George 
Ashmun,  he  visited  President  Lincoln  at  this  gloomy  hour 
of  our  national  life,  and  cheered  him  with  the  characteristic 
intelligence  and  patriotism  of  his  brave  nature.  Mr.  Ashmun 
sketches  the  occasion  with  suggestive  brevity  :  "  It  was 
almost  dark  when  we  started  for  the  President's  House.  We 
fortunately  found  Mr.  Lincoln  alone,  and  upon  my  stating 
the  errand  on  which  we  had  come,  lie  was  most  cordial  in 
his  welcome,  and  immediately  prepared  the  way  for  the  con 
versation  which  followed,  by  taking  from  his  drawer  and 
reading  to  us  the  draft  of  the  proclamation  which  he  had 
decided  to  issue,  and  which  was  given  to  the  country  the 
next  morning.*  As  soon  as  the  reading  ended,  Mr.  Douglas 
rose  from  his  chair  and  said  :  '  Mr.  President,  I  cordially 
concur  in  every  word  of  that  document,  except  that  instead 
of  a  call  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  I  would  make  it  two 
hundred  thousand.  You  do  not  know  the  dishonest  purposes 
of  those  men  (the  rebels)  as  well  as  I  do/  And  he  then 
asked  us  to  look  with  him  at  the  map  which  hung  at  one  end 
of  the  President's  room,  where,  in  much  detail,  he  pointed 
out  the  principal  strategic  points  which  should  be  at  once 
strengthened  for  the  coming  contest.  Among  the  most 
prominent  were  Fortress  Monroe,  Washington,  Harper's 
Ferry,  and  Cairo.  He  enlarged  at  length  upon  the  firm, 
warlike  footing  which  ought  to  be  pursued,  and  found  in  Mr. 
Lincoln  an  earnest  and  gratified  listener.  It  would  be  im 
possible  to  give  in  detail  all  the  points  presented  by  him, 
and  discussed  with  the  President ;  but  I  venture  to  say  that 
no  two  men  in  the  United  States  parted  that  night  with  a 

*  The  first  proclamation,  dated  15th  April,  1861. 


164  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

more  cordial  feeling  of  a  united,  friendly,  and  patriotic  pur 
pose  than  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas." 

The  last  letter  written  by  Douglas*  impressed  on  his 
friends  their  duty  to  the  country,  irrespective  of  the  Admin 
istration  that  might  be  in  power.  The  support  of  the  Gov 
ernment  was  not  a  party  question,  but  one  of  country  or  no 
country.  He  was  not  the  apologist  of  the  errors  of  the  Lin 
coln  Administration,  but  said  he,  and  the  words  ought  to  be 
inscribed  on  his  monument,  "  I  trust  the  time  will  never  come 
when  I  shall  not  be  willing  to  make  any  needful  sacrifice  of 
personal  feeling  and  party  policy  for  the  honor  and  integrity 
of  ray  country."  Douglas  died  when  the  whole  loyal  people 
had  learned  to  love  and  to  deeply  rely  upon  him. 

Douglas  and  Crittenden,  great,  independent  and  cour 
ageous  statesmen,  passed  away  after  having  proved  that  their 
influence  for  good  expanded  in  potency  the  more  violent  the 
ordeal  through  which  their  patriotism  was  compelled.  For 
tunately  the  third  of  the  trio  of  loyal  Senators,  pre-eminently 
distinguished  by  experience  and  ability,  survived,  and  still 
survives  to  give  his  country  the  benefit  of  both.  Before 
William  H.  Seward  entered  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
he  had  a  career  sufficient  to  sustain  an  enduring  reputation. 
From  his  youth  he  had  been  conspicuous  for  independence 
of  thought  in  action.  As  early  as  1820,  during  the  discus 
sion  which  arose  on  the  "  Missouri  question,"  and  while  yet 
under  age,  Mr.  Seward  began  to  discover,  as  he  thought,  an 
undue  subserviency  in  the  dominant  party  to  Slavery,  its 
interests  and  power.  All  the  resources  which  great  knowl 
edge  and  continuous  research  have  placed  at  his  disposal 
since,  but  confirmed  and  extended  those  views,  until  his 
effect  on  public  opinion  is  read  in  the  results  which  sur 
round  us  to-day  in  a  regenerated  Republic.  As  a  lawyer, 
Mr.  Seward  eminently  distinguished  himself,  his  industry 
.strengthening  a  peculiarly  bold  and  original  mind.  Few 

*  To  Virgil  Hickox,  Chairman  Illinois  State  Committee. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  165 

lawyers  could  risk  the  declaration  which  Seward  solemnly 
made  in  the  famous  Freeman  case  in  1846,  "that  before 
God  and  man,  there  was  no  single  word  which  he  had  ever 
uttered  in  any  court  of  justice  which  he  would  wish  recalled." 
As  Governor  of  New  York,  his  administration  was  fraught 
with  importance,  and  many  leading  minds  regard  it  as  hav 
ing  been  more  influential  in  shaping  the  political  issues 
which  have  since  grown  up  in  the  country  than  any  event 
of  the  last  thirty  years.  When  lie  assumed  office,  at  the 
age  of  thirty-seven — having  defeated  the  veteran  Marcy  by 
more  than  ten  thousand  majority — a  great  monetary  press 
ure,  immense  undertakings  just  assumed  by  the  State  in  the 
enlargement  and  extension  of  the  public  works,  crowds  of 
applicants  for  office,  always  disagreeably  numerous,  but 
largely  increased  by  the  revulsion  of  trade,  met  him,  and 
were  sufficient  to  task  a  much  older  statesman.  Brains, 
however,  are  equal  to  experience,  and  energy  is  the  true  test 
of  usefulness  whether  in  old  or  young.  Governor  Seward 
succeeded.  Education,  internal  improvements,  agriculture, 
the  establishment  and  improvement  of  asylums,  reforms  in 
the  courts,  in  the  banking-laws  and  the  militia  system,  the 
entire  extinguishment  of  laws  for  imprisonment  for  debt,  the 
settlement  of  the  Anti-Rent  troubles,  the  extension  of  politi 
cal  franchises  to  all  classes  of  people,  the  encouragement  of 
foreign  emigration,  and  the  repeal  of  several  lingering  stat 
utes  favoring  slavery,  as  well  as  the  enactment  of  new  ones 
in  opposition  to  it,  were  all  subjects  of  attention. 

During  his  Administration  an  important  controversy  arose 
between  Governor  Seward  and  the  Governors  of  Virginia 
and  Georgia,  From  both  of  these  States  it  was  alleged 
that  slaves  had  been  abducted  by  colored  seamen  belonging 
to  New  York,  and  carried  to  free  States  and  set  at  liberty. 
The  sailors  charged  with  this  offense  against  the  laws  of 
Virginia  and  Georgia  were  demanded  of  Governor  Seward 
on  requisitions  issued  by  the  Executives  of  those  States. 


166  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

The  abductors  were  arrested  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to 
be  taken  to  the  State  where  the  offense  was  committed,  as 
soon  as  Governor  Seward  should  grant  the  requisitions, 
but  lie  refused  to  give  them  up.  In  the  correspondence 
which  ensued,  Governor  Seward  maintained  that  the  crimes 
contemplated  by  the  Constitution,  in  its  provisions  requir 
ing  the  rendition  of  fugitives  from  justice,  were  not  such  as 
depended  on  the  legislation  of  a  particular  State,  but  such 
as  were  determined  by  some  common  standard  to  be  crimes 
— such  as  were  mala  in  se.  No  State,  he  argued,  could 
force  a  requisition  on  another  State,  founded  on  an  act 
which  was  only  criminal  through  its  own  legislation,  but 
which,  compared  with  general  standards,  was  not  only  inno 
cent,  but  humane  and  praiseworthy.  A  reference  to  the 
correspondence,  as  published  in  the  works  of  Mr.  Seward, 
will  show  the  arguments  adduced  on  both  sides.  This  con 
troversy  attracted  the  attention  not  only  of  the  Legislatures 
of  the  several  States,  but  of  the  whole  country,  North  and% 
South.  The  Whig  Legislature  of  New  York  sustained 
Governor  Seward  in  the  matter  ;  but  upon  the  accession  of 
the  Democrats  to  power  they  passed  resolutions  denouncing 
his  course,  and  requesting  him  to  transmit  the  resolutions  to 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  which  he  declined  to  do.  Vir 
ginia,  and  other  States  in  sympathy  with  her,  threatened 
retaliatory  measures,  designed  to  injure  the  commerce  of 
New  York.  But  this  produced  no  change  in  his  decision. 

Governor  Seward's  course  in  the  famous  McLcod  case 
exhibited  his  tenacity  of  purpose  in  a  similar  manner.  Mc- 
Leod,  a  British  Loyalist,  charged  with  burning  the  American 
steamer  Caroline  during  the  Canadian  Rebellion  in  1837, 
was  arrested  and  committed  to  jail  in  the  State  of  New 
York  to  await  his  trial  for  the  offense.  The  British  Minis 
ter  alleging  that  the  act  was  one  of  war,  for  which  his 
Government  should  be  held  responsible,  demanded  the 
release  of  McLeod,  and  menaced  hostilities  in  case  of  a  re- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  1 6  7 

fusal.  President  Tyler's  Administration — Webster  being 
Secretary  of  State — urged  Governor  Seward  to  surrender 
the  accused.  Many  friends  also  advised  him  to  the  same 
course.  But  he  resolutely  resisted  both  the  demand  of  the 
British  Government,  and  the  timid  policy  of  Tyler.  As 
the  friend  of  freedom,  Governor  Seward  has  been  eminently 
and  humanely  consistent,  advocating  the  cause  of  the 
Greeks,  the  Hungarians,  the  Irish  and  other  oppressed 
peoples,  with  the  earnestness  and  eloquence  which,  in  his 
own  case,  have  survived  all  opposition.  He  has  ever  been 
equally  and  nobly  distinguished  as  the  friend  of  the  emi 
grant.  The  enthusiasm  which  elevated  General  Taylor  to 
the  Presidency,  also  sent  Governor  Seward  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  Although  holding  different  views  on  many 
subjects,  the  ideas  of  Senator  Seward  and  Andrew  Johnson 
during  the  excitement  of  1850  were  almost  in  harmony, 
both  disbelieving  in  the  efficacy  of  compromises.  The 
reader  is  acquainted  with  Johnson's  declarations  on  this 
subject.  Seward  disagreed  with  Clay,  Webster,  Cass  and 
others,  as  to  the  Union  being  then  at  stake,  or  that  compro 
mise  measures  were  necessary  to  its  preservation ;  and 
predicted  as  the  result  of  a  yielding  to  the  claims  of  the 
Compromise  party,  the  very  ills  which  it  is  believed  have 
since  been  realized  in  the  Kansas  legislation.  At  this 
period  it  was  that  Senator  Seward  used  the  phrase  "  Higher 
Law,"  which,  like  his  subsequent  phrase  of  "  Irrepressible 
Conflict,"  supplied  politicians  of  all  classes  and  degrees  with 
ready  inspiration  for  abuse  or  approval.  At  the  same  time 
he  declared  his  deep-felt  assurance  that  slavery  must  give 
way  to  the  salutary  instructions  of  economy  and  the  ripen 
ing  influences  of  humanity  ;  that  emancipation  was  inevit 
able  and  near ;  that  all  measures  which  fortified  slavery 
tended  to  the  accomplishment  of  violence ;  and  all  that 
checked  its  extension  and  abated  its  strength  tended  to  its 
peaceful  extirpation.  Senator  Seward  was  also  the  friend 


168  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

of  the  Homestead  bill ;  but  differed  from  Senator  Johnson 
on  the  subject  of  a  Pacific  Railroad.  He  proposed  the  re 
organization  of  the  United  States  Courts,  acted  with  Doug 
las  against  the  "Lecompton"  despotism  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  and  compared  the  Conference  or  "English  bill"  to 
Redheifer's  perpetual  motive  power  and  Maelzel's  automaton 
chess-player,  as  deceiving  no  person  save  those  wishing  to 
be  deceived. 

Senator  Seward's  eloquence  was  at  once  positive  and 
negative  ;  negative  in  a  popular  sense  from  the  want  of  that 
clap-trap  which  delights  by  astonishing,  and  positive  from 
the  equable  and  strong  current  which  carried  an  intelligent 
listener  fully  into  the  thoughts  of  the  speaker.  He  gener 
alized  with  fascinating  effect ;  and  made  in  his  speeches  the 
best  history  of  the  measures  which  he  either  originated  or 
supported.  Whether  people  agreed  with  the  principles  or 
theory  upon  which  his  utterances  were  based  or  not,  they 
could  not  deny — if  in  the  attractiveness  of  his  narrative  they 
were  permitted  to  think  of— the  consummate  talent  with 
which  mere  political  details  were  overlooked,  and  the  favor 
ite  view  of  the  question  presented  in  all  the  symmetry  of  a 
well-balanced,  well-stored  and  self-contented  intellect.  All 
his  great  efforts  showed  that  he  relied  on  history  for  his 
justification,  and  already  he  has  lived  to  see  the  consumma 
tion  of  his  cherished  views  and  principles.  His  faith  was 
always  strong  ;  and  true  to  the  instincts  and  privileges  of 
the  thinker,he  did  not  allow  what  many  conceived  to  be 
party  issues  to  trammel  his  deeds  or  his  words. 

It  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  work  to  follow  Senator 
Seward  into  the  State  Department.  His  eminent  labors 
there  will  form  a  potent  chapter  in  the  eventful  administra 
tion  of  which  lie  was  the  chief  mainstay  and  counsellor. 

John  Quincy  Adams  had  a  habit  of  always  observing  new 
members.  He  would  sit  near  them  on  the  occasion  of  their 
Congressional  debut,  closely  eyeing  and  attentively  listening 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  169 

if  the  speech  pleased  him,  but  quickly  departing  if  it  did 
not.     When  Jefferson  Davis  first  arose  in  the  House,  in 
1845,  the  Ex-President  took  a  seat  close  by.     Davis  pro 
ceeded,  and  Adams  did  not  move.     The  one  continued  speak 
ing  and  the  other  listening  ;    and  those  who  knew  Mr. 
Adams'  habit  were  fully  aware  that  the  new  member  had 
deeply  impressed  him.     At  the  close  of  the  speech,  "  the  old 
man  eloquent"  crossed  over  to  some  friends,  and  said,  "  That 
young  man,  gentlemen,  is  no  ordinary  man.     He  will  make 
his  mark  yet,  mind  me."     That  Jefferson  Davis  achieved  the 
distinction  prophesied  is  undeniable  ;  that  his  talents  were 
of  a  commanding  order  is  equally  incontrovertible,  but  that 
his  chief  mark  lias  been  written  in  the  blood  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  the  use  of  his  great  abili 
ties  consummated  in  the  most  unjust  and  violent  rebellion  on 
the  records  of  history  are  facts  equally  prominent ;  and  which 
can  only  increase  in  infamy  with  the  progress  of  the  Repub 
lic  out  of  the  dread  destiny  into  which  the  unhallowed  am 
bition  of  those  he  led  and  misguided  would  have  devoted  it. 
Educated  at  West  Point,  Davis  had  served  with  credit  in 
the  Black  Hawk  war — as  did  also  Abraham  Lincoln— and 
after  leading  a  life  of  retirement  for  some  years,  was  elected 
to  a  scat  in  Congress,  which  he  soon  resigned  to  lead  a 
Mississippi  regiment  to  the  Mexican  war.     At  the  storming 
of  Monterey,  Colonel  Davis  greatly  distinguished  himself; 
and  at  Btiena  Vista,  although  wounded,  he  remained  in  the 
saddle  to  the  close  of  the  fight.     The  special  action  for 
which  he  received  eclat  at  Buena  Vista,  and  which  towards 
the  close  of  the  rebellion  was  alluded  to  by  "  Confederate" 
journals  as  giving  him  a  military  reputation  he  did  not  de 
serve,*  was  described  by  Caleb  Gushing  in  a  lecture  at  Bos- 

*  According  to  the  Richmond  Examiner,  the  greatest  misfortune  to  "  the 
Confederacy"  "was,  "  that  its  first  President  was,  or  thought  himself  to  be,  a 
military  man.  If  he  had  been  some  worthy  planter,  who  never  was  either  at 
West  Point  or  Mexico,  and  had  no  special  qualification  save  a  manly,  straight 
forward  Southern  spirit,  then  he  would  have  iiever  thought  himself  competent 

8 


170  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ton  in  1858  as  among  the  dramatic  incidents  of  the  battle. 
He  says  Davis  there  ventured  to  do  that  of  which  there  is, 
perhaps,  but  one  other  example  in  the  military  history  of 
modern  times :  and  presents  a  striking  parallel.  "  In  the 
desperate  conflicts  of  the  Crimea/7  says  Gushing,  "  at  the 
battle  of  Inkerman — in  one  of  those  desperate  charges, 
there  was  a  British  officer  who  ventured  to  receive  the 
charge  of  the  enemy  without  the  precaution  of  having  his 
men  formed  in  a  hollow  square.  They  were  drawn  up  in 
two  lines,  meeting  at  a  point  like  an  open  fan,  and  received 
the  charge  of  the  Russians  at  the  muzzle  of  their  guns,  and 
repelled  it.  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  for  this  feat  of  arms 
among  others,  was  selected  as  the  man  to  retrieve  the  fallen 
fortunes  of  England  in  India.  He  did,  however,  but  imitate, 
what  Jefferson  Davis  had  previously  done  in  Mexico,  who, 
in  that  trying  hour,  when,  with  one  last  desperate  effort  to 
break  the  lines  of  the  American  army,  the  cavalry  of  Mexico 
was  concentrated  in  one  charge  against  the  American  line- 
then,  I  say,  Jefferson  Davis  commanded  his  men  to  form  in 
two  lines,  extended  as  I  have  shown,  and  received  that 
charge  of  the  Mexican  horse  with  a  plunging  fire  from  the 
right  and  left  of  the  Mississippi  Rifles,  which  repelled — and 
repelled  for  the  last  timo— the  charge  of  the  hosts  of  Mexico." 
For  this  service  Davis  was  familiarly  known  among  his  com 
rades  as  "  Buena  Vista.77 

His  extreme  States-rights  views  broke  out  in  a  remark 
able  manner  while  returning  from  Mexico.  When  at  New 
Orleans  he  received  from  President  Polk  the  commission  of 
Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers,  but  declined  the  honor  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  an  infringement  on  the  rights  of  the 
States,  the  constitution  reserving  to  the  latter  the  appoint- 
to  plan  distant  campaigns,  or  to  interfere  with  generals  in  the  field."  But  Mr. 
Davis  studied  war  at  West  Point,  and  one  day  in  Mexico  he  formed  his  regi 
ment  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  the  shape  of  a  V,  and,  continues  this 
Richmond  critic,  "  we  feel  its  evil  effects  to  this  day.  If  we  are  to  perish,  the 
verdict  of  posterity  will  be,  '  Died  of  a  V.'  " 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  171 

ment  of  officers  of  State  troops.  He  was  almost  immediately 
sent  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  fill  a  vacancy,  was  subse 
quently  elected  to  the  position,  and  as  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Military  Affairs,  and  as  a  ready  defender  of  the 
Slave  States  acquired  prominence  and  became  the  mouth 
piece  of  the  "  Slave-rights  Democrats."  At  this  time  he  won 
Mnmenviable  notoriety  by  his  advocacy  of  a  repudiation  of 
the  Union  Bank  bonds  of  Mississippi.  His  course  brought 
great  disgrace  on  the  character  of  the  country,  and  lie  made 
a  reply  to  the  London  Times  which  still  more  deeply  illus 
trated  and  enforced  his  repudiation  doctrine.*  In  1850  he 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  contest  the  Gubernatorial 
election  with  Henry  S.  Foote,  and  was  defeated  by  the  latter. 
This  threw  him  into  privacy,  from  which  he  emerged,  in  1852, 
to  advocate  the  claims  of  Franklin  Pierce  to  the  Presidency, 
on  whose  inauguration  he  was  rewarded  with  a  seat  in  the 
cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War.  His  administration  of  the 
War  Department  was  highly  esteemed  for  the  introduction 
and  extension  of  improvements  and  regulations,  although  in 
the  latter  and  by  other  means  he  exhibited  a  continual  de 
sire  to  insult  the  veteran  officer  Winfield  Scott.  He  was 
the  advocate  of  generous  appropriations  for  forts,  improve 
ments  in  small-arms,  increase  of  pay  for  officers,  pensions  for 
their  widows,  the  introduction  of  camels  and  the  addition 
of  several  regiments  to  the  regular  army.  There  is  no 
doubt,  that  during  his  administration,  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  attach  the  army  officers  to  him  on  the  one  hand 
and  to  strengthen  the  power  of  the  Slave-rights  Demo 
crats  on  the  other.  He  was  a  ruling  power  in  the  Cabinet. 
Subsequently,  the  ex-Secretary  declared,  that  had  he  fol 
lowed  his  own  desires  he  would  not  have  gone  into  Pierce's 
Cabinet ;  but  the  argument — used  at  Washington  as  well 

*  First  letter,  dated  25th  of  May,  1849,  in  Washington  Union.  Defence, 
dated  at  his  residence,  "Brierfield,  Miss,"  August  29,  1849,  published  in  the 
Jackson  Mississipian. 


172  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

as  in  Mississippi  with  him — that  to  decline,  might  be  in 
jurious  to  the  States-rights  party  of  the  South,  that  is,  that 
he  could  use  the  power  at  his  disposal  for  the  benefit 
of  that  party — prevailed. 

Having  been  re-elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  the 
ex-Secretary  moved— with  but  few  months'  intermission 
from  the  War  Department  into  the  Capitol.  During  this 
intermission,  Senator  Davis  addressed  several  Southern 
audiences.  His  speech  at  Pass  Christian  embraced  his 
views  and  policy.  In  it  he  claimed  to  be  for  the  Union, 
but  stated  the  belief  that  the  "  puritanical  intolerance  and 
violently  unconstitutional  character  of  the  North  would  tear 
it  asunder  if  a  United  South  did  not  put  it  down.  His 
great  reliance  was  on  a  United  South  ;"  and  he  dwelt  on  it 
fearful  lest  the  "  Know-Nothing-ism"  which  so  raged  at 
several  prominent  Southern  cities  would  divide  them.  He 
earnestly  deprecated  interference  by  the  citizens  of  one 
State  with  the  rights  of  another  State,  and,  though  fully 
identified  with  the  Soutli  in  any  emergency,  could  not  con 
template  the  possibility  of  disunion  without  deep  emotion. 
He  believed  that  some  of  his  most  endearing  reminiscences 
had  grown  out  of  his  connection  witli  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  ;  and,  dwelling  on  them,  told  his  hearers,  that  while 
yet  a  boy,  he  had  been  called  to  duty  in  its  military  service, 
where  he  remained  up  to  mature  manhood.  He  had  seen 
its  flag  wave  its  graceful  folds  in  the  peaceful  civic  pageant, 
and  had  witnessed  it  borne  aloft  in  the  clash  and  cannon- 
clouds  of  the  deadly  conflict ;  he  had  seen  it  in  the  East, 
brightened  by  the  sun  at  its  rising,  and  in  the  West,  gilded 
by  his  declining  but  golden  rays  ;  and  to  see  that  flag  sun 
dered,  to  see  one  star  torn  from  its  azure  field  would,  he 
felt,  imbue  him  with  a  sorrow  such  as  only  a  parent  feels 
for  a  lost  and  beloved  child.  These  sentiments  drew  down 
prolonged  applause.  But  lest  they  might  be  mistaken 
or  too  forcibly  indicate  a  too  one-sided  devotion  to  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 V3 

Union  and  the  flag,  lie  took  an  opportunity  of  striking  a 
balance  between  dissolution  and  submission  ;  by  declaring 
he  was  as  much  opposed  "  to  the  brainless  intemperance  of 
those  who  desired  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,"  as  to  the 
slavish  submission  of  those  who,  like,  the  victims  of  Jugger 
naut,  unresistingly  prostrated  themselves  to  be  crushed. 

Senator  Davis  was  in  favor  of  annexing  Cuba  ;  of  Ameri 
canizing  the  continent ;  of  free  trade,  and  the  abolition 
of  Custom  Houses ;  of  a  Pacific  Railroad ;  and  though  he 
made  no  set  speeches  during  the  great  "  Lecompton  "  dis 
cussion,  he  appeared  in  the  Senate  Chamber  propped  up 
with  pillows,  and  with  bandaged-eyes,  to  vote  against 
Douglas,  and  for  what  Henry  A.  Wise  justly  termed  "  a 
schedule  of  legerdemain." 

During  the  recess,  Senator  Davis  visited  the  North,  where 
he  was  received  with  great  courtesy  and  hospitality.  He 
went  there  as  an  invalid,  and  known  chiefly,  as  he  remarked 
in  Maine,  u  by  the  detraction  which  the  ardent  advocacy  of 
the  rights  of  the  South  had  brought  upon  him."  He  did 
not  deem  his  going  or  coming  would  attract  attention  ;  but 
he  was  mistaken.  "  The  polite,  the  manly,  the  elevated 
men,  lifted  above  the  barbarism  which  makes  stranger  and 
enemy  convertible  terms,  had  chosen,  without  political  dis 
tinction,  to  welcome  his  coming,  and,  by  constant  acts  of 
generous  hospitality,  to  make  bis  sojourn  as  pleasant  as  his 
physical  condition  would  permit."  In  the  speech  of  which 
this  is  the  opening  sentence,  Senator  Davis  denied  that  his 
friends  and  himself  were  Disunionists  and  Nullifiers.  He 
visited  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  and  his  addresses  to 
the  people  of  the  chief  cities  in  those  States,  attracted  a 
great  deal  of  attention.  They  were  characterized  by  a 
decided  modification  of  sentiment,  and  an  equally  temper 
ate  mode  of  expression ;  leaning  much  more  to  the 
popular  sovereignty  views  of  Douglas,  than  to  the  slave 
code  system  for  the  Territories  advocated  by  his  ultra 


174  LIFE  AND  PTTBLIC  SERVICES 

Southern  friends.  Whether  the  state  of  his  health  was 
not  favorable  to  the  consideration  of  violent  views,  or  the 
atmosphere  of  Northern  Democracy  was  too  strong  for  him, 
or  Northern  hospitality  had  subdued  him  to  rationality,  or 
that  he  was  on  a  Presidential  canvass  amid  the  great  cities 
of  the  Republic  which  had  been  built  by  the  enterprise  of 
free  "  mudsills,"  or  whether  it  was  all  four  combined  that 
influenced  his  thoughts  and  speech  it  is  difficult  to  say ; 
but  both  were  so  different  from  the  manner  of  his  "  ardent 
advocacy  of  the  rights  of  the  South,"  that  they  were  the 
subject  of  general  comment  North  ;  and  he  had  to  explain 
them  when  he  went  South.  In  a  letter  apologizing  for  his 
absence  from  the  Webster  Birthday  Festival,  held  in  Bos 
ton,  January,  1859,  Senator  Davis  said  : 

"  May  the  vows  of  '  love  and  allegiance '  which  you  purpose  to 
renew  as  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  illustrious  statesman 
whose  birth  you  commemorate,  find  an  echo  in  the  heart  of  every 
patriot  in  our  land,  and  tend  to  the  revival  of  that  fraternity  which 
bore  our  fathers  through  the  Involution  to  the  consummation  of  the 
independence  they  transmitted  to  us,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
more  perfect  Union  which  their  wisdom  devised  to  bless  their  pos 
terity  for  ever ! 

"  Though  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  mingling  my  affectionate 
memories  and  aspirations  with  yours,  I  send  you  my  cordial  greet 
ing  to  the  friends  of  the  Constitution,  and  ask  to  be  enrolled  among 
those  whose  mission  is,  by  fraternity  and  good  faith  to  every  consti 
tutional  obligation,  to  insure  that,  from  Aroostook  to  San  Diego, 
from  Key  West  to  Puget's  Sound,  the  grand  arch  of  our  political 
temple  shall  stand  unshaken  !" 

Six  months  later,  addressing  a  State  Convention  in  Mis 
sissippi,  he  found  a  more  suitable  occasion  for  the  expres 
sion  of  his  views  in  furtherance  of  the  conspiracy  which 
was  boldly  but  cautiously  maturing.  He  made  Mr.  Sew- 
ard's  famous  Rochester  speech  of  the  autumn  previous,  the 
inspiration  of  his  rebellious  queries  and  declarations— 
which  speech,  be  it  remembered,  was  before  him  when  he 
wrote  such  solicitous  sentences  to  the  Websterians  of  Bos- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  175 

ton.     Taking  up  the  "  Irrepressible  Conflict "  theme,  he  put 
the  question  to  his  Mississippians : 

"  Will  you  allow  the  Constitutional  Union  to  be  changed  into  the 
despotism  of  a  majority  ?  Will  you  become  the  subject  of  a  hostile 
Government  ?  or  will  you,  outside  of  the  Union,  assert  the  equality, 
the  liberty  and  sovereignty  to  which  you  were  born  ?  For  myself, 
I  say,  as  I  said  on  a  former  occasion,  in  the  contingency  of  the  elec 
tion  of  a  President  on  the  platform  of  Mr.  SewarcVs  Rochester 
speech,  let  the  Union  be  dissolved.  Let  the  <  great,  but  not  the 
greatest,  evil,'  come ;  for,  as  did  the  great  and  good  Calhoun,  from 
whom  is  drawn  that  expression  of  value,  I  love  and  venerate  the 
Union  of  these  States,  but  I  love  liberty  and  Mississippi  more." 

Throughout  the  period  of  which  I  have  been  dealing  in 
the  latter  preceding  chapters,  Davis  was  eminently  distin 
guished.  He  held  the  same  relative  position  to  the  South 
that  Douglas  did  to  the  North,  but  their  claims  were  based 
on  very  different  foundations.  He  was  the  acknowledged 
Congressional  leader  of  nearly  all  the  Southern  Senators 
and  Representatives.  Andrew  Johnson  stood  alone  in  com 
plete  independence  of  vassalage  to  the  conspirators  and 
their  leader.  Crittenden  could  not  be  carried  away  with 
their  disruptive  schemes.  He  belonged  to  the  old  Clay 
school,  and  with  few  exceptions,  his  noble  utterances  were 
permitted  to  pass  by  without  malignant  comment.  Houston 
also  could  not  be  robbed  of  his  reputation.  It  was  different 
in  the  case  of  Johnson  ;  at  least  they  thought  so.  His 
activity  was  feared,  his  popular  ideas  hated,  and  both 
brought  him  under  the  constant  fire  of  the  conspirators. 
Bell  was  not  tractable  in  the  traces  of  the  Southern  phalanx. 
Toombs  would  break  them  betimes,  as  would  Brown  ;  but 
with  the  body  of  Southern  Congressional  agitators  Jefferson 
Davis  was  regarded  as  the  leader.  Taken  altogether  he 
had  the  greatest  qualifications  for  the  post,  as  he  combined 
in  a  larger  degree  than  any  other  the  characteristics  which 
were  distributed  throughout  his  principal  colleagues.  Ham 
mond,  of  South  Carolina,  had  a  more  graceful  intellect,  and 


176  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

was  a  bolder  thinker.     Hunter,  a  more  persistent  student, 
was  in  the    minds  of  many,  an   abler  man ;    and  a  much 
greater  favorite  with  Northern  Democrats.     He  was,  how 
ever,  sluggish  and  unattractive.     Mason  the  heir  of  several 
Virginia  reputations,  was  pompous  and  oracular  to  a  degree 
amounting  to  burlesque.     Toombs  was  bellicose  and  unbal 
anced,  and  so  passionate  in  what  he  conceived  to  be  right 
that  he  was  uncontrollable  ;  Iverson  was  inflammable  and 
unequal ;   C.   C.  Clay  was  self-opinionated,  narrow-minded 
and  vindictive :  A.    G.   Brown   exactly  the   reverse,  was 
open-minded,  a  clear  thinker,  full  of  popular  sympathies, 
and  consequently  dangerous  to  meddle  with  ;  Fitzpatrick 
was  easy-going  and  respectable  ;   SlidelPs  leading   talent 
was  astuteness ;  and  that  of  Benjamin  a  wicked  gift  of 
speech,  which,  like   flowering  branches   before   a  masked 
battery,   hid  treachery   and    remorseless   deceit ;    Wigfall 
was  violent,  sometimes  descending  to  vulgarity,  and  some 
times  touching  the  heart  with  sentiment.     Davis  was  singu 
larly  fitted  to  control  if  not  to  combine  these  conflicting 
elements.     He  was  free  from  taint  as  a  peculator,  and  had 
a  self-contained  ambition  which,  amounting  to  callousness 
regarding  the  actions  of  men  on  his   own  side,  was  mis 
taken  for  calmness  ;  and  assumed  a  solemnity  of  reply  to  the 
opposition,  which  carried  in  its  manner  the  intimation  that 
when  he  spoke   nothing  further  need  be   said.     He  was 
known  as  cold,  proud,  unforgiving  ;  qualities  which  in  con 
junction  with   great   talents   and    knowledge,  while   they 
repelled  the  free  and  easy  politicians,  indicated  him  as  a 
leader  who  need  not  be  all  things  to  all  men,  but  who  would 
check  the  familiarity  of  those  nearest  to  him,  and  whose 
ostensible  impartiality  would  command  the  respect  of  the 
masses.     Notoriously  of  a  despotic  cast  of  mind,  lie  was 
little  given  to  the  melting  mood  of  even  remotely  extend 
ing  forgiveness,  or  acknowledging  the  possibility  of  a  cause 
for  soliciting  it. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 77 

When  he  arose  in  the  Chamber,  he  invariably  commanded 
attention.  He  was  not  hazardous  in  debate  ;  consequently 
when  he  spoke  the  conclusion  was  that  he  knew  what  he 
spoke  about.  Of  easy  manner,  there  was  a  precision  in  his 
phraseology  which  gave  a  vigor  and  force  to  his  speeches 
that  accorded  well  with  the  military  character  of  the 
speaker.  His  language,  as  well  as  his  manner,  was  orderly 
rather  than  ornate. 


12 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE  Presidential  Conventions  of  1860  —  Their  Nominations  and  Platforms  — 
Bell,  Everett,  and  the  Constitution  and  the  Laws  —  Lincoln,  Hitmlin,  and 
Intervention  —  Douglas,  H.  V.  Johnson,  and  Non-intervention  —  Breckiu- 
ridge,  Lane,  and  Slave  Protection  —  The  Disruption  in  the  Democratic 
Convention  — Two  Seceders'  Conventions  —  The  First  Step  toward  Practical 
Disunion  —  Delay  of  Breckinridge  to  accept  the  Richmond  Nomination  — 
Calls  for  his  Letter  —  Its  Character  —  Causes  of  the  Democratic  Disruptions 
—  The  Plots  of  Disunionists  under  Yancey,  and  Buchanan's  Hatred  of 
Douglas, 

A  NUMBER  of  delegates  from  twenty  States,  representing 
what  they  called  the  "  Constitutional  Union  Party,"  met  at 
Baltimore,  on  the  9th  of  May,  1860,  and  nominated  John 
Bell  of  Tennessee,  for  the  Presidency,  and  Edward  Everett 
of  Massachusetts,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  This  conven 
tion  put  forth  no  platform  of  party  principles,  believing  ex 
perience  had  demonstrated  that  such  tend  to  mislead  and 
deceive  the  people.  Their  faith  was  set  forth  in  a  resolution 
recognizing  no  political  principle  other  than  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  country,  the  union  of  the  States,  and  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws. 

Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  was  nominated  May  18, 
1860,  for  the  Presidency,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine, 
for  the  Vice-Presidency,  by  the  convention  which  met  at 
Chicago,  on  the  15th  instant.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  put  in  nomi 
nation  by  the  Republican  party,  and  he  presented  in  his 
life  and  opinions  the  precise  aim  and  object  for  which  that 
party  had  been  formed.  He  was  a  native  of  a  slaveholding 
State,  and,  while  he  had  been  opposed  to  slavery,  he  had 
regarded  it  as  a  local  institution,  the  creature  of  local  laws, 

(178) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  179 

with  which  the  national  Government  of  the  United  States 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do.  But  in  common  with  all  ob 
servant  public  men,  he  had  watched,  with  distrust  and  ap 
prehension,  the  advance  of  slavery  as  an  element  of  political 
power  towards  ascendancy  in  the  Government  of  the  na 
tion,  and  had  cordially  co-operated  with  those  who  thought 
it  absolutely  necessary  for  the  future  well-being  of  the 
country  that  this  tendency  should  be  checked.  He  had, 
therefore,  opposed  very  strenuously  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  the  territories,  and  had  asserted  the  right  and  duty  of 
Congress  to  exclude  it  by  positive  legislation  therefrom. 
The  Chicago  Convention,  which  nominated  Mr.  Lincoln, 
adopted  a  platform  of  which  this  was  the  cardinal  feature  ; 
but  it  also  took  care  to  remove  the  apprehensions  of  the 
South  that  the  party  proposed  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States  whose  laws  gave  it  support  and  protection.  It 
expressly  disavowed  all  authority  and  all  wish  for  such  in 
terference,  and  declared  its  purpose  to  protect  Southern 
States  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  all  their  constitutional 
rights.* 

The  Democratic  Convention  which  re-assembled  at  Balti 
more  one  month  later,  presented  a  continuation  of  the 
scenes  which  took  place  at  Charleston,  and  exhibited  still 
further  the  machinations  of  the  Southern  Democrats  to 
treat  the  Northern  Democrats  as  Sepoys.  Delegates  from 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Maryland,  Delaware, 
Kentucky,  Missouri  and  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Convention,  Hon.  Caleb  Gushing,  withdrew. 
Governor  Tod  of  Ohio,  was  appointed  in  his  place,  and  the 
Convention  nominated  Stephen  A.  Douglas  for  the  Presi 
dency,  and  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick  of  Alabama,  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  latter,  owing  to  the  Southern  pressure  on 
him.  declined  the  nomination,  and  Herschell  V.  Johnson, 
of  Georgia,  was  put  in  his  place  by  the  National  Committee. 

*  "  History  of  the  Administration  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  by  II.  J.Raymond. 


180  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

The  platform  of  the  National  Democratic  Convention  re-af 
firmed  the  principles  declared  by  the  Cincinnati  Conven 
tion  of  1856,  which,  as  regarded  the  great  questions  of  the 
day,  were  based  on  Douglas'  doctrine  of  non-intervention. 
It  added  a  resolution  in  effect  that  the  decisions  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the  constitutional  re 
strictions,  whatever  they  may  be,  on  Territorial  Legisla 
tures,  should  be  respected  by  all  good  citizens  and  enforced 
by  the  Government. 

The  seceders  from  the  regular  Democratic  Convention 
met  at  the  Maryland  Institute,  Baltimore,  on  the  28th  of 
June.  They  increased  their  numbers  by  admitting  persons 
not  elected  delegates,  but  who  happened  to  be  in  the  city  as 
visitors  ;  to  give  the  meeting  an  air  of  regularity,  they  chose 
Mr.  Gushing  as  their  presiding  officer,  and  after  going 
through  certain  formalities,  nominated  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge  for  the  Presidency,  and  Joseph  Lane  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  platform  of  this  seceding  faction  also  re 
affirmed  the  Cincinnati  resolutions,  and  added  others  de 
claring  the  rights  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  as  paramount 
to  cither  congressional  or  territorial  legislation,  and  also 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Government  to  protect 
slavery  in  the  Territories. 

The  candidates,  then,  stood  before  the  people  thus : 

Lincoln  was  for  the  direct  intervention  of  Congress  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  the  Territories. 

Douglas  was  for  the  non-intervention  of  Congress,  and 
for  leaving  the  protection  or  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
hands  of  the  Territorial  Legislature. 

Breckinridge  was  equally  opposed  to  the  intervention  of 
Congress  or  the  legislation  of  the  Territory  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  believing  it  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  pro 
tect  it. 

The  seceders  from  the  Charleston  Convention  had  met  at 
St.  Andrew's  Hall,  in  that  city,  where  they  received  a  visit 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  181 

of  sympathy  from  a  portion  of  the  New  York  delegation, 
headed  by  Fernando  Wood,  chose  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Del 
aware,  Chairman,  and  after  adopting  a  "  Southern  rights  " 
platform,  and  remaining  in  session  four  days,  adjourned  to  meet 
Richmond,  Va.,  on  the  second  Monday  in  June.  In  pursuance 
of  this  arrangement,  these  seceders  met  in  Richmond  on  the 
llth  of  June.  Delegates  were  present  from  Alabama,  Arkan 
sas,  Texas,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Georgia,  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  second  congressional  district  of  Tennessee,  and  the 
seventh  electoral  district  of  Virginia.  John  Euwin,  of  Ala 
bama,  was  chosen  President.  It  adjourned  on  the  12th  to  the 
21st.  It  met  again  and  adjourned,  and  so  continued  to  meet 
and  adjourn,  watching  and  waiting  the  action  of  the  regular 
Convention  at  Baltimore,  until  the  seceders  from  the  latter 
nominated  Breckinridge  and  Lane,  when  such  of  the  dele 
gates  as  had  not  gone  to  Baltimore  adopted  the  candidates 
and  platform  of  the  "  Bolters,"  and  adjourned. 

Thus  was  the  first  decided  step  towards  practical  disunion 
effected.  The  conspirators  had  loudly  declared  that  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  would  be  regarded  as  cause  for  se 
cession  ;  and  yet,  while  so  declaring,  they  rendered  the 
Democracy  powerless  to  defeat  him.  Hence  Breckinridge 
and  Lane  were  emphatically  disunion  candidates.  This  fact 
was  widely  recognized,  and  for  several  weeks  no  official 
declaration  was  made  as  to  whether  Breckinridge  and  Lane 
had  accepted  their  nomination  by  the  Richmond  Convention.* 

*  The  Washington  States  and  Union,  the  central  organ  of  the  Douglas  or 
Popular  Sovereignty  Democracy,  as  late  as  August  8,  had  the  following  squib  on 
the  subject : 

"What  has  become  of  the  Richmond  Convention  which  nominated  the  Yan- 
cey-Breckmridge  ticket?  Are  they  never  going  to  inform  Messrs.  Breckin 
ridge  and  Lane  of  their  nomination?"— Every  Piper. 


"  Oh,  where  is  the  Richmond  Convention? 

And  where  have  the  delegates  gone? 
Have  they  hinibussed  the  passionate  Joseph, 

Or  been  humbugged  by  passionless  John? 


182  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

This  fact  elicited  wide  discussion,  both  the  convention 
and  the  nominees  being  called  on  for  an  explanation.  It 
was  not  until  the  llth  of  August  that  Mr.  Breckinridge's 
letter  of  acceptance  appeared  ;  and  as  if  to  set  his  seal  of 
approval  upon  the  disunion  faction  that  met  at  the  Virginia 
capital,  he  declared  he  would  "  strive  to  merit  the  confidence 
implied  by  the  action  of  the  convention."  The  letter,  which 
was  dated  a  month  after  that  informing  him  of  his  nomi 
nation,  showed  he  was  fully  aware  of  the  odium  that  would 
attend  his  acceptance  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  that 
his  personal  ambition  was  powerless  to  resist  the  surveil 
lance  of  Yancey,  Jefferson  Davis,  Slidell  and  the  managers 
who  set  him  up  only  as  a  stepping  stone  for  their  own  pur- 


"  Are  they  waiting  to  still  get  a  quorum? 

Have  they  vamosed  to  corners  unknown? 
And  given  their  mouths  to  the  Jorum, 

Which  were  made  for  disunion  alone? 


"  Did  ever  they  make  nominations  ? 

Where  are  they  ?     Can  any  one  tell  ? 
Have  they  stuck  up  the  Kentucky  major, 

Or  stuck  down  themselves  for  John  Bell  ? 


"  Were  the  candidates  ever  informed, 
In  the  sweetest  of  letters,  that  they 

Were  the  demons  selected  to  plunder 
The  peace  of  the  nation  away? 


"If  they  were— did  they  ever  make  answer? 

"Will  any  or  some  one  explain? 
Some  disunion  delegate  tell  us? 

Oh,  Breckinridge  tell  us,  or  Lane? 

VI. 

"  It  is  far  worse  than  mean — it  is  wicked— 

To  bide  your  acceptances  twain 
Of  the  "  National  Disunion  ticket." 

Oh,  Breckinridge  give  it,  and  Lane. 


"Or  must  we  still  cry— the  Convention 

And  the  delegates,  where  have  they  gone? 

Have  they  humbugged  the  passionate  Joseph, 

Or  been  humbugged  by  passionless  John?" 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSOtf.  183 

poses.  He  thought  to  use  them,  but  the  current  of  circum 
stances  they  used  him  to  unloose  was  too  strong  for  him, 
and  swept  him  and  them  finally  into  infamy. 

Two  things  caused  the  secession  from  the  Democratic 
Convention  at  Charleston  and  Baltimore.  The  prime  cause 
was  an  attempt  to  bring  about  disunion.  Yancey,  Rhett, 
Jeff.  Davis  and  others  had  long  tried  to  fire  the  Southern 
heart  to  the  point  of  severing  the  connection  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States.  An  attempt  was  made  to 
produce  the  desired  dissolution  when  the  John  Brown  inva 
sion  occurred.  An  effort  was  made  throughout  the  whole 
South  to  have  each  of  the  States  call  a  convention  to  meet 
at  Atlanta,  Ga.,  to  take  steps  to  go  out  of  the  Union. 
Atlanta  was  fixed  on  as  the  capital  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy.  The  State  of  South  Carolina  sent  Mr.  Memminger 
to  Richmond  to  induce  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  the 
Legislature  of  that  State,  then  in  session,  to  make  the  call 
and  head  the  list.  Virginia,  however,  refused  to  take  the 
step.  It  had  become  apparent  that  the  Harper's  Ferry  in 
vasion  was  only  a  raid  by  a  few  mad  caps  and  negro  fanatics, 
and  was  not  supported  or  sympathized  in  by  the  mass  of  the 
Northern  people.  The  thing  was  too  ridiculous  to  base  upon 
it  such  action  as  the  dissolving  of  the  Union  ;  and  so  it  failed 
of  success — much  to  the  chagrin  and  disappointment  of  the 
disunionists  at  the  South. 

These  disunionists,  with  Yancey  at  their  head,  had  long 
been  plotting  the  overthrow  of  the  Government.  They 
failed  to  turn  John  Brown's  raid  to  immediate  account,  but 
they  had  other  schemes  on  hand  far  more  potent,  as  the 
condition  of  affairs  following  the  disruption  of  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  fully  indicated.  For  three  years  Mr. 
Yancey  had  been  organizing  lodges  of  the  "League  of 
Union  Southerners,"  whose  watchword  was,  "  A  Southern 
republic  is  our  only  safety."  These  Leagues  had  spread 
far  and  wide,  and  the  members  were  all  pledged  to  bring 


184  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

about  a  dissolution  at  the  earliest  moment.  Their  most  ef 
fectual  plan  to  produce  disunion  was  to  divide  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  and  thereby  secure  the  election  of  a  Republican 
to  the  Presidency,  in  the  oft-expressed  certainty  that  such 
a  cause  could  not  fail  to  produce  the  desired  secession  of  the 
Southern  States.  This  scheme  was  distinctly  foreshadowed 
by  Mr.  Yancey,  in  a  speech  in  South  Carolina  in  1858,  in 
which  he  stated  it  was  the  duty  of  the  South,  in  the 
Charleston  Convention,  to  demand  the  identical  protection 
plank  in  the  platform  which  he  did  demand,  and  that  a  re 
fusal  to  adopt  it  should  be  followed  by  a  secession  of  the 
Southern  delegates  ;  that  such  a  course  would  probably 
cause  the  election  of  a  Republican  to  the  Presidency,  when 
the  South  must  go  out  of  the  Union. 

The  other  cause  for  the  secession  was  the  opposition  of 
the  Administration  to  Douglas.  When  Mr.  Buchanan  de 
termined,  under  the  pressure  of  the  South,  to  advocate  the 
acceptance  by  Congress  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  he 
was  in  a  quandary.  It  was  a  desperate  adventure,  and  he 
needed  all  the  help  that  was  to  be  had.  "When  Douglas  re 
fused  to  assist  him  in  that  measure,  he  turned  upon  him  vin 
dictively,  and  henceforward  waged  a  most  relentless  war  on 
him  and  his  friends. 

Not  only  did  Mr.  Buchanan  pursue  his  victim  with  rage, 
to  the  distraction  of  the  party  which  placed  him  in  power, 
but  to  the  imminent  peril  of  the  country  over  which  he  pre 
sided.  It  was  stated  at  that  time  that  but  for  the  encour 
agement  of  the  Administration,  no  State  would  have 
seceded  at  Charleston  except  Alabama.  But  for  the  con 
tinued  labors  of  the  Administration  to  that  end,  no  further 
secession  would  have  taken  place  at  Baltimore.  The  Ad 
ministration  desired  to  kill  off  Douglas  effectually  and 
for  ever.  It  was  well  known  at  Charleston  that  he  could 
not  have  been  nominated  against  the  wishes  of  the  South. 
It  was  also  well  known  at  Baltimore,  before  the  second  se- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  185 

cession  took  place,  that  Douglas  had  given  instruction  to 
withdraw  his  name  to  restore  harmony.  But  this  was  not 
enough.  He  would  still  have  been  recognized  as  a  member 
of  the  Democratic  party.  Some  one  would  have  been  nomi 
nated  on  a  non-intervention  platform,  and  he  would  have 
been  elected  without  excluding  Mr.  Douglas  from  the  party 
ranks.  This  could  not  be  endured.  Nothing  short  of  a  to 
tal  destruction  would  gratify  the  insatiate  vengeance  of  those 
who  pursued  him  with  undying  malice.  Either  Douglas 
and  his  friends  must  be  crushed  out  past  all  recognition, 
or  the  party  must  fall  in  one  common  ruin,  even  if  the 
country  fell  in  the  catastrophe. 

Such  was  the  policy  of  Mr.  Buchanan  towards  Mr. 
Douglas,  and  this  was  the  other  cause  of  the  secession  at 
Charleston  and  Baltimore. 


CHAPTEE    XI. 

THE    DEVELOPMENT    OF    DISUNION. 

THE  Presidential  Campaign  —  Wm.  L.  Yancey  and  his  Labors  —  Welcomes  the 
Montgomery  Convention  —  The  Scarlet  Letter  —  Outlines  the  Plan  of  the 
Conspirators —  Replies  to  "The  States,"  "The  Great  Southern  Party,''  the 
Members  pledged  to  Disunion  —  Its  Design  —  Indication  of  Southern  Deter 
mination  to  rebel  —  "  The  Spirit  of  the  South,"  Mobile  "  Mercury,"  Charles 
ton  "Mercury,"  Barnwell  Rhett —  Judge  Beuning  —  Governor  Potter  — 
Governor  Gist  —  Jeff.  Davis  —  L.  W.  Spratt  —  L.  M.  Keitt  —  Porcher  Miles 

—  Pugh  of  Alabama  —  Governor  Perry  —  M.  L.  Bonham  —  Herschell  V.  John 
son  explains  why  Buchanan  persecuted  Douglas  —  Robert  J.  Walker,  Gov 
ernor  of  Kansas  —  Buchanan,  Douglas  and  Walker  agree  on  a  Kansas  Policy 

—  Buchanan  breaks  Faith  —  The  Cry  of  Popular  Sovereignty  against  Doug 
las  a  Pretext  —  The  Democratic  Convention  broken  and  Disunion  Inaugu 
rated  by  Sectional  Ambition  and  Personal  Enmity. 

THE  Presidential  campaign  was  one  of  great  excitement, 
bitterness,  boldness,  power  and  brilliancy.  The  excitement 
was  general,  the  bitterness  and  boldness  chiefly  confined  to 
the  strife  between  the  Union  Democracy  and  the  wing  nom 
inally  led  by  Breckinridge,  but  actually  inspired  by  Mr. 
William  L.  Yancey  and  guided  by  Jefferson  Davis,  and  the 
brilliancy  and  power  mainly  centered  around  Douglas.  The 
dashing  vigor  displayed  in  his  Southern  tour,  his  reception 
there,  and  the  enthusiasm  which  lit  up  the  Northern  Democ 
racy  in  his  favor,  at  times  led  people  to  hope  almost  against 
hope.  But  the  disruption  in  the  Democratic  ranks  was  too 
wide  spread,  and  in  the  South,  the  work  of  too  many  years 
to  be  overcome  by  such  power  as  might  be  compressed  into 
a  few  months. 

The  Southern  conspiracy  had  been  developing  itself  for 

(186) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  \ s 7 

some  time  ;  but  the  threats  of  the  leaders  were  regarded  as 
"sound  and  fury  signifying  nothing"  more.  Many,  like  An 
drew  Johnson,  in  the  deep  devotion  of  their  own  hearts  to 
the  Union  had  no  fear  of  its  safety,  and  could  not  conceive 
how  any  sane  man  or  set  of  men  could  dare  to  compass  its 
destruction.  The  declared  Disunionists  and  advocates  of  the 
opening  of  the  slave  trade  were  underrated.  They  were  re 
garded  as  more  eccentric  than  earnest,  or  more  contemptible 
than  discontented.  I  have  said  that  to  their  persistent 
efforts,  and  the  influences  of  the  Buchanan  Administration, 
was  entirely  due  the  surging  commotion  in  which  the  coun 
try  rocked  after  the  disruption  of  the  Democratic  party. 

It  is  not  sought  to  be  denied  that  the  state  of  affairs  was 
the  result  of  deep  machinations  and  great  labor  on  the  part 
of  the  avowed  Disunionists.  These  fanatics  constantly,  or  on 
every  occasion  they  deemed  their  personal  vanity  wounded 
by  the  common  sense  of  the  people,  threatened  disunion,  and 
the  North  only  treated  them  with  pleasantry  or  silent  con 
tempt.  They,  however,  kept  on  preaching  their  views  into 
rash  and  discontented  minds.  While  relying  on  Northern 
Democrats  to  carry  their  legislative  measures,  these  ungrate 
ful  and  restless  propagandists  were  inculcating  disaffection 
against  the  ivhole  North,  and  sneering  at  Northern  Demo 
crats  as  no  better  than  "  Abolitionists."  It  was  no  later 
than  the  previous  session  of  Congress  that  Senator  Ivcrson, 
of  Georgia,  made  a  turbulent  speech  against  the  Northern 
Democrats,  charging  them  with  being  unfavorable  to  South 
ern  interests,  when  they  had  been  in  fact  their  leading  guar 
dians.  The  Disunionists  pursued  their  discontented  ways — 
kept  on  insinuating  with  a  boldness  apparently  more  ingen 
uous  than  ingenious,  but  which  was  actually  the  reverse — 
their  vile  and  desperate  doctrines  all  over  the  extreme  South, 
in  some  instances  captivating  a  reckless  and  ruthless  spirit 
here  and  there  in  the  border  States.  Secret  societies, 
"  Southern  Leagues"  and  orders  were  created,  and  now  and 


188  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

then  this  seething  cauldron  of  treason  boiled  over  on  the 
floor  of  Congress,  on  some  Southern  "  stump/7  or  through  the 
journals  of  the  Disunionists. 

William  L.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  was  the  principal,  or  at 
least  the  most  relentless  and  persistent  of  the  conspirators. 
His  record  teems  with  treason  ;  and  he  meant  what  he  said. 
On  extending  a  welcome  to  those  who  attended  the  Southern 
convention  in  Montgomery,  Ala.,  in  May,  1858,  Mr.  Yancey 
said  : 

"  I  must  be  allowed,  at  least  on  my  own  behalf,  to  welcome  you, 
too,  as  but  the  foreshadowing  of  that  far  more  important  body ;  im 
portant  as  you  evidently  will  be,  that  if  injustice  and  wrong  shall 
continue  to  rule  the  hour  and  councils  of  the  dominant  section  of  the 
country,  must,  ere  long,  assemble  upon  Southern  soil  for  the  purpose 
of  devising  some  measure  by  which  not  only  your  industrial,  but 
your  social  and  political  relations  shall  be  placed  upon  the  basis  of 
an  independent  sovereignty,  which  will  have  within  itself  a  unity  of 
climate,  a  unity  of  soil,  a  unity  of  production,  and  a  unity  of  social 
relations ;  that  unity  which  alone  can  be  the  basis  of  a  successful  and 
permanent  government." 

This  he  followed  up  with  the  Scarlet  letter,  explaining 
how  the  cotton  States  might  be  precipitated  into  revolution  : 

"MONTGOMERY,  June  15,  1858. 

"  DEAR  SIR — Your  kind  favor  of  the  15th  is  received. 

"  I  hardly  agree  with  you  that  a  general  movement  can  be  made 
that  will  clear  out  the  Augean  stable.  If  the  Democracy  were  over 
thrown,  it  would  result  in  giving  place  to  a  greater  and  hungrier 
swarm  of  flies. 

"  The  remedy  of  the  South  is  not  in  such  a  process ;  it  is  in  a  dili 
gent  organization  of  her  true  men  for  prompt  resistance  to  the  next 
aggression.  It  must  come  in  the  nature  of  things.  No  national  party 
can  save  us ;  no  sectional  party  can  ever  do  it ;  but  if  we  could  do 
as  our  fathers  did,  organize  committees  of  safety  all  over  the  cotton 
States— and  it  is  only  in  them  that  we  can  hope  for  an  effective 
movement — we  shall  fire  the  Southern  heart,  instruct  the  Southern 
mind,  give  courage  to  each  other,  and  at  the  proper  moment,  by  one 
organized,  concerted  action,  we  can  precipitate  the  cotton  States  into 
a  revolution. 

"  The  idea  has  been  shadowed  forth  in  the  South  by  Mr.  Ruffin, 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON".  i89 

and  has  been  taken  up  and  recommended  by  the  Advertiser  [the 
Montgomery  organ  of  Mr.  Yancey]  under  the  name  of  'The  League 
of  United  Southerners,'  who,  keeping  up  their  old  party  relations  on 
all  other  questions,  will  hold  the  Southern  issues  paramount,  and 
will  influence  parties,  legislatures  and  statesmen.  I  have  no  time  to 
enlarge,  but  to  suggest  merely.  In  haste,  yours,  etc. 

"  To  JAS.  S.  SLAUGHTER,  Esq."  *  TV.  L.  YANCEY. 

On  the  18th  July,  1859,  Mr.  Yancey  made  a  speech  at 
Columbia,  S.  C.,  to  lire  the  Southern  heart,  and  outlined  the 
plan  which  events  proved  to  have  been  adopted  by  the  con 
spirators  : 

"  To  obtain  the  aid  of  the  Democracy  in  this  contest,  it  is  necessary 
to  make  a  contest  in  the  Charleston  Convention.  In  that  body, 
Douglas'  adherents  will  press  his  doctrine  to  a  decision.  If  the 
State-rights  men  keep  out  of  that  convention,  that  decision  must 
inevitably  be  against  the  South,  and  that,  either  in  direct  favor  of 
the  Douglas  doctrine,  or  by  the  indorsement  of  the  Cincinnati  plat 
form,  under  which  Douglas  claims  shelter  for  his  principles.  The 
State-rights  men  should  present  in  that  convention  their  demand  for 
a  decision,  and  they  will  obtain  an  indorsement  of  their  demands,  or 
a  denial  of  these  demands.  If  indorsed,  we  shall  have  greater  hope 
of  triumph  within  the  Union.  If  denied,  in  my  opinion,  the  State- 
rights  wing  should  secede  from  the  convention,  and  appeal  to  the 
whole  people  of  the  South  without  distinction  of  parties,  and  organ 
ize  another  convention  upon  the  basis  of  their  principles,  and  to  go 
into  the  election  with  a  candidate  nominated  by  it,  as  a  grand  con 
stitutional  party.  But  in  the  Presidential  contest  a  Black  Republi 
can  may  be  elected. 

^  If  this  dire  event  should  happen,  in  my  opinion,  the  only  hope 
of  safety  for  the  South  is  a  withdrawal  from  the  Union  before  he 
shall  be  inaugurated,  and  the  sword  and  the  treasury  of  the  Federal 
Government  shall  be  placed  in  the  keeping  of  that  party.  I  would 
suggest  that  the  several  State  Legislatures  should  by  law  require  their 
governments,  when  it  shall  be  made  manifest  that  the  Black  Repub 
lican  candidate  for  the  Presidency  shall  receive  a  majority  of  the 

*  It  is  a  coincidence  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  recipient  of  this  noted  epis 
tle,  and  the  person  held  up  for  his  imitation,  both  committed  suicide.  Mr. 
Slaughter  died  by  his  own  hand,  while  "  in  a  fit  of  melancholy"  before  the  full 
of  Sumter;  and  old  Mr.  Ruffin,  who  fired  the  first,  gun  at  the  fort,  fired  the  last 
at  the  head  of  a  traitor  after  the  fall  of  the  rebellion  and  killed  himself,  let  us 
charitably  hope,  in  a  fit  of  remorse. 


190  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Electoral  votes,  to  call  a  convention  of  the  people  of  the  State  to  as 
semble  in  ample  time  to  provide  for  their  safety  before  the  4th  of 
March,  1861.  If,  however,  a  Black  Republican  should  not  be  elected, 
then,  in  pursuance  of  the  policy  of  making  this  contest  within  the 
Union,  we  should  initiate  measures  in  Congress  which  should  lead  to 
a  repeal  of  all  the  unconstitutional  acts  against  slavery.  If  we  should 
fail  to  obtain  so  just  a  system  of  legislation,  then  the  South  should 
seek  her  independence  out  of  the  Union." 

This  plainly  stated  programme  needs  no  comment.  A 
great  deal  of  attention  was  directed  to  Mr.  Yancey  as  the 
most  daring  propagandist  of  the  Disunionists.  He  seemed 
to  be  ubiquitous  and  overflowing.  His  pen  rivaled  his 
tongue.  None  doubted  his  ability  any  more  than  his  dis 
union  doctrines,  but  the  expression  of  the  latter  made  the 
former  fiendish.  In  August,  1860,  he  made  a  four-hours' 
speecli  at  Memphis,  in  which  he  replied  to  the  exposition 
of  his  disunion  league  societies  made  in  the  Washington 
States.  But  almost  in  the  very  breath  in  which  he  declared 
the  writer  in  The  States  to  have  manufactured  a  lie  in  stating 
he  (Yancey)  was  forming  leagues,  he  admitted  that  lie  had 
formed  a  league  in  Montgomery  which  was  frowned  down 
by  the  Democracy  in  1858.  It  was  not  usual  with  him  to 
deny  any  charges  of  disunion  ;  but  he  sought  to  ignore  the 
league  on  a  verbal  quibble,  as  it  proved  distasteful  to  the 
Democrats,  and  he  had  in  this  exigency  formed  what  was 
called  "  The  Great  Southern  party/7  a  continuation  of  the 
league  on  a  grander  scale. 

This  new  society  had  a  formidable  preamble,  which  after 
stating  that  the  dismemberment  of  the  existing  Union  was 
inevitable,  pledged  the  members  to  do  all  they  could  to 
achieve  it.  If  possible,  they  would  peaceably  and  "  honor 
ably"  sever  "  the  Southern  slave  States  from  the  Northern 
free  States,"  and  would  "  ask  for  nothing  more  nor  receive 
any  thing  less  than  an  equal  division  of  all  the  territories, 
immunities,  rights,  privileges,  obligations,  treaties,  etc.,  now 
claimed  or  enjoyed  by  the  United  States."  This  society 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  191 

was  designed  not  only  to  effect  a  revolution  but  to  act  as  a 
provisional  government  in  case  of  success :  its  constitution 
provided  for  a  president  and  a  governor  in  each  State. 
White  Southern  citizens,  or  residents  of  eighteen  years  old, 
were  eligible  to  membership. 

The  Spirit  of  the  South,  March,  1859,  arguing  that  there 
were  fundamental  differences  of  opinion  between  the  North 
and  the  South,  says  :  "  What  remains,  then,  but  to  do  that 
which  has  been  done  in  all  ages  and  countries,  by  sensible 
and  right-minded  people,  who  have  the  misfortune  to  differ 
irreconcilably — to  separate." 

The  Mobile  Mercury,  about  the  same  time,  cautioned  its 
friends  in  the  country  everywhere  "  to  be  prepared  for  it 
(a  Southern  organization),  and  keep  themselves  from  all 
entangling  alliances  which  may  hinder  them  from  joining  in 
it  untrarunieled." 

The  Charleston  Mercury,  a  month  later,  sounded  the 
tocsin  with  a  bolder  emphasis.  It  cried  :  "  A  revolution  is, 
therefore,  inevitable.  Submission  or  resistance  will  alike 
establish  it.  The  old  Union— the  Union  of  the  Constitution, 
of  equal  rights  between  sovereign  States — is  abolished.  It 
is  gone  for  ever ;  strangled  by  consolidation,  and  now  the 
instrument  of  centralism,  to  establish  an  irresponsible 
despotism  of  the  North  over  the  South.  To  break  up  the 
present  Union  and  establish  another  of  the  South  alone,  is 
no  greater  revolution  than  that  which  now  exists.  It  will 
be  a  lesser  change.  Let  the  struggle  come  when  it  may, 
the  South  to  achieve  her  safety,  will  have  to  trample  down 
a  Union  party  in  the  track  of  her  political  emancipation." 

Barnewell  Rhett  of  South  Carolina,  for  years  the  guiding 
spirit  of  the  Mercury,  and  scarcely  less  notorious  for  the 
expression  of  disunion  sentiments  than  Yancey,  speaking  of 
the  course  of  action,  believed  that "  all  true  statesmenship  in 
the  Soutli  consists  in  forming  combinations  and  shaping 
events  so  as  to  bring  about  a  dissolution  of  the  present 


192  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Union,  and  the  establishment  of  a  Southern  confederacy." 
Apostrophising  the  future,  he  implores  the  South  to  remem 
ber  that — "  In  my  latter  years  I  did  all  I  could  to  dissolve 
her  connection  with  the  North,  and  to  establish  for  her  a 
Southern  confederacy." 

Judge  H.  S.  Benning  of  Mississippi  thus  expressed  him 
self  :  "  Let  us  seek  equality  out  of  the  Union,  where  the 
laws  of  God,  the  rights  of  man,  and  the  feelings  of  free 
men  counsel  us  unerringly  that  we  should  seek  our  redress." 

In  November,  Governor  Potter  of  the  same  State  argued 
that  "  Mississippi,  separately  or  in  concert  with  other 
Southern  States,  as  she  might  elect,  ought  at  once  to  dis 
continue  her  connection  with  the  abolition  States." 

Governor  Gist  of  South  Carolina  declared  :  "  I  solemnly 
believe  we  can  no  longer  live  in  peace  and  harmony  in  the 
Union  ;"  and  Jefferson  Davis  exclaimed  :  "  Let  the  Union 
be  dissolved !" 

Again,  Governor  Gist,  in  a  message  to  the  Legislature, 
after  threatening  the  border  States  which  may  not  join  the 
Southern  Confederacy  with  embarrassment,  as  she,  South 
Carolina,  will  not  consent  to  buy  their  slaves,  declared 
that— 

"  All  hope,  therefore,  of  concerted  action  by  a  Southern  Convention 
being  lost,  there  is  but  one  course  left  for  South  Carolina  to  pursue 
consistent  with  her  honor,  interest  and  safety,  and  that  is,  to  look 
neither  to  the  right  nor  the  left,  but  go  straight  forward  to  the  con 
summation  of  her  purpose.  It  is  too  late  now  to  receive  proposi 
tions  for  a  conference ;  and  the  State  would  be  wanting  in  self- 
respect,  after  having  deliberately  decided  on  her  own  course,  to 
entertain  any  proposition  looking  to  a  continuance  of  the  present 
Union.  We  can  get  no  better  or  safer  guarantee  than  the  present 
Constitution ;  and  that  has  proved  impotent  to  protect  us  against 
the  fanaticism  of  the  North.  The  institution  of  Slavery  must  be 
under  the  exclusive  control  of  those  directly  interested  in  its  preser 
vation,  and  not  left  to  the  mercy  of  those  that  believe  it  to  be  their 
duty  to  destroy  it." 

Davis  almost  immediately  succeeded  Yancey  at  Memphis 


OF  ANDREW  JOUNSON.  193 

in  August,  I860,  and  made  a  speech,  the  gist  of  which  was 
thus  indicated  by  the  Appeal  of  that  city  : 

"The  inference  which  we  drew  from  his  oratorical  effort  was 
simply  this :  That  Colonel  Da^is  thought  this  was  a  very  bad  and 
disagreeable  Union  for  Southerners  to  lire  in  at  best ;  that  it  would 
be  prudent  for  all  of  us,  who  don't  desire  to  be  captured  by  the 
Abolitionists  and  be  made  '  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,' 
to  get  out  of  it  immediately,  or  vote  for  the  Yancey  ticket  just  as 
we  choose.  He  thought  that  it  would  be  self-disgrace  and  self- 
degradation  for  any  Southern  man  to  accept  office  or  live  under  ? 
Black  Republican  Administration." 

Mr.  L.  W.  Spratt  of  South  Carolina,  a  noted  advocate  of 
the  opening  of  the  slave  trade,  held  that  "  the  men  of  the 
South  have  higher  trusts  than  to  preserve  the  Union/' 
while  Mr.  Davis,  in  a  greater  passion,  declared  that  "  We 
of  the  South  will  tear  the  Constitution  in  pieces,  and  look 
to  our  guns  for  justice  and  right.77 

Mr.  Lawrence  M.  Keitt  was  not  less  emphatic.  He  gave 
his  advice  freely  and  unmistakably.  "  My  advice/7  says  he, 
"  to  the  South  is,  to  snap  the  cords  of  the  Union  at  once  and 
for  ever.77  And  again,  a  South  Carolina  paper  furnished 
the  following  report : 

"  Hon.  L.  M.  Keitt  was  serenaded  at  Columbia  on  Monday  even 
ing  ;  and  in  response  to  the  compliment  he  spoke  at  considerable 
length  in  favor  of  separate  State  action.  He  said  South  Carolina 
could  not  take  one  step  backward  now  without  receiving  the  curses 
of  posterity.  South  Carolina,  single  and  alone,  was  bound  to  go 
out  of  this  accursed  Union :  he  would  take  her  out  if  but  three 
men  went  with  him,  and  if  slaves  took  her  back  it  would  be  to 
her  graveyard.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  pledged  to  secession,  and  he 
meant  to  hold  him  to  it.  The  policy  of  the  State  should  be  pru 
dent  and  bold.  His  advice  was,  move  on,  side  by  side.  He  re 
quested  union  and  harmony  among  those  embarked  in  the  same 
great  cause  ;  but  yield  not  a  day  too  long,  and  when  the  time  comes 
let  it  come  speedily.  Take  your  destinies  in  your  own  hands,  and 
shatter  this  accursed  Union.  South  Carolina  could  do  it  alone. 
But  if  she  could  not,  she  could  at  least  throw  her  arms  around  the 
pillars  of  the  Constitution,  and  involve  all  the  States  in  a  common 
ruin.  Mr.  Keitt  was  greatly  applauded  throughout  his  address." 
13 


194  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Win.  Porcher  Miles,  another  of  the  South  Carolina  band  of 
brothers,  said  :  "  How  do  we  stand  now  ?  The  South  stands 
upon  her  own  platform,  dependent  upon  her  own  strong  arm 
for  support.  We  have  determined  to  support  two  men  who 
have  heartily  indorsed  the  platform  with  a  Southern  code." 

Mr.  Jas.  L.  Pugh  of  Alabama,  who  made  a  clear  exposition 
of  disunion  during  the  discussion  on  the  election  of  Speaker 
in  the  previous  session,  calmly  asserted  that  "  the  truest  con 
servatism  and  the  wisest  statesmanship  demand  a  speedy 
termination  of  all  association  with  such  confederates,  and 
the  formation  of  another  Union." 

The  voice  of  Governor  Perry  of  Florida,  was  like  that  of 
Sempronius,  "still  for  war."  "I  believe,"  said  he,  "that 
her  voice  should  be  heard  in  '  tones  not  loud  but  deep,'  in 
favor  of  an  eternal  separation."  But  Mr.  Bonham  would 
have  no  delays.  He  cried,  "  I  am  in  favor  of  an  immediate 
dissolution." 

All  of  these  utterances,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  were 
made  before  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  show  why  the 
professed  Disunionists  desired  to  break  up  the  Democratic 
Convention. 

The  other  cause  alluded  to,  the  persecution  of  Douglas  by 
the  President,  was  announced  by  Governor  Herschell  Y. 
Johnson  of  Georgia,  the  Democratic  nominee  for  Vice- 
President,  in  a  speech  at  Macon  on  the  28th  of  June  : 

"  Mr.  Buchanan  was  inaugurated  amidst  the  Kansas  diffi 
culties,  when  the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  about  to  be 
formed.  It  was  the  a.vowed  policy  of  the  President,  com 
municated  to  and  approved  by  Douglas,  that  it  should  be 
submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification  before  the  State 
should  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  When  Robert  J. 
Walker  was  appointed  Governor  of  Kansas,  he  was  advised 
of  this  policy,  and  instructed  to  carry  it  into  effect.*  On 

*  Governor  Walker  wrote  his  own  instructions,  which  were  agreed  to  and 
signed  by  the  President. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  195 

his  way  to  Kansas  he  called  to  see  Douglas  at  Chicago,  by 
request  of  the  President,  and  read  him  his  inaugural  ad 
dress,  which  he  was  to  publish  on  his  arrival,  in  which  this 
policy  of  Mr.  Buchanan  was  fully  set  forth.  Douglas  re 
newed  his  approval,  and  assured  Walker,  as  he  had  pre 
viously  assured  Mr.  Buchanan,  that  he  might  rely  upon  his 
zealous  aid  in  sustaining  the  policy  of  submitting  the  consti 
tution  to  the  people  for  ratification,  before  the  State  should 
be  admitted  into  the  Union.  Walker,  on  his  arrival  in  Kan 
sas,  did  publish  his  inaugural,  in  which  he  stated  : 

" '  That  unless  the  convention  submit  the  constitution  to 
the  vote  of  all  the  actual  resident  settlers  of  Kansas,  and 
the  election  be  fairly  and  justly  conducted,  the  constitu 
tion  will  be,  and  ought  to  be  rejected  by  Congress.' 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  policy  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  as  soon  as  it  was  promulgated,  by  the  publication 
of  Mr.  Walker's  inaugural,  awakened  considerable  indigna 
tion  at  the  South.  The  Democratic  Conventions  of  Georgia 
and  Mississippi  passed  resolutions  of  condemnation.  Hence, 
when  the  Lecompton  Constitution  came  to  Congress,  with 
nothing  but  the  slavery  clause  submitted  to  the  people,  Mr. 
Buchanan  not  having  the  nerve  to  withstand  these  censures 
from  the  South,  abandoned  the  policy  on  which  he  and 
Walker  and  Douglas  had  agreed,  and  recommended  the 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State  into  the  Union.  Douglas 
adhered  to  the  understanding,  and  resisted  its  admission, 
not  because  the  constitution  tolerated  slavery,  but  because 
it  was  not  submitted,  as  a  whole,  to  the  people  for  their 
ratification.  I  repeat,  the  South  did  not  approve  of  this 
policy  of  the  Administration.  They  believed  that  it  was 
not  the  business  or  the  duty  of  the  President  and  his  Cabi 
net  to  intermeddle  ;  but  that  it  was  exclusively  the  prov 
ince  of  the  Lecompton  Convention  to  submit  or  not  submit 
the  constitution  for  ratification,  according  to  their  own 
views  of  duty  and  expediency. 


196  LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  Still,  however,  when  the  English  Compromise  bill  was 
passed,  in  lieu  of  the  admission  of  Kansas,  and  passed  with 
the  almost  unanimous  consent  of  the  South,  this  policy  of  the 
Administration  was  forgiven  and  forgotten,  and  it  would 
have  been  but  liberal,  magnanimous  and  just,  if  the  Presi 
dent  had  made  it  the  occasion  of  sheathing  the  sword  which 
he  had  so  fiercely  wielded  against  Mr.  Douglas  because  he 
adhered  to  the  policy  which  Mr.  Buchanan  abandoned.  Mr. 
Douglas  would  have  shared  in  the  generosity  of  the  South, 
which  it  extended  to  the  Administration,  after  the  passage 
of  the  English  bill,  if  that  Administration  had  not,  by  all 
the  pliances  of  patronage  and  power,  kept  up  the  war  upon, 
and  sought  to  crush  him.  But  the  President  tolerated  no 
difference  of  opinion  upon  this  question.  He  pursued  Mr. 
Douglas  into  his  own  State,  and  sought  to  defeat  him  in  his 
herculean  struggle  with  Lincoln  for  the  United  States 
Senate.  He  has  pursued  him  .  down  to  the  present 
hour  ;  the  presses,  in  his  confidence,  all  over  the  Union, 
have  traduced  and  maligned  him,  and  fanned  the  flame  of 
popular  prejudice  against  him  ;  his  army  of  office-holders, 
almost  without  exception,  have  been  busy  in  the  ignoble 
work  of  his  destruction.  So  indiscriminate  has  been  the 
warfare,  that  Mr.  Douglas,  a  short  time  ago  declared,  openly 
in  the  Senate,  that  no  friend  of  his  was  allowed  by  the  Ad 
ministration  to  be  a  postmaster  at  the  most  obscure  cross 
road  post-office  in  the  country." 

The  cry  of  popular  sovereignty  against  Douglas  was  a  mere 
pretext.  Nearly  all  the  Southern  men  were  committed  to 
it,  the  doctrine  having  been  shadowed  forth  in  the  measures 
of  1850  ;  embodied  in  the  Kansas  Nebraska  Act  of  1854, 
and  made  the  basis  of  Democratic  action  in  the  Cincin 
nati  platform.  Volumes  of  extracts  from  the  speeches  of 
Southern  leaders  might  be  compiled  acknowledging  it,  but 
the  jealousy  of  many  for  Douglas,  and  the  more  desperate 
projects  in  the  minds  of  the  organizers  of  disunion,  fell  in 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  1 97 

most  suitably  with  the  vindictive  feelings  of  Mr.  Buchanan. 
Circumstances  had  made  Douglas'  position  a  most  remarka 
ble  one.  The  more  firmly  he  remained  attached  to  the 
basis  on  which  Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected,  the  more  widely 
the  latter  felt  his  own  departure  from  it,  and  he  strove 
earnestly  by  every  means  to  get  a  party  indorsement  of 
his  actions. 

Thus  many  who  threatened  to  secede  from  the  Conven 
tion  unless  Congressional  intervention  was  conceded,  "  were 
willing  to  waive  the  principle  if  candidates  should  be  nomi 
nated  to  suit  them — that  is  to  say,  that  they  placed  men 
above  principles."  If  such  had  been  effected,  and  Douglas 
defeated  for  a  nomination,  Buchanan  would  have  received 
the  act  as  a  sustainment  of  his  course.  On  the  other  hand 
Yancey  and  the  organizers  of  disruption  were  on  the  ground 
moulding  the  elements  to  further  the  plan  outlined  in  his 
Columbia  speech. 

In  violation  of  the  well  settled  parliamentary  rule,  that 
all  deliberative  bodies  have  a  right  to  decide  who  are  en 
titled  to  seats  as  members  thereof,  some  delegates,  though 
admitted  at  Baltimore,  refused  to  take  seats,  simply  because 
other  delegates  were  not  admitted,  thus  attempting  to  dic 
tate  to  the  whole  body  as- to  who  should  and  who  should  not 
be  component  parts  of  it.  From  these  delegates  was  heard 
nothing  of  a  demand  for  Congressional  intervention.  Where, 
then,  was  their  ground  for  secession  ?  Here,  again,  it  was 
a  matter  of  men  and  not  a  matter  of  principle. 

Even  after  the  secession  at  Charleston,  Virginia  voted 
fifty-seven  times  for  Hunter,  Kentucky  for  Guthrie,  and 
Tennessee  thirty-six  times  for  Andrew  Johnson.  Well 
might  Governor  Herschell  Y.  Johnson  ask,  "  Why  should 
these  States  complain  of  the  action  of  the  convention  ? 
What  show  of  good  faith  is  there ,  in  taking  the  chances 
through  so  many  ballotings  for  their  respective  favorites, 
and  then,  when  the  hope  of  success  was  gone,  withdrawing 


198  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

under  the  pretext  of  an  alleged  erroneous  parliamentary  de 
cision  upon  a  contest  for  seats  ?" 

In  seeking  for  justification  of  secession  we  search  in  vain. 
The  more  we  search  the  more  we  find  evidences  alone  con 
firming  the  two  reasons  for  the  disruption  of  the  Na 
tional  Convention,  sectional  ambition  and  personal  enmity. 
On  the  one  hand,  the  Disunionists  wished  for  all  practical 
purposes  to  keep  the  South  out  of  the  Presidential  contest, 
so  that  the  result  might  be  attained  on  which  they  based  a 
necessity  of  separation  ;  on  the  other,  Buchanan,  whom  Mr. 
Keitt  announced  as  pledged  to  secession,  wanted  Douglas 
defeated. 


i '"'  ',        K is 


CHAPTEK    XII. 


THE   DEVELOPMENT  OF   DISUNION — CONTINUED. 

ELECTION  of  Lincoln  —  South  Carolina  leads  Secession  —  Activity  of  the 
Disunionists  —  Action  in  Georgia,  Mississippi  and  Alabama  —  Southern  Re 
liance  on  a  Million  of  Northern  Democrats  as  a  Wall  of  Fire  —  Making 
Treason  Attractive  —  Judge  Magrath  —  Henry  A.  Wise  offers  his  Services 
to  South  Carolina  —  Jeff.  Davis  anxious  for  a  Harvest  of  Death  —  The 
Meeting  of  Congress  —  Description  of  the  Dramatis  Pcrsonce  in  the  Senate  — 
Douglas  —  Hamlin,  Vice-President  elect  —  Lane,  the  Defeated  —  Hunter  and 
Bayard  —  Sumner  and  Lord  Lyons  —  Hale  and  Seward  —  The  Reading  of 
the  President's  Message  in  the  House —  The  South  Carolina  Representatives 
— Groups  in  the  Senate  —  Exciting  Debate  on  the  Message  —  Ciingman  Justi 
fies  the  South —  Saulsbury  alludes  to  the  Constitution  —  The  Senate  Com 
mittee  of  Thirteen  and  House  Committee  of  Thirty-three  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  —  The  Seizure  of  the  Forts  Anticipated  —  The  Cabinet  Falling  to 
pieces  —  Howell  Cobb  Resigns  —  Lewis  Cass  breaks  his  Sword  a  Second 
Time  —  His  occupation  gone  —  Wigfall's  Violent  Speech  —  Wade's  Declara 
tion  of  Lincoln's  Policy  —  The  Laws  to  be  Executed  and  Revenues  to  be 
Collected  —  A  Republic  of  Free  Labor  —  The  House  Committee  at  Work  — 
Address  of  Southern  Senators  and  Representatives  for  a  "  Southern  Con 
federacy." 

As  both  North  and  South,  on  very  different  grounds,  de 
sired,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States.*  The  election,  which  on  usual  occasions,  quiets 
popular  commotion,  but  added  to  the  anxieties  and  excite 
ments  of  the  day.  The  South  had  at  last  made  its  opportu 
nity,  and  the  long  cherished  schemes  and  hopes  of  at  least 
one  of  the  Southern  States  were  being  put  into  a  form  of 
temporary  realization.  Of  course  South  Carolina  took  the 
lead  in  the  secession  movement.  Her  Legislature  met  on 

*  The  popular  vote  stood  thus:  Lincoln,  1,857,610;  Douglas,  1,365,976; 
Breckiuridge,  847,953;  and  Bell,  590,631.  In  the  Electoral  College  the  votes 
stood:  Lincoln,  180;  Douglas,  12;  Breckinridge,  72  ;  and  Bell  39. 

(199) 


200  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  4th  of  November,  and,  while  going  through  the  for 
mality  of  casting  her  Electoral  vote  for  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  the  same  breath  called  for  a  Convention  to 
break  up  the  Union.  The  activity  and  esprit  of  the  Dis- 
unionists  kept  up  a  continued  and  effectual  clamor,  and 
although  a  well- defined  division  soon  began  to  show  itself 
in  several  of  the  Southern  States  in  regard  to  the  position  the 
South  should  assume,  the  well-directed  and  unceasing  actions 
of  the  ultras  seemed  to  fill  the  public  ear.  They  control 
led  the  chief  journals,  the  most  rebellious  actions  were  the 
most  highly  commended,  and  the  encomiums  paid  to  treason 
able  speech  was  in  the  ratio  to  its  audacity.  Agents  from 
Georgia,  Mississippi  and  Alabama  were  promptly  sent 
Nortli  to  purchase  the  best  arms  "  without  regard  to  ex 
pense.'7  Mr.  Keitt  declared  it  to  bo  the  mission  of  South 
Carolina  to  sever  the  "  accursed  Union,77  or  if  not,  to  grasp 
the  pillars  of  the  State  and  bury  the  States  of  the  Republic 
in  common  ruin.  He  was  applauded  to  the  echo.  He  had 
great  reliance  on  Northern  aid,  and  told  his  hearers  that  a 
million  of  Democrats  in  the  North  would  stand,  like  a  wall 
of  fire,  to  prevent  the  Republicans  from  coercing  the  South. 
To  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  timid,  South  Carolina  declared 
she  could,  within  thirty  days,  if  necessary,  place  two  hun 
dred  thousand  men  in  the  field.  Every  tiling  was  done  to 
make  treason  attractive.  Judge  Magrath,  of  the  United 
States  District  Court,  resigned  on  the  election  of  Lincoln. 
Such  noble  conduct  should  not  go  unrewarded  ;  a  subscrip 
tion  was  set  on  foot  to  present  him  with  a  service  of  plate. 
Henry  A.  Wise  offered  his  services  to  South  Carolina,  if 
they  were  not  needed  by  Virginia,  which  at  the  time  was 
deliberating,  and,  like  the  woman  who  deliberates,  was  soon 
lost.  Jeff.  Davis,  addressing  the  people  of  Yicksburg,  said  : 

"  If  Mississippi,  in  her  sovereign  capacity,  decides  to  submit  to  the 
rule  of  an  arrogant  and  sectional  North,  then  I  will  sit  me  down  as 
one  upon  whose  brow  the  brand  of  infamy  and  degradation  has  been 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  201 

•written,  and  bear  my  portion  of  the  bitter  trial.  But  if,  on  the  other 
hand,  Mississippi  decides  to  resist  the  hand  that  would  tarnish  the 
bright  star  which  represents  her  on  the  national  flag,  then  I  will 
come  at  your  bidding,  whether  by  day  or  by  night,  and  pluck  that 
star  from  the  galaxy,  and  place  it  upon  a  banner  of  its  own.  I  will 
plant  it  upon  the  crest  of  battle,  and  gathering  around  me  the  nu 
cleus  of  Mississippi's  best  and  bravest,  will  welcome  the  invader 
to  the  harvest  of  death  ;  and  future  generations  will  point  to  a  small 
hillock  upon  our  border,  which  will  tell  the  reception  with  which 
the  invader  was  met  upon  our  soil." 

Thus  the  time  between  the  election  of  Lincoln  and  the 
meeting  of  Congress  was  filled  with  dreadful  notes  of 
preparation.  Congress— the  Second  Session  of  the  Thirty- 
sixth— assembled  on  the  3d  of  December,  and  the  President's 
message  was  received  on  the  next  day.  The  occasion  was 
one  of  unusual  interest.  The  annexed  description  of  the 
opening  scenes  and  acts  was  written  on  the  spot  and  pub 
lished  the  following  day  : 

"  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  opened  in  the  customary 
manner,  but  the  galleries  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives  were  filled  with  people  throbbing  with  more  than  the  customary 
anxiety  and  interest.  The  prayers,  too,  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gurley  in 
the  Senate,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Stockton  in  the  House— especially  that  of 
the  former— were  of  a  more  elevated  and  conciliatory  nature  than 
usual,  and  were  devoted  to  a  condensation  of  those  fears  and  hopes 
which  were  evidently  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  crowding  spec 
tators.  I  do  not  know  with  what  feelings  Messrs.  L.  M.  Keitt,  Wil 
liam  W.  Boyce,  Milledge  L.  Bonham,  Porcher  Miles,  and  company, 
beheld  the  stars  and  stripes  flying  over,  both  wings  of  the  Capitol, 
but  I  do  know  that  it  inspired  feelings  not  less  patriotic  and  retro 
spectively  proud,  than  those  with  which  Francis  S.  Key  beheld  it 
still  flying  on  the  morning  after  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Me  Henry, 
and  which  found  vent  in  the  passionate  and  descriptive  ode— the 
Star  Spangled  Banner— now  become  national.  I  do  know  that 
many  a  gentle  heart  of  woman  throbbed  the  quicker,  seeing  that 

'  Our  flag  was  still  there,' 

and  many  an  earnest  hope  of  man  found  expression  in  words  of  en 
thusiasm  and  pride,  yet  I  found  few,  however  hopeful,  who  did  not 
express  fears  and  disgust  of  an  unequivocal  nature. 


202  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"On  the  opening  day  the  Senate  Chamber  was  an  object  of 
particular  interest,  and  the  disposition  of  the  dramatis  person®,  on 
that  elevated  political  stage  formed  the  natural  subject  of  specula 
tive  interchange.  The  attendance  of  Senators  was  greater,  I  think, 
than  at  the  opening  of  last  session.  The  appearance  of  the  honora 
ble  gentlemen  who  now  stand  so  prominently  before  the  country  was 
genial  and  singularly  free  from  any  positive  exhibition  of  those  ran 
corous  feelings  which  their  journalistic  antagonists  are  so  lavish  in 
attributing  to  them.  As  might  have  been  expected,  a  large  share  of 
popular  interest  and  curiosity  was  centered  on  Senator  Douglas,  and 
the  conclusion  drawn,  as  Senator  Powell  of  Kentucky,  the  right  hand 
man  of  Mr.  Breckinridge,  or  Senator  Clingman,  of  North  Carolina, 
entered  into  conversation  with  him,  were  of  a  very  various  and  sug 
gestive  nature.  Douglas  looked  marvelously  well  in  health,  and  but 
for  the  use  of  a  cane,  rendered  necessary  by  a  lameness  resulting 
from  the  accident  on  the  steamboat  at  Mongomery,  Ala.,  his  appear 
ance  offered  no  evidence  of  the  arduous  labors  in  which  he  has  been 
engaged.  Calm  in  position,  self-reliant  in  expression,  and  equable 
in  temper,  he  attracts  the  hopeful  attention  of  the  galleries.  The 
suggestion  thrown  out  by  him  on  Saturday  night  at  the  serenade — 
that  Congress  could  pass  a  law  making  it  felony  to  resist  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act,  has  drawn  renewed  attention  to  him. 

"  Senator  Hamlin,  as  the  successful  candidate  for  the  Yice-Presi- 
dency,  and  Senator  Lane,  as  the  defeated  one,  both  being  in  their 
seats,  suggest  the  inquiries  of  many  on  the  benches  and  around  the 
lobby  doors.  The  former  has  not  previously  been  the  subject  of 
much  consideration  or  compliment.  He  was  formerly  a  Democrat, 
but  for  several  years  has  acted  with  the  anti-Democrats,  fell  in  with 
the  tremendous  current  of  Republicanism,  and  was  swept  to  the 
steps  of  the  White  House.  He  is  now  one  of  the  great  observed, 
and,  for  a  long  time  after  the  Senate  came  together,  he  seemed  con 
scious  of  the  fact.  It  is  a  difficult  thing  for  a  man,  even  used  to 
public  life,  to  stand  the  public  gaze,  when  he  is  one  of  the  two 
picked  out  of  thirty  millions  of  people  to  fill  their  highest  offices. 
Senator  Hamlin  was  never  on  exhibition  before,  and  he  buried  his 
head  over  his  desk,  and  with  spectacles  on  nose,  carried  on  a  real  or 
imaginary  correspondence  on  note  paper.  He  was  presently  invaded 
by  several  of  his  friends,  and  anon  was  betrayed  by  the  directness  of 
Senator  Simmons  of  Rhode  Island,  into  a  conversation.  Mr.  Hamlin 
is  an  amiable  looking  man,  having  a  placid  expanse  of  feature  ;  but 
lie  is  positive  in  the  expression  of  his  views,  and  the  sallowness  of 
his  complexion  does  not  deny  its  usual  concomitant  of  bitterness,  if 
not  warmth,  in  debate. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  203 

"  Senator  Joseph  Lane  sandwiched  between  Latham  of  California, 
and  Green  of  Missouri,  is  entertained  by  them ;  while,  as  forming  a 
sort  of  background  to  this  trio,  may  be  seen  Senators  Hunter  of 
Virginia,  and  Bayard  (the  '  Great  Seceder ')  of  Delaware,  reclining 
on  a  sofa,  and  by  their  facial  expression  and  gesticulation,  contra 
dicting  the  ease  of  mind  which  their  position  might  indicate.  As  a 
companion  picture,  on  another  sofa,  at  the  other  side  of  the  main 
entrance,  Senator  Sumner  and  Lord  Lyons  are  entertaining  each 
other.  They  are  joined  by  Senator  Anthony  of  Rhode  Island,  who, 
after  contributing  his  quota  to  the  compliments  (if  there  are  any)  of 
the  season,  strikes  over  to  the  '  Southern  side,'  and  fraternizes  with 
Senator  Green.  Among  the  '  South,'  Senator  Hale  is  familiarly  pleas 
ant  ;  nor,  to  all  appearance,  is  the  pressure  of  their  '  arch  enemy,' 
Senator  W.  H.  Seward,  among  them,  cause  for  angry  looks  or  words. 
That  eminent  Senator  exhibits  even  more  than  his  usual  self-conipla- 
cency.  I  suppose — as  a  gentleman  in  the  reporter's  gallery  remarked — 
he  feels  that  he  is  now  master  of  the  school,  and  indeed  he  will  be,  if 
the  absence  of  Southern  Senators  gives  his  party  a  working  majority. 

"  Rarely  has  the  President's  message  been  looked  for  with  such 
anxiety.  Great  was  the  pertinacity  with  which  special  correspon 
dents  confronted  and  cross-questioned  every  person  likely,  even  in 
an  indirect  way,  to  have  any  intimation  of  its  views  on  secession. 
Busiest  among  those  indefatigable  workers,  were  the  gentlemen  who 
illuminate  the  Herald,  the  World,  and  the  Times  ;  but  their  labors 
were  unavailing  ;  previous  indiscretions  of  people  about  the  White 
House  having  warned  the  head  of  it  of  the  power  of  the  press  in  de 
nouncing  the  partial  distribution  of  documents  to  which  every 
journal  is  equally  entitled. 

"  I  heard  the  message  in  the  House,  being  anxious  to  observe  ite 
effect  on  the  '  popular  branch.'  My  chief  attention  was  directed  to 
the  Representatives  from  South  Carolina.  As  the  well-modulated 
voice  of  the  Clerk,  Colonel  Forney,  rolled  off  the  report  of  the  Presi 
dent,  these  gentlemen  appeared  like  men  willing  to  listen,  but  not 
likely  to  be  led.  Mr.  Porcher  Miles  appeared  more  sensitive  to  it,  or 
something  else,  than  the  others.  He  was  pale,  and  closely  attentive, 
occasionally  embracing  the  nether  portion  of  his  face  with  his  open 
hand,  and  resting  thoughtfully  011  it.  But  once  he  made  a  remark 
to  Burnett  of  Kentucky  beside  him,  and  that  was  when  the  message 
announced  the  United  States  officers  in  charge  of  the  forts  in  South 
Carolina  had  positive  orders  to  act  only  on  the  defensive,  and  thus 
place  the  responsibility  on  the  assailants. 

"  Messrs.  Keitt  and  Bonham  entered  at  about  1  o'clock,  and  just 
after  the  Presidential  review  of  the  position  of  South  Carolina.  The 


204  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

latter  took  his  place  next  one  of  his  colleagues,  and  the  former,  after 
displacing  his  overcoat,  took  his  seat  near  the  outside  row  on  the 
right.  The  political  atmosphere  in  his  immediate  neighborhood 
was  of  an  unmistakably  revolutionary  odor.  In  the  row  before 
him  were  Pryor  of  Virginia,  Underwood  of  Georgia,  and  his  col 
leagues  Boyce,  Bonham  and  McQueen ;  while  beside  him  was  that 
persistent  advocate  for  the  re-opening  of  the  slave-trade — James  L. 
Pugh  of  Alabama.  Ashmore,  the  other  Palmetto  Eepresentative,  was 
in  the  front  row  next  to  the  Speaker's  chair ;  and  while  he  looked 
like  an  exile  from  his  colleagues,  had  the  advantage — only,  however, 
in  the  mind's  eye — of  being  near  to  the  Representative  of  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States. 

"  When  the  Clerk  had  exhausted  that  portion  of  the  message  refer 
ring  to  secession,  the  breathless  silence  which  had  been  preserved  on 
the  floor  wTas  instantaneously  broken.  The  Republican  side  became 
largely  vacated,  and  members  who  did  not  retire,  having  been  sup 
plied  with  the  printed  '  message  extra,'  plunged  into  it,  or  entered 
into  loud  conversation,  or  demonstrative  recognition  of  each  other. 
The  noise  and  bustle  was  considerably  augmented  by  the  arrival  of 
the  Glole,  and  its  distribution  by  the  pages.  Notwithstanding  the 
clamor  on  the  floor,  the  galleries  remained  full  and  attentive,  striving 
to  catch,  above  the  continuous  din,  further  indications  of  the  state 
of  the  Government  as  represented  by  the  President ;  or  probably 
waiting  in  anticipation  of  some  action  on  its  more  important  part. 
In  the  midst  of  the  noise,  I  withdrew  to  glance  at  the  Senate. 

"  I  found  the  Chamber  resolved  into  several  groups  in  earnest  dis 
cussion,  while  the  chief  clerk  wended  his  way  through  the  recom 
mendations  touching  China,  Japan,  San  Juan,  and  other  topics  of 
minor  interest.  Some  of  these  groups  were  significant,  and  probably 
have  or  will  have  an  historical  importance.  Crittenden,  Douglas 
and  Fitzpatrick  were  in  earnest  conversation.  The  venerable  Senator 
from  Kentucky,  whose  Union  sentiments  had  long  given  his  Senato 
rial  eloquence  an  additional  splendor,  seems  particularly  alive  to  the 
responsibilities  and  duties  devolving  on  party  leaders.  Perhaps 
Fitzpatrick  now  doubts  the  wisdom  of  having  resigned  the  nomina 
tion  for  Vice-Prcsident,  as  his  remaining  on  the  ticket  might  have 
been  a  conservative  barrier  to  the  more  violent  action  of  the  Seces 
sionists  which  has  been  developed  since.  Douglas  and  the  eminent 
Kentuckian  consult.  The  former  evidently  accords  with  Crittenden 
on  some  course  to  be  pursued,  and  the  latter,  rather  sorrowfully,  takes 
his  seat,  from  which  he  was  soon  called  to  invoke  conciliation  and 
sacrifice  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  against  the  disunion  comments 
of  Senator  Clingman. 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  205 

^  "Another  group  is  important.  Jefferson  Dayis,  Hunter  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  Yulee  of  Florida,  have  their  heads  together.  Davis  is  an 
acknowledged  leader  of  secession,  and  Hunter,  one  of  the  ablest  men 
in  the  Senate,  has  a  decided  leaning  that  way.  After  awhile,  Davis 
seeing  Bonham  and  McQueen  enter,  quickly  joins  them,  and  with 
them  disappears  into  an  ante-room,  for  the  purposes  of  consultation. 
"  On  the  other  side  the  broad  and  distinct  indications  of  secession 
given  by  Senator  Clingman,  drives  Sumner  to  the  side  of  Seward, 
and  the  latter  yields  his  ear  until  attracted  by  the  North  Carolina 
Senator's  allusion  to  the  'irrepressible  conflict  declarations'  made 
by  'the  distinguished  Senator  from  New  York.'  Hale  and  TFash- 
burne  of  the  House,  Governor  elect  of  Maine,  have  Hamlin  between 
them.  Washburne  wears  that  curious  querrulousness  of  face  peculiar 
to  a  rapid  man.  coming  to  unpleasant  conclusions,  and  Hale  is  not 
joking.  To  one  who  studies  politics  and  party  combinations,  these 
nttle  groups  have  a  significance  equal  to  action  of  a  more  demonstra 
tive  character.* 

President  Buchanan's  Message  was  utterly  beneath  the 
crisis.  It  gave  general  dissatisfaction.  Its  positions  were 
aptly  condensed  by  Senator  Hale  thus:  1.  South  Carolina 
had  just  cause  to  secede.  2.  That  she  had  no  right  to 
secede.  3.  That  the  United  States  had  no  right  to  prevent 
her  secession.  Senator  Clingman  of  North  Carolina  led  off 
the  debate  in  a  disunion  speech.  While  agreeing  with  the 
President  that  the  Government  had  no  power  to  force  a 
State  to  remain  in  the  Union,  he  thought  it  fell  short  of 
stating  the  case  before  the  country.  He  justified  the  course 
of  the  Southern  States,  and  advised  Congress  to  divide  the 
public  property  and  apportion  the  public  debt,  and  advised 
Senators  that  several  States  would  secede  before  sixty  days. 

Senator  Crittenden  regretted  such  a  speech  had  been  made. 
The  duties  of  the  hour  required  a  different  disposition  of 
mind,  and  he  hoped  the  example  of  Mr.  Clingman  Would  not 
be  followed. 

Senator  Hale  saw  in  the  state  of  affairs  one  of  two  things 
—the  submission  not  of  the  South  but  of  the  North— the 

*  "  Congressional  Notes,"  by  Ezek.  Richards,  States  and  Union. 


206  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

surrender  of  the  popular  sentiment  which  had  constitution 
ally  spoken  through  the  ballot-box,  or  it  meant  war.  If  the 
latter,  he  hoped  to  meet  it.  Senator  Brown  said  the  South 
only  wanted  to  go  in  peace  :  if  it  would  not  be  permitted, 
then,  God  defend  the  right.  Senator  Iverson  followed,  wad 
ing  knee  deep  in  ferocity.  He  said  five  States  will  have 
declared  their  independence  before  the  4th  of  March.  The 
secession  action  of  Texas  was  clogged  by  her  Governor 
(Houston),  but  if  he  did  not  yield  to  public  sentiment  "  some 
Texan  Brutus,"  said  Iverson, "  will  arise  to  rid  his  country 
of  the  hoary-headed  incubus."  Senator  Jefferson  Davis 
assumed  a  high  tone  of  courtesy,  thought  threats  were 
"  inappropriate,"  while  they  met  as  Senators,  and  announced 
that  he  expected  to  be  out  of  the  Chamber  before  war 
would  be  declared  against  his  State.  The  more  Senator 
Wigfall  read  the  message,  the  less  he  comprehended  it.  As 
to  South  Carolina,  he  would  seize  the  forts  and  cry,  "  To 
your  tents  0  Israel!" 

After  these  violent  ebullitions,  which  were  listened  to  by 
crowded  galleries,  and  a  distinguished  number  of  Represen 
tatives  on  the  floor,  it  was  pleasant  to  hear  a  voice,  as  if  from 
the  wilderness,  raised  in  deprecation  of  them.  It  was  the 
voice  of  Senator  Saulsbury  of  Delaware,  declaring  that  his 
State  was  the  first  to  sign  the  Constitution,  and  would  be 
the  last  to  destroy  it.  No  one  had  more  effectively  aided 
the  Yancey  programme  at  the  Baltimore  Convention,  and  I 
mention  him  here  as  affording  a  striking  commentary  on  the 
ruin  he  helped  to  facilitate.  The  applause  in  the  galleries 
which  greeted  his  respectful  mention  of  the  Constitution, 
was  an  anathema  on  the  action  which  made  the  mention 
necessary. 

A  select  committee  of  thirteen  was  appointed  in  the  Senate, 
and  in  the  House,  one  composed  of  a  member  from  each 
State,  to  which  should  be  referred  so  much  of  the  President's 
Message  as  related  to  the  state  of  the  country.  To  these 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  207 

committees  all  resolutions  presented  in  either  branch  re 
spectively  were  referred.  But  this  knowledge  did  not 
change  the  current  of  the  exciting  debates. 

In  the  mean  time  anticipations  that  South  Carolina  would 
inaugurate  war  by  seizing  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor, 
kept  the  public  mind  at  once  in  a  sensitive  and  turbulent 
state.  The  Cabinet,  too,  was  falling  to  pieces,  the  course  of 
Mr.  Buchanan  giving  satisfaction  to  neither  the  Union  nor 
disunion  elements  in  it.  On  the  8th  December  Hon.  Ho  well 
Cobb  sent  in  his  resignation  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Duty  to  his  State  would  not  permit  him  to  continue  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Administration,  which  he  believed  would  be  the 
last  to  preside  over  the  Union.  If  duty  to  a  State  forced 
Mr.  Cobb  to  resign,  duty  to  the  United  States  compelled 
General  Cass  to  leave  the  State  Department  on  the  14th. 
The  venerable  Secretary  of  State  resigned  because  the  Presi 
dent  would  not  reinforce  the  Charleston  forts.  He  is  re 
ported  in  conversation  to  have  declared  he  was  a  patriot 
soldier  of  the  old  school,  and  a  Jackson  Democrat.  "  I  can 
not  longer  remain,"  continued  he,  "  in  a  Cabinet  that  con 
fesses  that  the  General  Government  is  subordinate  to  a 
State  ;  and  there  being  no  Government,  virtually  my  occu 
pation  is  gone." 

The  course  of  General  Cass  created  much  discussion. 
"  Ain't  it  too  bad,"  said  a  prominent  Senator,  "  that  a  man 
has  to  break  his  sword  twice  in  a  life-time — at  the  com 
mencement  and  at  the  end  of  his  eventful  career.  At  the 
surrender  of  Hull  at  Detroit,  Cass  was  so  disgusted  at  the 
conduct  of  his  commander,  and  not  having  a  fight,  that  he 
broke  his  sword.  Now  he  breaks  it  because  his  present 
chief  won't  fight." 

The  debate  in  both  Houses  "continued,  the  chief  features 
in  the  Senate  being  a  violent  disunion  speech  by  Senator 
Wigfall  on  the  12th  and  13th,  and  from  Senator  Wade  of 
Ohio,  what  was  then  regarded  as  an  authoritative  declara- 


208  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

tion  of  the  policy  of  the  in-coming  party.  As  such  the 
leading  points  are  given.  As  on  important  occasions  during 
this  debate  the  foreign  embassies  were  well  represented  on 
the  floor : 

"  Senator  Wade  inquired  what  there  was  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
Republican  party  to  justify  the  fears  of  the  South  ?  That  party  stood 
on  the  same  ground  with  Washington,  Jefferson  and  the  fathers  of 
the  Constitution.  They  regarded  slavery  as  an  evil ;  they  did  not 
pretend  to  any  right  of  interference  with  it  in  the  States,  but  they 
were  pledged  never  to  allow  the  extension  of  slavery  over  an  inch  of 
territory  now  free.  He  declined  replying  to  the  question  as  to 
whether  he  would  enforce  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act.  For  himself,  he 
would  only  say  he  would  obey  any  thing  declared  to  be  law,  whether 
he  liked  the  law  or  not.  The  Senator  referred  to  the  personal  in 
tegrity  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  argued  that  no  person  had  a  right  to 
infer  that  he  would  violate  any  law  or  commit  any  act  of  injustice 
upon  any  one. 

"  The  Republican  party  had  met  their  opponents,  they  had  made 
the  issue  fairly  before  the  American  people.  He  thought  the  people 
had  never  understood  any  issue  so  well  before.  The  Republicans 
had  won  the  battle,  the  opposition  are  now  disposed  to  break  up 
the  Government  to  avoid  Republican  domination.  He  denounced 
the  doctrine  of  secession;  referred  to  the  debate  of  Webster  and 
Hayne  as  decisive  against  the  right.  He  referred  to  the  Fort  Hill 
letter  of  Mr.  Calhoun  to  show  that  whilst  that  gentleman  considered 
nullification  a  constitutional  remedy,  he  did  not  regard  secession  as 
lawful.  He,  therefore,  denied  the  right  of  a  State  to  withdraw,  and 
showed  the  consequence.  Gentlemen  had  threatened  dissolution, 
and  then  implored  the  Republican  party  to  come  forward  with  a 
proposition  for  compromise.  He  had  thought  the  day  of  compro 
mises  past.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed.  He  had  been 
told  it  was  but  a  law.  Why  should  we  expect  any  other  law  to  be 
held  more  sacred  ?  We  should  understand  each  other ;  we  should 
look  this  question  in  the  face.  When  the  President  elect  should 
come  to  be  inaugurated,  it  would  become  his  sworn  duty  to  execute 
the  laws  over  the  whole  Union.  If  any  States  should  be  found  in 
hostility  to  the  Government,  the  laws  must  be  enforced.  It  might 
be  that  States  would  not  recognize  the  Federal  Government,  yet  the 
Federal  Government  would  collect  the  revenues.  It  was  said  the 
Federal  Government  could  not  declare  war  against  the  States.  If 
the  collection  of  the  revenues  should  be  resisted,  the  States  would 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  209 

have  levied  war  against  the  Federal  Government,  and  then  war 
would  have  been  inevitable.  He  would  be  glad  if  this  could  be 
avoided,  but  it  could  not  be.  The  President  would  be  sworn  to  ex 
ecute  the  laws  and  preserve  the  Union.  He,  himself,  was  sworn  to 
do  the  same.  He  could  not  avoid  the  performance  of  his  duty. 
Suppose,  said  Senator  Wade,  the  Southern  States  should  withdraw 
peacefully,  would  their  situation  be  better  ?  The  civilized  world 
condemned  slavery  as  much  as  the  free  States  did.  The  civilized  world 
would  never  sympathize  with  the  institution.  The  policy  of  the 
free  States  would  be  to  extend  a  protectorate  over  Mexico.  Mexico 
hated  the  South  for  her  filibustering  and  her  encroachments.  She- 
would  love  the  North,  because  it  proffered  freedom  and  safety. 

"  The  free  States  would  offer  to  the  world  a  Homestead  law ;  they 
would  invite  the  laboring  white  man  from  every  quarter  of  the 
globe.  They  did  not  believe  in  making  a  government  solely  for  the 
negro,  as  had  been  intimated  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois  and  others  ; 
but  would  found  a  republic  of  free  labor.  The  slave  States  might 
go  on  with  their  system  alongside,  and  the  world  would  judge  which 
system  was  most  consonant  with  human  happiness."* 

While  the  House  Committee  of  Thirty-three,  on  which 
there  were  such  Northern  men  as  Corwin  of  Ohio,  C.  F. 
Adams  of  Massachusetts,  Merrill  of  Vermont,  Curtis  of 
Iowa,  Dunn  of  Indiana,  Washburne  of  Wisconsin,  and  such 
Southern  men  as  Millson  of  Virginia,  Houston  of  Alabama, 
Boyce  of  South  Carolina,  Eust  of  Arkansas,  Hamilton  of 
Texas,  Winslow  of  North  Carolina  and  Taylor  of  Louisiana- 
while  this  Committee  was  candidly,  and  with  a  just  sense 
of  its  duty  and  the  occasion,  applying  itself  to  the  task  of 
settling  the  issues  of  the  day,  another  evidence,  if  any  were 
necessary  to  prove  that  the  consideration  of  their  grievances 
was  a  pretext  with  the  extreme  Southerners,  was  afforded  in 
the  publication  of  the  following 

ADDRESS  OP  CERTAIN  SOUTHERN'  SENATORS  AND   MEMBERS  OP 

CONGRESS. 
To  our  Constituents :  WASHINGTON,  December  14,  1860. 

The  argument  is  exhausted.     All  hope  of  relief  in  the  Union 
through  the  agency  of  committees,   Congressional  legislation  or 

*  "  Congressional  Notes,"  by  Ezek.  Richards,  States,  December  18,  1860. 

14 


210  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

constitutional  amendments,  is  extinguished,  and  we  trust  the  South 
will  not  be  deceived  by  appearances  or  the  pretense  of  new  guaran 
tees.  In  our  judgment,  the  Republicans  are  resolute  in  the  purpose 
to  grant  nothing  that  will  or  ought  to  satisfy  the  South.  We  are 
satisfied  the  honor,  safety  and  independence  of  the  Southern  people 
require  the  organization  of  a  Southern  confederacy — a  result  to  be 
obtained  only  by  separate  State  secession — that  the  primary  object 
of  each  slaveholding  State  ought  to  be  its  speedy  and  absolute  sep 
aration  from  a  Union  with  hostile  States. 

J.  L.  Pugh,  of  Alabama.  A.  G.  Brown,  U.  S.  Senator,  Miss. 

David  Clopton,  of  Alabama,  William  Barksdale,  of  Mississippi. 

Sydenharn  Moore,  of  Alabama.  Reuben  Davis,  of  Mississippi. 

J.  L.  M.  Curry,  of  Alabama.  Burton  Craig,  of  North  Carolina. 

J.  A.  Stallworth,  of  Alabama.  Thos.  Ruffin,  of  North  Carolina. 

J.  W.  II.  Underwood,  of  Georgia.  John  Slidell,  U.  S.  Senator,  Lou. 

L.  J.  Gartrell,  of  Georgia,  J.  P.  Benjamin,  U.  S.  Senator,  Lou. 

James  Jackson,  of  Georgia,  J.  M.  Landrum,  of  Louisiana. 

John  J.  Jones,  of  Georgia.  L.  T.  Wigfall,  U.  S.  Senator,  Texas. 

Martin  J.  Crawford,  of  Georgia.  John  Hemphill,  U.  S.  Senator,  Tex. 
Alfred  Iverson,  U.  S.  Senator,  Geo.  J.  H.  Reagan,  of  Texas. 

George  S.  Hawkins,  of  Florida.  M.  L.  Bonham,  of  South  Carolina. 

T.  C.  Hindrnan,  of  Arkansas.  W.  Porcher  Miles,  of  South  Caro. 

Jeff.  Davis  U.  S.  Senator,  MisH.  John  McQueen,  of  South  Carolina. 
John  D.  Ashmore,  of  South  Carolina. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

JOHNSON'S  Faith  in  the  Union  —  Awakens  to  a  Sense  of  t"he  Situation  —  His  Po 
sition  toward  the  Southern  Leaders  —  Not  to  be  Brow-beaten  or  Frightened  — 
The  Senate  Debate  continued  —  Johnson  on  the  Right  of  Secession  —  Great 
Speech  of  December  18  and  19,  1860  —  He  takes  open  Ground  against  the 
Traitors  —  His  Propositions  to  Amend  the  Constitution  —  Rights  of  the  South 
within  the  Union  —  Quotes  Madison,  Jackson,  Marshall  and  Webster  against 
Secession  —  Washington  enforced  the  Laws  in  1795  —  Jackson  and  Nullifi 
cation  —  A  Seceding  State  a  Foreign  Power  —  South  Carolina  an  Abolition 
ist —  Lincoln's  Election  no  Cause  for  Secession  —  The  South  favoring  a 
Monarchy. 

As  has  been  remarked,  Andrew  Johnson  was  not  dis 
tinguished  for  singing  peans  to  the  Union.  With  the  patri 
otic  faith  in  his  own  heart,  he  regarded  such  periodical 
displays  as  but  a  cheap  method  of  attracting,  or  very  easy 
one  of  sustaining,  notoriety.  He  was  not  a  believer  in  dis 
solution,  could  not  bring  himself  to  comprehend  how  men 
born  under  such  a  benign  flag,  shielding  such  wise  institu 
tions,  could  contemplate  an  act  so  heinous.  When  Congress 
men  and  politicians  were  variously  disrupting  and  healing 
the  Union  in  angry  or  pathetic  speeches,  he  turned  a  deaf 
car,  and  looking  into  his  heart,  said,  "  It  cannot  be  dis 
solved."  He  was  now  awakened,  not  to  a  sense  of  the  reali 
zation  of  disunion,  but  of  horror  and  indignation  at  those 
who  already  had  the  arm  raised  against  the  most  symmetri 
cal  and  generous  form  of  government  known. 

If  he  sang  no  peans  to  it  when  he  believed  it  safe,  he  was 
inspired  with  a  resolute  frenzy  when  lie  beheld  it  in  danger. 
His  clear,  logical  and  patriotic  periods  struck  consternation 
into  the  ranks  of  the  traitors,  and  their  boldest  advocates 
and  sympathizers  sprang  forward  to  grapple  with  him,  striv- 

(211) 


212  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ing  to  attain,  by  passionate  sectional  appeals  and  personal 
denunciations  of  him  as  a  traitor  to  the  South,  that  power 
over  him  which  they  could  not  achieve  by  argument.  But 
they  miserably  failed.  The  fact  that  Senator  Johuson*had 
acted  with  the  Breckinridge  wing  of  the  Democracy  in  the 
previous  Presidential  campaign  but  made  him  the  more 
fierce,  seeing  that  the  Breckinridge  leaders  had  used  the 
occasion  to  foment  the  slaveholders'  rebellion.  Although 
he  sympathized  with  Douglas,  Senator  Johnson  had  sup 
ported  Breckinridge  in  all  honesty,  believing  that  his  con 
stituents  in  Tennessee  desired  such  action,  and  that  in  it  lay 
the  best  chances  of  uniting  the  Democratic  party.  He  was 
not  in  the  confidence  of  the  conspirators,  and  could  not  know 
that  it  was  their  purpose  to  have  the  Democratic  party 
defeated,  so  that  a  plea,  however  remote  and  unjust,  might 
be  furnished  to  the  Yanceyites  for  carrying  out  their  long 
projected  plan  of  precipitating  the  cotton  States  into  revo 
lution.  Many  Union  Southern  men  were  whirled  into  the 
rebel  ranks  or  cowed  into  disloyal  inaction,  by  the  public 
and  private  lacerations  they  were  subjected  to  by  the  organ 
ized  system  of  brow-beating  pursued  by  the  ultra  Southern 
ers.  But  Johnson  was  of  different  stuff.  He  was  not  to  be 
awed  by  any  innuendoes  of  physical  coercion,  or  hushed  by 
any  display  of  verbal  ferocity. 

The  speeches  in  which  lie  tore  asunder  all  the  pleas  upon 
which  his  late  coadjutors  sought  to  dissever  the  Union  are 
famous,  and  cannot  be  too  often  perused.  They  are  singu 
larly  able,  and  the  interest  attached  to  their  views  increases 
into  heroism  when  we  remember  the  place  and  time,  the 
occasion  upon  which  he  spoke,  the  grandeur  of  the  subject 
and  the  character  of  the  men  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 

It  was  on  the  18th  and  19th  of  December,  1860,  that 
Senator  Johnson,  convinced  of  the  extremities  about  to  be 
pursued  by  the  traitors,  took  open  ground  against  them  in 
a  speech  of  great  and  defiant  power.  It  flung  consternation 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  213 

and  dismay  into  the  ranks  of  secession,  and  struck  a  cliord 
in  the  popular  heart  throbbing  anxiously  in  the  galleries, 
that  several  times  proved  to  be  irrepressible.  This  speech, 
as  the  grand  opening  effort  of  a  Southern  patriot  against 
Southern  treason,  forms  a  great  historical  point  not  only  in 
the  career  of  the  orator,  but  of  his  country  at  its  most  intense 
epoch.  Among  the  propositions  laid  before  the  Senate  for 
the  adjustment  of  difficulties  during  the  second  session  of 
the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  were  three  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  by  Senator  Johnson.  One  proposed  to  change 
the  mode  of  election  of  President  and  Yice-President  of  the 
United  States  from  the  Electoral  College  to  a  vote  substan 
tially  and  directly  by  the  people.  The  second  proposed 
that  the  Senators  of  the  United  States  shall  be  elected  by 
the  people  once  in  six  years,  instead  of  by  the  Legislatures 
of  the  respective  States.  The  third  provided  that  the  Su 
preme  Court  shall  be  divided  into  three  classes  :  the  term 
of  the  first  class  is  to  expire  in  four  years  from  the  time 
that  the  classification  is  made,  of  the  second  class  in  eight 
years,  and  of  the  third  class  in  twelve  years  ;  and  as  these 
vacancies  occur  they  are  to  be  filled  by  persons  chosen— 
one-half  from  the  slave  States,  and  the  other  half  from  the 
non-slaveholding  States,  thereby  taking  the  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  so  far  as  their  selection  goes,  from  the  re 
spective  divisions  of  the  country  ;  also,  that  either  the  Presi 
dent  or  Vice-President  at  each  election  shall  be  from  the 
slaveholding  States. 

By  these  means  the  Senator  trusted  to  equalize  matters 
so  that  the  South  could  not  possibly  object  if  it  honestly 
meant  to  remain  in  the  Union.  If  the  South  did  not  will 
fully  and  wantonly  mean  to  disrupt  the  Union,  its  repre 
sentatives  could  support  his  proposition. 

Senator  Johnson  was  opposed  to  secession,  and  was  in 
favor  of  maintaining  the  rights  of  the  South  within  the 
Union.  Neither  he  nor  his  State  would  be  driven  out  of 


214  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

it.  Tennessee  denied  the  doctrine  of  secession,  and  as  for 
himself  he  meant  to  hold  on  to  the  Union  and  the  guarantees 
of  the  Constitution.  Taking  these  grounds  on  the  18th, 
Johnson  and  his  speech  made  the  topics  of  conversation  that 
night  in  the  fermenting  and  excitable  circles  then  congre 
gated  at  Washington.  Great  delight  was  expressed  by  the 
Unionists,  unmeasured  bitterness  by  the  Disunionists,  and  a 
widening  interest  in  the  next  day's  debate  was  betrayed  by 
all.  On  the  19th,  Senator  Johnson  resumed. 

His  line  of  argument  was  to  show  that  a  State  could  not, 
of  its  own  volition,  withdraw  from  the  compact.  He  read 
from  Mr.  Madison's  letters  to  Mr.  Trist  and  Mr.  Webster, 
showing  that  such  was  his  position.  The  States  delegated 
powers  named  in  the  Constitution,  and  Congress  could  en 
force  them  ;  but  in  doing  so  it  did  not  become  the  oppressor. 
The  State  which  resisted  them  became  the  aggressor.  But 
when  the  Federal  Government  failed  to  carry  out  these 
powers,  it  ceased  to  be  a  government.  He  quoted  Jackson, 
Webster,  Justice  Marshall,  and  others,  to  show  that  a  State 
had  not  a  constitutional  right  to  secede  from  the  Union 
without  the  consent  of  all  the  States.  The  Constitution  was 
intended  to  be  perpetual,  and  to  that  end  provision  was 
made  for  its  own  amendment,  its  improvement  and  its  con 
tinuance. 

It  was  also  submitted  to  the  States  for  ratification,  and 
power  given  to  Congress  to  admit  new  States.  So  we  had 
in  the  Constitution  :  first,  the  means  of  creating  a  Govern 
ment  ;  second,  a  means  of  perpetuating  it ;  and  third,  the 
power  to  enlarge  it.  But  were  provisions  found  there  for 
winding  up  the  Government,  except  by  the  inherent  princi 
ple  of  all  the  States — not  a  State — but  all  the  States,  which 
spoke  the  Government  into  existence  and  had  a  right  to 
dissolve  it  ? 

He  cited  the  case  of  the  Excise  law  of  1795  during  the 
rebellion  in  Pennsylvania,  when  General  Washington  was  the 


OF1  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  215 

President,  and  when  he  enforced  the  laws  and  put  down 
the  rebellion  with  a  militia  force  of  fifteen  thousand  men — 
the  constitutional  army.  He  quoted  from  General  Wash 
ington's  views  on  that  rebellion,  showing  that  he  had  the 
right  to  enforce  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he 
regarded  the  Union  as  inseparable.  What  was  the  differ 
ence,  then,  between  the  Federal  Government  enforcing  its 
laws  in  a  part  or  the  whole  of  a  State  ?  Was  it  not  com 
petent  for  General  Washington  to  enforce  the  Excise  laws 
against  the  whole  of  Pennsylvania  as  a  part  ? 

Senator  Johnson  proceeded  to  review  the  Nulliu'cation 
laws  of  1832,  and  cited  the  opinion  of  General  Jackson  at 
that  time,  who,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  was 
bound  by  his  oath  to  see,  and  did  see,  that  the  laws  were 
faithfully  executed.  He  would  have  used  an  armed  force 
for  that  purpose  had  the  time  arrived  for  its  necessity. 
Jackson  acted  just  as  Washington  did  in  a  similar  case. 

As  to  the  present  case,  he  would  inquire  if  the  Federal 
Government  had  not  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws  in  South 
Carolina  as  much  as  it  had  in  Pennsylvania,  Vermont,  or 
in  any  other  State  ?  He  thought  it  had  ;  and  notwithstand 
ing  the  ordinance  of  secession  which  South  Carolina  might 
pass,  it  did  not  relieve  her  from  her  obedience  to  the  United 
States,  or  from  the  compact  which  she  entered  into.  The 
compact  was  reciprocal.  If  South  Carolina  drove  the 
Courts  of  the  United  States  out  of  the  State,  the  Federal 
Government  had  the  right  to  reinstate  them  there.  If  the 
State  resisted  the  passage  of  the  mails,  the  Government 
could  insist  on  their  protection,  and  so  with  the  collection 
of  the  revenue.  If  the  State  captured  the  forts  of  the 
United  States,  the  Federal  Government  had  the  right  to  re 
take  them.  If  that  State  did  all  of  these  she  was  clearly 
in  the  wrong,  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  to  see  that  the  laws  were  faithfully  executed.  If  the 
States  expelling  the  Federal  Courts  and  the  mails  did  not 


216  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

commit  treason,  he  would  ask,  in  the  name  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  what  was  treason?  It  was 
treason,  and  nothing  but  treason  ;  and  if  one  State  can  do 
this,  there  is  no  Government. 

Madison,  Jefferson,  Webster  and  Washington  had  de 
nounced  this  doctrine  ;  and  if  South  Carolina  set  up  a  gov 
ernment  for  herself,  and  made  an  alliance  with  European 
powers,  and  had  interests  inimical  to  our  own,  she  could  be 
conquered  by  this  Government  and  held  as  a  province. 
There  is  a  statute  of  Congress  which  declares  that  the  Gene 
ral  Government  looks  with  suspicion  and  disfavor  on  the 
acquisition  of  any  territory  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States  by  any  foreign  power.  Yet  if  a  State  secede  she 
becomes  a  foreign  power  within  our  borders. 

He  proceeded  to  cite  the  cost  to  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  of  the  new  States,  some  of  which  desired  to  secede. 
Florida,  which  cost  the  United  States  millions  of  dollars  in 
her  purchase  and  in  the  driving  out  of  the  Indians,  now 
threatens  to  withdraw  from  the  United  States  and  leave 
nothing  for  all  this  wealth  which  had  been  expended  on  her. 
Again,  before  Florida  and  Louisiana  became  States  they 
were  Territories  of  the  United  States,  and  if  they  with 
drew  from  the  Union,  what  condition  would  they  assume  on 
such  withdrawal  ?  Would  they  be  States  out  of  the  Union, 
or  would  they  be  merely  Territories,  as  before  their  admis 
sion.  He  continued  to  argue  that  all  the  States  had  ac 
quired  territory,  not  alone  for  the  benefit  of  the  new  States, 
but  for  the  benefit  of  all  the  States.  No  State  so  acquired 
could  by  secession  rob  them  of  the  benefits  so  acquired. 
Could  Louisiana  take  out  of  the  Union  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  ? 

He  regarded  the  position  assumed  by  South  Carolina  to 
ward  the  border  States  as  tending  to  extinguish  slavery. 
He  believed  the  quickest  way  to  abolish  slavery  was  to  dis 
solve  the  Government. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  217 

Mr.  Lincoln's  election  as  the  plea  for  secession,  lie  met 
with  characteristic  truth  and  manliness.  Should  they  re 
treat  because  Mr.  Lincoln  has  been  elected  President  of  the 
United  States  ?  Was  there  any  cause  why  to  retreat  ? 
Every  man  knows  that  if  Mr.  Breckinridge  had  been  elected 
there  would  be  no  talk  of  dissolving  the  Union!  Then 
what  is  the  issue  ?  "  It  is/7  said  he,  "  because  we  have  not 
got  our  man.  If  we  had  got  our  man  we  should  not  have 
been  for  breaking  up  the  Union  ;  but  as  Mr.  Lincoln  is 
elected  we  are  for  breaking  up  the  Union !  I  say,  No.  Let 
us  show  ourselves  men,  and  men  of  courage. 

"  How  has  Mr.  Lincoln  been  elected,  and  how  have  Mr. 
Breckinridge  and  Mr.  Douglas  been  defeated?  By  the 
vote  of  the  American  people,  cast  according  to  the  Consti 
tution  and  forms  of  law,  though  it  has  been  upon  a  sectional 
issue.  It  is  not  the  first  time  in  our  history  that  two  can 
didates  have  been  elected  from  the  same  section  of  country. 
General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Calhoun  were  elected  on  the  same 
ticket  ;  but  nobody  considered  that  cause  for  dissolution. 
They  were  both  from  the  South.  I  opposed  the  sectional 
spirit  that  has  produced  the  election  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin, 
yet  it  has  been  done  according  to  the  Constitution,  and  in 
accordance  to  the  forms  of  law." 

Senator  Johnson  proceeded  at  length  to  cite  extracts 
from  Southern  journals,  showing  that  the  writers  favored  a 
monarchical  government.  He  thought,  however,  that  the 
South,  before  it  left  this  Government,  had  better  well  con 
sider  what  they  were  going  to  enter  into.  If  there  were 
evils,  had  we  not  (addressing  the  South)  "  better  bear  the 
ills  we  have,  than  fly  to  others  that  we  know  not  of?77  He 
had  an  abiding,  an  unshaken  faith  in  man7s  capability  to 
govern  himself,  and  would  not  yield  up  this  Government 
that  is  now  called  an  experiment,  and  which  some  are  pre 
pared  to  abandon  for  a  constitutional  monarchy.  He  en 
treated  every  patriotic  man  throughout  the  nation  to  come 
10 


218  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

forward,  not  in  passion,  not  in  fanaticism,  not  in  haste  or 
precipitancy,  but  in  deliberation  ;  in  the  spirit  of  brotherly 
love  and  affection,  and  rally  around  the  altar  of  our  common 
country,  lay  the  Constitution  on  it,  and  swear  by  our  God 
and  all  that  is  sacred  and  holy,  that  the  Constitution  shall 
be  saved  and  the  Union  preserved. 

He  intended  to  stand  by,  and  act  in  and  under  the  Con 
stitution.  The  violators  of  the  ordinances  of  this  constitu 
tional  house  should  not  drive  him  out.  In  conclusion,  the 
Senator  thus  declared  his  determination  :  "  In  saying  what 
I  have  said,  Mr.  President,  I  have  done  it  in  view  of  a 
duty  that  I  felt  I  owed  to  my  constituents,  to  my  children, 
to  myself.  Without  regard  to  consequences  I  have  taken 
my  position,  and  when  the  tug  comes,  when  Greek  shall 
meet  Greek,  and  our  rights  are  refused  after  all  honorable 
means  have  been  exhausted,  then  it  is  that  I  will  perish  in 
the  last  breach  ;  yes,  in  the  language  of  the  patriot  Emmet, 
'  I  will  dispute  every  inch  of  ground  j  I  will  burn  every 
blade  of  grass  ;  and  the  last  entrenchment  of  freedom  shall 
be  my  grave.'  Then,  let  us  stand  by  the  Constitution  ;  and, 
in  saving  the  Union,  we  save  this,  the  greatest  Government 
on  earth." 

It  was  aptly  remarked  at  the  time,  that  Mr.  Johnson's 
antecedents  made  him  listened  to  with  respect  by  many 
classes.  He  was  recommended  to  the  attention  of  the  Re 
publicans  on  account  of  his  earnest  advocacy  in  favor  of 
his  opening  the  public  lands  to  honest  settlement ;  to  the 
Breckinridge  men  because  he  supported  their  candidate  for 
the  Presidency  ;  and  to  Douglas  men  because  he  agreed  with 
the  great  Senator  from  Illinois  on  the  doctrine  of  non-inter 
vention.  In  addition  to  which,  said  Mr.  Forney,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Press,  "  one  of  his  main  claims  to  public  attention  is 
founded  on  the  fact  that  he  was  a  most  courageous  and  con 
stant  defender  of  the  rights  of  adopted  citizens  in  the 
perilous  times  of  1854  and  '55." 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  219 

If  this  Senatorial  outburst  had  come  from  a  Northern 
Democrat,  it  would  have  fallen  with  comparatively  small 
effect  upon  the  Southern  men  ;  but  that  a  Southern  Demo 
crat,  and  that  Southern  Democrat  a  Senator  who  had  sus 
tained  Breckinridge,  should  hurl  such  thunderbolts  about 
their  heads  was  unendurable.  No  higher  tribute  could  be 
paid  to  the  effect  of  Johnson's  speech  than  the  rapacity  with 
which  he  was  assailed  by  the  sentinels  of  treason  in  the 
Senate. 


CHAPTEK    XIV. 

ACTION  in  South  Carolina — Ordinance  of  Secession  Passed  —  Major  Ander 
son's  Transfer  from  Moultrie  to  Sumter  —  Secretary  Floyd  Resigns  — 
Commissioners  from  South  Carolina  arrive  at  Washington  —  Communica 
tion  with  the  President  —  Fort  Sumter  Reinforced  —  Secret  Meeting  of  the 
Conspirators,  their  Programme  —  Davis,  Slidell  and  Mallory  to  carry  it  out 

—  The  President  throws  the  Responsibility  on  Congress  —  Secretaries  Jacob 
Thompson  and  Thomas  resign  —  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Louisiana 
and  Texas  Secede  —  No  Vote  of  the  People  Taken  —  Montgomery  Conven 
tion,  Jeff.   Davis  elected    President  and    Alexander    II.   Stephens   Vice- 
President  of  "  The  Confederate  States"  —  Congressional  Action  —  Desire 
of  an  Adjustment  —  Seward's  Remarkable  Avowals  —  Continued  Violence 
of  Wigfall,  Benjamin,  Toombs,  Iverson,  and  others  —  Johnson  replies  on 
5th  and  6th  February,  18(51  —  The  Political  Heresy  of  Secession  —  Defends 
his  previous  Declarations  —  Effective  Replies  to  Benjamin,  Lane  and  Davis' 
inuendoes  — The   Ally  of   all   True  Men  —  Exposes  Davis'  Vote   against 
Slavery   Protection  —  Two   Sketches  of  Character  —  Johnson   and   Davis 
Contrasted  —  Intense  Closing  Scene  of  the  Debate  —  Punishment  of  Treason 

—  Excitement  in  the  Galleries  —  Cheering  for  Johnson  and  the  Union  — 
His  Speeches  "  an  Era  in  the  Senate." 

WHILE  Senator  Johnson  was  yet  forging  immutable  bands 
around  the  Union  cause  in  the  Union  Capital,  South  Caro 
lina  was  unriveting  the  link  that  bound  her  to  it,  or  thought 
she  was.  The  Convention  called  by  the  State  Legislature 
on  the  4th  of  December,  met  on  the  17th  in  Columbia,  but 
the  small-pox  hunted  the  Palmetto  patriots  to  Charleston, 
where,  on  the  20th,  the  ordinance  of  secession  was  passed, 
repealing  the  ordinance  of  May  23,  1788,  which  ratified 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and  on  the  24th, 
Governor  E.  W.  Pickens  proclaimed  South  Carolina  to  be 
a  "Separate,  Sovereign,  Free  and  Independent  State." 
Events  followed  rapidly.  On  the  26th,  Major  Eobert 
Anderson  transferred  his  garrison  from  Fort  Moultrie  to 

(220) 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  221 

Fort  Sumter.  On  the  27th,  Hon.  John  B.  Floyd,  Secretary 
of  War,  requested  the  President  to  withdraw  the  garrison 
from  Charleston,  which  riot  having  been  complied  with  the 
Secretary  resigned  on  the  29th.  On  the  same  day,  Messrs. 
R.  W.  Barnewall,  J.  H.  Adams  and  J.  L.  Orr,  Commissioners 
from  South  Carolina,  arrived  at  Washington,  and  opened  a 
communication  to  the  President  demanding  that  forts  and 
other  Government  property  at  Charleston  should  be  delivered 
to  the  authorities  for  which  they  acted.  On  the  next  day,  the 
President  replied,  stating  that  Major  Anderson  had  acted 
on  his  own  responsibility,  that  his  first  impulse  was  to  order 
him  home,  a  feeling  rendered  impossible  by  the  occupation 
of  the  fort  and  the  seizure  of  the  United  States  arsenal  by 
South  Carolina.  On  the  1st  of  January  the  Commissioners 
called  on  the  President  to  redeem  his  pledge  to  maintain  the 
status  of  affairs  previous  to  Major  Anderson's  removal  from 
Moultrie.  The  President  declined  to  receive  this  commu 
nication.  On  the  5th  of  January,  the  Star  of  the  West  was 
sent  by  Government  with  supplies  to  Fort  Sumter.  This 
aroused  the  conspirators  who,  on  the  night  of  the  same  day, 
held  a  secret  meeting  in  Washington,  at  which  the  Senators 
from  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia,  Mississippi  and 
Texas  were  present.  It  was  determined  to  accelerate  the 
secession  of  the  Southern  States,  to  hold  a  convention  of 
such  as  had  seceded  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  not  later  than 
the  15th  of  February  ;  and  that  the  Senators  and  Represen 
tatives  from  these  States  should  retain  their  seats  in  Con 
gress  as  long  as  judicious  to  check  such  measures  as  might 
be  undertaken  against  secession.  Davis,  Slidell  and  Mal- 
lory  of  Florida  were  intrusted  with  the  carrying  out  of  this 
programme.  On  the  8th,  the  President,  by  message,  advised 
Congress  of  the  state  of  affairs  and  threw  upon  it  the  re 
sponsibility  of  meeting  the  emergency,  stating  at  the  same 
time  that  while  he  had  no  right  to  make  aggressive  war 
upon  any  State,  it  was  his  duty  to  use  military  force  de- 


222  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

fensively  against  those  who  resisted  Federal  officers  in  the 
execution  of  their  duty  and  those  who  assail  Government 
property.  On  this  day,  the  Hon.  Jacob  Thompson  alleging 
that  Government  violated  the  decision  of  the  Cabinet  in 
succoring  Fort  Sumtcr,  resigned  his  office  as  Secretary  of 
the  Interior.  On  the  9th,  Mississippi  passed  an  ordinance 
of  secession.  On  the  10th,  Hon.  P.  F.  Thomas,  who  had 
succeeded  Cobb  in  the  Treasury,  resigned.*  On  the  llth, 
Alabama  and  Florida  passed  ordinances  of  secession,  and 
was  followed  by  Louisiana  on  the  26th,  and  by  Texas  on  the 
5th  of  February.  In  none  of  these  States  was  the  vote  of 
the  people  taken  on  the  issue  which  plunged  them  into  civil 
war.  The  convention  assembled  in  Montgomery  on  the 
4th  of  February  and  there  adopted  a  provisional  constitution 
under  which  Jefferson  Davis  was  elected  President  and 
Alexander  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia  Vice-President  of  the 
"  Confederacy." 

The  debate  in  the  Senate  had  meanwhile  continued  with 
mingled  violence,  pathos,  ability  and  vigor.  As  indicative 
of  the  great  desire  of  Congress  to  make  an  adjustment,  the 
Committee  of  Thirty-three  in  the  House  reported  some  ad 
mirable  resolutions,  the  production  of  Dunn  of  Indiana  and 
Rust  of  Arkansas,  and  Senator  Seward  made  a  remarkable 
speech  in  which,  after  declaring  that  he  would  follow  "  the 
example  of  the  noble  Senator  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Johnson], 
and  avow  his  adherence  to  the  integrity  of  the  Union  and 
all  its  parts  with  his  friends,  State  and  party,  or  without 
them,  he  avowed  himself  in  favor  of:  1.  The  repeal  of  all 

*  The  Cabinet  changes  during  the  last  three  months  of  Mr.  Buchanan's 
Administration  were  : 

State  Department, J.  S.  Black  vice  General  Cass,  resigned. 

Treasury       "         Philip  T.  Thomas  vies  H.  Cobb,  resigned  ;  J.  A.  Dix 

'vice  Thomas,  resigned. 

War  "         J.  Holt  vice  T.  B.  Floyd,  resigned. 

Interior          "         Jacob  Thompson,  resigned. 

Post  Office      "         Horatio  King  vice  Holt. 

Attorney-General,   Edwin  M.  Stanton  me*  Black,  to  the  State  Department 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  223 

personal  liberty  bills  contravening  the  Constitution.  2.  As 
slavery  in  the  States  ought  to  be  left  to  the  States,  he  was 
willing  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  that  Congress  can  never 
abolish  or  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States.  3.  While 
believing  that  Congress  had  unquestionable  authority  to 
legislate  upon  slavery  in  the  Territories,  yet  the  exercise 
of  that  power  should  be  determined  an  practical  grounds. 
4.  He  was  willing  to  make  laws  to  arrest  John  Brown  raids  ; 
and  5.  Was  in  favor  of  two  Pacific  railroads,  one  of  which 
should  connect  the  ports  around  the  mouths  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  and  the  other  the  towns  on  the  Missouri  and  the  lakes, 
with  the  harbors  on  our  western  coasts.  If  the  expression 
of  these  views  Senator  Seward  did  not  meet  the  expectations 
of  some,  he  claimed  in  offering  them  to  have  sacrificed  many 
of  his  own  cherished  convictions.  Jefferson  had  taught  him 
that  we  cannot  always  do  what  seems  to  us  absolutely  best 
in  politics.  Undoubtedly  his  speech — coming  from  one  who 
had  accepted  the  leading  position  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  Cabinet — 
embraced  and  conveyed  many  concessions.  But  secession, 
not  concession,  was  the  demand  of  those  "  discontented  citi 
zens"  who  had  obtained  political  power  in  the  Southern 
States. 

On  the  other  side  the  violence  of  Senators  Wigfall,  Ben 
jamin,  Toombs,  Iverson  and  others  was  unabated ;  and  on 
the  5th  and  6th  of  February  Senator  Johnson  replied  to  the 
acrimonious  assaults,  the  sneering  interruptions,  the  pointed 
ridicule  and  unmanly  innuendoes  which  were  leveled  at  him. 
His  reply  was  elaborate  and  dignified.  In  it  he  more  com 
pletely  and  effectually  drove  home  the  historical  facts  and 
logical  conclusions  of  his  previous  effort.  In  making  that 
speech  his  intention  was — and  all  thought  he  succeeded  in' 
it — to  place  himself  upon  the  principles  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  doctrines  inculcated  by  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Madison,  Monroe  and  Jackson.  Having  examined  the  po 
sitions  of  those  distinguished  fathers  of  the  Republic,  and 


224  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

compared  them  with  the  Constitution,  he  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  they  were  right.  Upon  them  he  planted  him 
self.  These  views  inspired  him. 

As  he  was  the  first  man  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line 
who,  in  the  Senate,  protested  against  the  political  heresy  of 
secession,  he  would  continue  so  to  do,  notwithstanding  the 
denunciations  he  had  met  with.  "  From  what  I  saw  here," 
he  said,  "  on  the  evening  when  I  concluded  my  speech— 
although  some  may  have  thought  that  it  intimidated  and 
discouraged  me — I  was  inspired  with  confidence  ;  I  felt  that 
I  had  struck  treason  a  blow.  I  thought  then,  and  I  know 
now,  that  men  who  were  engaged  in  treason  felt  the  blows 
that  I  dealt  out  on  that  occasion.  As  I  have  been  made  the 
peculiar  object  of  attack,  not  only  in  the  Senate,  but  out  of 
the  Senate,  my  object  on  this  occasion  is  to  meet  some  of 
these  attacks,  and  to  say  some  things  in  addition  to  what  1 
then  said  against  this  movement." 

He  took  up  the  leading  Senators  who  had  directly  or 
by  innuendo,  attacked  him.  We  shall  see  with  what  ad 
mirable  nonchalance  and  pith  he  disposed  of  them.  After 
replying  to  the  views  of  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  a  notoriously 
able  and  heartless  traitor,  who,  with  his  less  able  but  equally 
remorseless  colleague,  Slidell,  had  taken  leave  of  the  Senate 
on  the  day  previous,  he  compared  the  theatrically  sad  tone 
of  Benjamin's  valedictory  with  some  quite  recent  remarks 
from  the  same  source. 

"  I  thought  the  scene  was  pretty  well  got  up,  and  was 
acted  out  admirably.  The  plot  was  executed  to  the  very 
letter.  You  would  have  thought  that  his  people  in  Louisiana 
were  borne  down  and  seriously  oppressed  by  remaining  in 
this  Union  of  States.  Now,  I  have  an  extract  before  me, 
from  a  speech  delivered  by  that  gentleman  since  the  election 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  while  the  distinguished  Senator  was 
on  the  western  slope  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  at  the  city  of 
San  Francisco.  In  that  speech,  after  the  Senator  had 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  225 

spoken  some  time  with  his  accustomed  eloquence,  he  u-ttered 
this  language  :. 

"  '  Those  who  prate  of,  and  strire  to  dissolve  this  glorious  con 
federacy  of  States,  are  like  those  silly  savages  who  let  fly  their 
arrows  at  the  sun  in  the  vain  hope  of  piercing  it !  And  still  the  sun 
rolls  on,  unheeding,  in  its  eternal  pathway,  shedding  light  and  ani 
mation  upon  all  the  world.' 

"  Even  after  Lincoln  was  elected,  the  Senator  from 
Louisiana  is  reported  to  have  said,  in  the  State  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  in  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  that  this  great 
Union  could  not  be  destroyed.  Those  great  and  intoler 
able  oppressions,  of  which  we  have  since  heard  from  him, 
did  not  seem  to  be  flitting  across  his  vision  and  playing  upon 
his  mind  with  that  vividness  and  clearness  which  were  dis 
played  here  yesterday.  He  said,  in  California,  that  this 
grea-t  Union  would  go  on  in  its  course,  notwithstanding  the 
puny  efforts  of  the  silly  savages  that  were  letting  fly  their 
arrows  with  the  prospect  of  piercing  it.  What  has  changed 
the  Senator's  mind  on  coming  from  that  side  of  the  conti 
nent  to  this  ?  What  light  has  broken  in  upon  him  ?  Has 
he  been  struck  on  his  way,  like  Paul,  when  he  was  journey 
ing  from  Tarsus  to  Damascus?  Has  some  supernatural 
power  disclosed  to  him  that  his  State  arid  his  people  will  be 
ruined  if  they  remain  in  the  Union  •?" 

"  In  like  manner  he  nullified  Benjamin's  picture  of  the 
horrors  to  be  expected  at  President  Lincoln's  hands  ;  by 
quoting  from  Benjamin's  speech  of  May,  1860,  in  which  he 
said  : 

"  '  I  must  say  here — for  I  must  be  just  to  all — that  I  have  been  sur 
prised  in  the  examination  that  I  made  again,  within  the  last  few 
days,  of  this  discussion  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas,  to 
find  that  on  several  points  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  far  more  conservative 
man,  unless  he  has  since  changed  his  opinion,  than  I  supposed 
him  to  be.' 

"  Since  that  speech  was  made,"  added  Johnson  ;  "  since 
15 


226  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  Senator  has  traversed  from  California  to  this  point,  the 
grievances,  the  oppressions  of  Louisiana,  have  become  so 
great  that  she  is  justified  in  going  out  of  the  Union,  taking 
into  her  possession  the  Custom  House,  the  Mint,  the  naviga 
tion  of  the  Mississippi  River,  the  forts  and  arsenals.  Where 
are  we  ?  '0  consistency,  thou  art  a  jewel !'  " 

As  to  Senator  Joe  Lane's  attacking  him  it  was  something 
he  could  scarcely  understand.  In  his  speech  of  the  19th  of 
December,  he  did  not  mean  to  say  any  thing  offensive  to  the 
Senator  from  Oregon.  He  felt  that  he  had  just  come  out 
of  a  campaign  in  which  he  had  labored  hard,  and  expended 
money  and  time  in  vindicating  Lane  and  Brcckinridge  from 
the  charge  of  favoring  secession  and  disunion. 

Through  dust  and  heat,  through  mud  and  rain,  he  had 
traversed  his  State,  meeting  the  charge  of  the  Opposition 
that  secession  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  movement  ;  that 
there  was  a  fixed  design  and  plan  to  break  up  this  Govern 
ment  ;  that  it  started  at  Charleston,  and  was  consummated 
at  Baltimore.  The  charge  was  made  that  General  Lane  was 
the  embodiment  of  disunion  and  secession.  Johnson  met 
the  charge,  denied  it,  repudiated  it,  tried  to  convince  the 
people,  and  lie  thought  he  had  convinced  some  of  them  that 
the  charge  was  untrue,  and  that  Lane  and  Breckinridge 
were  the  two  best  Union  men  in  the  country. 

After  this  bit  of  satire — which  struck  home,  and  only 
provoked  a  more  personal  attack  from  General  Lane,  just 
previous  to  the  expiration  of  his  term  in  the  following 
month — Senator  Johnson  came  directly  to  the  misconstruc 
tion  placed  upon  his  former  words. 

"  Why,"  he  asks,  "  answer  positions  I  did  not  assume,  or  attribute 
to  me  language  I  did  not  use  ?  Was  it  in  the  speech  ?  No  !  Why, 
then,  use  language  and  assign  a  position  to  me  which,  if  not  in 
tended,  was  calculated  to  make  a  false  impression  ?  What  called 
it  forth  ?  What  reason  was  there  for  it  ?  I  saw  the  consternation 
which  was  created.  I  looked  at  some  of  their  faces.  I  knew  that  I 
had  stirred  up  animosity,  and  it  was  important  that  somebody  from 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  227 

another  quarter  should  make  the  attack.  If  the  attack  had  been 
upon  what  I  said  or  upon  the  position  I  had  assumed,  I  should  have 
no  cause  to  complain  ;  and  I  do  not  complain  now.  Sir,  though  not 
very  old,  I  have  lived  down  some  men.  I  have  survived  many  mis 
representations.  I  feel  that  I  have  a  conscience  and  a  heart  that 
will  lead  me  to  do  it  again.  But  when  I  had  said  nothing,  when  I 
had  done  nothing  to  be  struck  at  by  him  whom  I  had  vindicated,  I 
might  well  exclaim,  '  that  was  the  unkindest  cut  of  all.' 


5  55 


The  next  Senator  in  order  who  made  an  attack  upon 
Johnson  was  Jefferson  Davis,  who  took  occasion  to  do  so  in 
making  his  valedictory  address  to  the  Senate  after  Missis 
sippi  had  passed  the  ordinance  of  secession.  It  was  the 
fashion,  not  only  with  that  Senator,  but  with  others,  to  at 
tempt  by  innuendo,  indirection  or  some  side  remark,  to 
convey  the  impression  that  a  certain  man  had  a  tendency 
or  bearing  toward  Republicanism  or  Abolitionism.  "  Some 
times,"  said  Johnson,  "  gentlemen  who  cannot  establish  such 
a  charge  are  yet  willing  to  make  it,  not  directly,  but  by 
innuendo  ;  to  create  a  false  impression  on  the  public  mind — 

•"  '  Willing  to  wound,  but  jet  afraid  to  strike.' 

If  the  charge  can  be  successfully  made,  why  not  make  it 
directly  instead  of  conveying  it  by  innuendo  ?  The  Senator 
from  Mississippi  did  not  attempt  to  reply  to  my  speech,  did 
not  answer  my  arguments,  did  not  meet  my  authorities,  did 
not  controvert  my  facts." 

It  was  thought,  by  innuendo,  to  make  Johnson  "  the  ally 
of  the  Senator  from  Ohio."  He,  however,  did  not  inquire 
what  a  man's  antecedents  were  when  there  was  a  great 
struggle  going  on  to  preserve  the  existence  of  the  Govern 
ment.  His  first  inquiry  was,  Are  you  for  preserving  this 
Government?  are  you  for  maintaining  the  Constitution 
upon  which  it  rests  ?  If  Senator  Wade  or  any  other  Sena 
tor  was  willing  to  come  up  to  this  great  work,  either  by 
amending  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or  passing 
laws  that  would  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  Union,  John- 


228  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

son  declared  they  were  allies.  lie  was  the  ally  of  every 
Senator,  every  member  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives, 
every  man  that  loved  his  country  throughout  the  length  and 
J>readth  of  the  confederacy,  and  was  in  favor  of  preserv 
ing  the  Union  on  its  great  and  fundamental  principles. 
He  did  not  care  for  their  antecedents,  or  to  what  might  take 
place  hereafter.  To  all  such  men  he  cried,  "  Come  forward, 
and,  like  gallant  knights,  let  us  lock  our  shields  and  make 
common  cause  for  this  glorious  people.  If  I  were  to  in 
dulge  in  a  similar  kind  of  innuendo,  by  way  of  repartee, 
where  would  the  Senator  from  Mississippi  find  himself." 

He  showed  that  Davis  was  one  of  the  forty-three  Sena 
tors  who,  in  the  May  previous,  voted  that  it  was  not  neces 
sary  to  pass  a  law  to  protect  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and 
he  asked  what  rights  had  South  Carolina  or  the  other  seced 
ing  States  lost  since  the  last  session  when  that  vote  was 
recorded.  It  was  wholly  unnecessary  then  ;  but  they  will 
secede  if  it  is  not  granted  now.  To  that  same  proposition, 
Senator  Brown  of  Mississippi  offered  a  very  stringent  am 
endment  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  slave  property,  and 
supported  it  by  argument.  What  was  the  vote  upon  that? 
"  How  does  it  stand  ?"  asks  Johnson  : 

"  We  find,"  lie  says,  in  continuation,  "  after  an  argument  being 
made  by  Mr.  Brown,  showing  that  the  necessity  did  exist,  according 
to  his  argument,  the  vote  upon  the  proposition  stood  thus :  The 
question  being  taken  by  yeas  and  nays,  it  was  determined  in  the 
negative — yeas,  3  ;  nays,  42. 

"  Forty-two  Senators  voted  that  you  did  not  need  protection  ; 
that  slavery  was  not  in  danger. 

"  '  The  yeas  and  "nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of  the  Senators 
present, 

"  '  Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are  :  Messrs.  Brown,  John 
son  of  Arkansas,  Mai  lory.' 

"  There  were  only  three.  Who  said  it  was  not  necessary  ?  Who 
declared,  under  the  solemn  sanction  of  an  oath,  that  protection  was 
not  needed  ?  '  Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are :  Messrs. 
•Benjamin' 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  229 

"Ah!    Yes,  Benjamin ! 

"  *  Bigler,  Bragg,  Bright,  Chestnut,  Clark,  Clay,  Clingman,  Crit- 
tenden,  Davis,  Dixou,  Doolittle,  Fitzpatrick,  Foot,  Foster,  Green, 
Grimes,  Gwin,  Hamlin,  Harlan,  Hemphill,  Hunter' 

"  Hunter  of  Virginia,  also  ! 

"  '  Iverson,  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  Lane.' 

"  Ah  !  [Laughter.]  Yes,  Lane  of  Oregon  voted,  on  the  25th  of 
last  May,  that  slavery  did  not  need  protection  in  the  Territories. 
Now,  he  will  get  up  and  tell  the  American  people  and  the  Senate 
that  he  is  for  a  State  seceding,  and  for  breaking  up  the  Government, 
because  they  cannot  get  what  he  swore  they  did  not  need.  [Laugh 
ter.]  That  is  what  I  call  putting  the  nail  through."  [Laughter  in 
the  galleries.] 

In  this  debate  there  occurs  two  sketches  of  character, 
both  of  which  we  know  from  history  to  be  truthful.  Be 
sides  the  striking  individuality  of  each,  the  powerful  con 
trast  between  them  carries  with  it  a  lesson  as  suggestive. 
In  reply  to  a  sneering  allusion  from  Jeff.  Davis,  Johnson, 
exhibiting  the  trusting  and  trustful  confidence  mutually 
existing  between  himself  and  the  people  of  Tennessee, 
presented  a  firmly  drawn  outline  of  his  nature  and  career, 
his  past  fortune,  his  present  fortitude,  and  his  faith  for  the 
future  :  "  Thank  G-od  there  is  too  much  good  sense  and 
intelligence  in  the  country  to  put  down  any  man  by  an 
innuendo  or  side  remark  like  that.  But,  sir,  so  far  as  the 
people  whom  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  are  con 
cerned,  I  stand  above  the  innuendos  of  that  kind.  They 
have  known  me  from  my  boyhood  up.  They  understand 
my  doctrines  and  my  principles,  in  private  and  in  public 
life.  They  have  tried  me  in  every  position  in  which  it  was 
in  their  power  to  place  a  public  servant,  and  they,  to-day, 
will  not  say  that  Andrew  Johnson  ever  deceived  or  be 
trayed  them.  In  a  public  life  of  twenty-five  years,  they 
have  never  deserted  or  betrayed  me  ;  and,  God  willing,  I 
will  never  desert  or  betray  them.  The  great  mass  of  the 
people  of  Tennessee  know  that  I  am  for  them  ;  they  know 
that  I  have  advocated  those  great  principles  and  doctrines 


23 0  LIFE  A  ND  PUBLIC  SER  VICES 

upon  which  the  perpetuity  of  this  Government  depends  ; 
they  know  that  I  have  periled  my  all,  pecuniarily  and 
physically,  in  vindication  of  their  rights  and  their  interests. 
Little  innuendoes,  thrown  off  in  snarling  moods,  fall  harm 
less  at  my  feet." 

The  other  sketch  is  of  Jeff.  Davis,  the  terrible  depth  of 
whose  treason  is  made  all  the  more  crushing  in  the  free 
acknowledgment  of  the  education  conferred  by,  and  the 
honors  won  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  :  "  When  I 
consider  his  early  education  ;  when  I  look  at  his  gallant 
services,  finding  him  first  in  the  military  school  of  the 
United  States,  educated  by  his  Government,  taught  the 
science  of  war  at  the  expense  of  his  country — 'taught  to 
love  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  j  afterward  entering 
its  service,  fighting  beneath  the  '  Stars  and  Stripes'  to  which 
he  has  so  handsomely  alluded,  winning  laurels  that  are  green 
and  imperishable,  and  bearing  upon  his  person  scars  that 
are  honorable  ;  some  of  which  have  been  won  at  home  : 
others  of  which  have  been  won  in  a  foreign  clime,  and  upon 
other  fields,  I  would  be  the  last  man  to  pluck  a  feather  from 
his  cap  or  a  single  gem  from  the  chaplet  that  encircles  his 
brow.  But  when  I  consider  his  early  associations  ;  when  I 
remember  that  he  was  nurtured  by  this  Government  ;  that 
he  fought  for  this  Government  ;  that  he  won  honors  under 
the  flag  of  this  Government,  I  cannot  understand  how  he 
can  be  willing  to  hail  another  banner,  and  turn  from  that 
of  his  country,  under  which  he  has  won  laurels  and  received 
honors.  This  is  a  matter  of  taste,  however  ;  but  it  seems 
to  me  that,  if  I  could  not  unsheath  my  sword  in  vindication 
of  the  flag  of  my  country,  its  glorious  '  Stars  and  Stripes/  I 
would  return  the  sword  to  its  scabbard  ;  I  would  never 
sheathe  it  in  the  bosom  of  my  mother  •  never  !  never  !7; 

The  closing  scene  of  the  debate  (March  2)  was  one  to  be 
long  remembered,  when  Johnson,  briefly  but  powerfully 
replying  to  Lane,  exclaimed  :  "  I  will  now  present  a  fair 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  231 

issue,  and  hope  it  will  be  fairly  met.  Show  me  who  has 
been  engaged  in  these  conspiracies  ;  show  me  who  has  been 
engaged  in  these  nightly  and  secret  conclaves  plotting  the 
overthrow  of  the  Government ;  show  me  who  has  fired  upon 
our  flag,  has  given  instructions  to  take  our  forts  and  our 
custom  houses,  our  arsenals  and  our  dockyards,  and  I  will 
show  you  a  traitor  I"  [Applause  in  the  galleries.] 

"  The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Polk  in  the  chair).— The  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  will  clear  the  galleries,  on  the  right  of  the  Chair  imme 
diately. 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee.— That  is  a  fair  proposition 

"The  PRESIDING  OFFICER. — The  Senator  from  Tennessee  will 
pause  until  the  order  of  the  Chair  is  executed. 

[Here  a  long  debate  ensued  upon  questions  of  order,  and 
the  propriety  of  clearing  the  galleries.] 

"  Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee. — I  hope  the  execution  of  the  order 
will  be  suspended,  and  I  will  go  security  for  the  gallery  that  they 
will  not  applaud  any  more.  I  should  have  been  nearly  through  my 
remarks  by  this  time  but  for  this  interruption. 

[The  presiding  officer  here  announced  that  the  order 
for  clearing  the  galleries  would  be  suspended.] 

"  Mr.  President,"  continued  Senator  Johnson,  "  when  I  was  inter 
rupted  by  a  motion  to  clear  the  galleries,  I  was  making  a  general 
allusion  to  treason  as  defined  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  those  who  were  traitors  and  guilty  of  treason  within 
the  scope  and  meaning  of  the  law  and  the  Constitution.  My  propo 
sition  was,  that  if  they  would  show  me  who  were  guilty  of  the 
offenses  I  have  enumerated,  I  would  show  them  who  were  the 
traitors.  That  being  done,  were  I  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  I  would  do  as  Thomas  Jefferson  did  in  1806  with  Aaron 
Burr,  who  was  charged  with  treason.  I  would  have  them  arrested 
and  tried  for  treason,  and,  if  convicted,  by  the  Eternal  God,  they 
should  suffer  the  penalty  of  the  law  at  the  hands  of  the  executioner." 

Order  was  several  times  invaded  by  the  enthusiasm 
evoked  by  the  patriotism  of  the  speaker,  and  as  he  sat 
down,  the  spectators  in  the  densely  crowded  galleries  rose 


232  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

in  order  to  leave,  when,  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  seconds,  a 
faint  cheer,  followed  by  the  clapping  of  a  single  pair  of 
hands,  was  raised  in  the  southern  corner  of  the  ladies' 
gallery.  This  was  hesitatingly  imitated  by  two  or  three 
persons  further  on  in  the  south  range  of  the  same  gallery, 
but  instantaneously  gathering  strength,  it  lighted  up  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  packed  galleries  in  the  west  and  north 
west  quarters,  and  a  tremendous  outburst  of  applause,  put 
ting  to  silence  the  powerful  blows  from  the  hammer  of  the 
presiding  officer,  succeeded.  Three  cheers  were  given  for 
the  Union  and  three  for  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee  ; 
and  as  by  this  time  the  Senators  on  the  floor  gave  the 
strongest  token  of  indignation  and  outraged  dignity,  the 
retreating  crowd  uttered  a  shower  of  hisses.  Altogether 
the  exhibition  was  the  most  vociferous  and  unrepressed 
that  has  ever  taken  place  in  the  galleries  of  either  House 
of  Congress.* 

It  was  said  of  Chatham  that  his  eloquence  was  an  era  in 
the  Senate,  and  Robert  Bell,  in  his  "  Life  of  Canning," 
adopts  the  phrase  in  recounting  the  effect  of  that  states 
man's  speech  defending  his  aid  to  the  South  American  Repub 
lics.  With  still  greater  and  more  suitable  force  might  it  be 
applied  to  Johnson's  speeches  in  this  debate.  They  truly 
created  an  "  era  in  the  Senate."  The  theme  was  infinitely 
grander  than  that  which  inspired  Canning.  Its  treatment 
was  characteristically  more  powerful;  and  well  might  a 
Californian  Senator  say  that  nothing  could  be  added  to  his 
lucid  exposition  of  the  fallacy  of  secession.  Canning  was  a 
finished  orator  and  dialectician,  and  his  remarkable  speech 
is  strikingly  eloquent,  as  well  by  its  style  as  the  audacity 
of  the  conception  announced  in  it.  Johnson's  is  powerful 
from  the  intense  patriotism  hurled  upon  the  heads  of  the 
delinquent  Senators,  and  the  simply  glorious  expression  of 
national  faith  which  lights  up  his  heart  and  nerves  his  arm 

*  National  Intelligencer,  March  4,  1801. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  233 

for  the  defense  of  the  Republic.  Yet,  what  a  member  of  the 
Commons,  enthusiastically  carried  away  by  Canning's  periods 
said,  can  be  well  adopted  in  a  calm  and  dispassionate  re- 
vicwal  of  the  delivery  and  effect  of  Johnson's  speeches 
during  this  debate  on  the  state  of  the  Union  :  "  It  was  an 
epoch  in  a  man's  life  to  have  heard  him.  I  shall  never  for 
get  the  deep  moral  earnestness  of  his  tone,  and  the  blaze 
of  glory  that  seemed  to  light  up  his  features  when  he  spoke 

all  the  while  a  serenity  sat  on  his  brow  that  pointed 

to  deeds  of  glory." 


CHAPTER    XV. 

TERRORISM     IN     TENNESSEE. 

THE  People  of  Tennessee  Vote  against  a  State  Convention  on  Secession  —  The 
Legislature  in  Secret  Session  enter  into  a  Military  League  with  the  Rebel 
Government  —  The  Ordinance  of  Secession  to  be  Voted  on  under  an  Atro 
cious  Terrorism  —  Rebel  Soldiers  Raised  and  Taxes  Levied  without  Law  — 
Union  Men  Hunted  out  of  the  State — Horrible  Tyranny  —  Secessionists' 
hatred  of  Johnson — Indignities  offered  to  him  —  Assailed  in  the  Railway 
Cars,  meets  the  Ruffians  —  Attends  the  Union  Convention  in  East  Tennes 
see —  Fine  Reception  and  Speech  in  Cincinnati  —  The  Abominable  Doctrine 
of  Secession  to  be  Totally  Annihilated—  The  Difficulties  not  the  result  of 
Local  Animosity  —  Government  or  no  Government — Affairs  in  Tennessee 

—  Bound  Hand  and   Foot  by  the  Rebels  —  Gallant  Stand  by  Union  Men  — 
Johnson  speaks  in  the  Senate  after  the  Battle  of  Bull  Run  —  Ordeals  through 
which  a  Nation  must  pass  —  No  Compromise  with  Armed  Traitors  —  Rebel 
tendency  to  One-man  Power  —  "  Harris  a  king  and  Baugh  a  Despot"  —  Let 
the  Battle  go  on  —  Supports  the  Resolution  to  Expel  Jesse  D.  Bright  from 
the  Senate  —  Bright  a  Satrap  of  the  South  —  Bright  and  the  Oath  of  Office 

—  Clingman's  Compliment  to  Johnson. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  attempt  to  popularize  the  aims  of 
"  the  great  Southern  party"  in  Tennessee,  and  to  commit 
it  into  an  apparent  consideration  of  the  secession  question, 
the  people,  by  an  overwhelming  vote,  decided  not  to  hold 
a  State  Convention.  In  the  face  of  this  popular  determina 
tion,  the  Governor,  Isham  G.  Harris,  convened  the  Legisla 
ture,  which,  in  extraordinary  and  secret  session,  on  the  1st 
of  May  passed  a  joint  resolution  authorizing  the  Governor 
to  enter  into  a  military  league  with  the  rebel  government. 
On  the  6th  it  also  passed  an  act  to  submit  for  ratification 
or  rejection,  "  a  declaration  of  independence  and  ordinance 
dissolving  the  Federal  relation  between  the  State  of  Ten 
nessee  and  the  United  States  of  America."  Eastern 
Tennessee,  bordering  on  the  Alleghany  mountains,  was,  like 

(234) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  235 

Western  Virginia,  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  Union.  The 
pretended  submission  of  the  declaration  and  ordinance  was 
the  greatest  mockery.  The  terrorism  in  the  State  was  of 
the  most  atrocious  nature. 

The  Legislature,  in  secret  session,  without  waiting  for  the 
people  to  vote  upon  the  ordinance  of  secession,  or  even  to 
read  it,  proceeded  at  once  without  even  the  pretense  of 
popular  or  any  other  authority  to  place  the  whole  power 
and  military  resources  of  the  State  at  the  disposal  of  the 
"  Southern  Confederacy/'  and  invited  the  armies  of  that 
Confederacy  upon  Tennessee  soil,  thus  putting  it  out  of  the 
power  of  the  Tennessee  people  to  exercise  through  the  bal 
lot-box  or  any  other  way,  the  slightest  discretion  or  liberty 
of  choice  in  deciding  what  their  State  should  or  should  not 
do.  After  the  secret  passage  of  the  ordinance  the  disunion 
leaders  devoted  themselves  to  the  raising  of  troops,  mar 
shaling  them  into  the  "  Confederate"  service,  and  without  form 
or  pretext  of  law,  levied  monstrous  'taxes  for  their  support. 
It  was  obvious  that  in  such  a  state  of  affairs  the  "  popular 
vote  "  which  the  leaders,  for  the  sake  of  appearances,  were 
determined  to  have  in  their  favor,  could  have  no  meaning 
whatever.  By  the  machinery  of  mobs  and  vigilance  com 
mittees  dextrously  worked,  they  expelled  by  night  and  day 
thousands  of  bold  and  true  Union  men  from  all  parts  of  the 
State.  They  muzzled  the  editors,  manufactured  public 
opinion  by  holding  meetings,  and  giving  notice  to  the  cham 
pions  of  the  country  who  had  hitherto  swayed  and  moulded 
the  popular  mind  that  their  lives  would  pay  the  penalty  of 
advocating  the  Union.  It  was  universally  proclaimed  that 
every  voter  on  going  to  the  poll  should  expose  his  ballot  to 
the  bystanders,  "  the  plan  being  to  beat,  or  maim,  or  kill  all 
who  should  have  the  audacity  to  vote  for  the  Union."  "  We 
have  seen  scores  of  the  best  men  of  Tennessee,"  said  a  compe 
tent  authority  writing  at  the  time,*  "  within  the  last  few  days, 

*  Louisville  (Ky.)  Journal,  edited  by  O.  D.  Prentice. 


236  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

and  they  all  bear  witness  that,  in  their  belief,  the  reign  of 
terror  now  raging  and  maddening  in  that  State,  has  had  no 
parallel  in  modern  history.  There  is  less  of  personal 
freedom,  there  is  more  of  atrocious  and  horrible  tyranny  in 
Tennessee  at  this  time  than  could  be  found  under  the  worst 
and  most  wretched  governments  of  Asia  or  the  savage 
islands  of  the  sea." 

The  tone  of  Johnson's  speeches  of  course  drew  upon  the 
speaker  all  the  ire  of  the  secessionists,  and  many  efforts 
were  made  in  the  Soutli  to  show  that  he  had  no  sympathy 
in  that  region.  He  however  fearlessly  proceeded  home 
ward.  Passing  through  Lynchburg,  a  large  crowd  assem 
bled,  groaned  and  hissed  at  him.  At  Liberty,  in  the 
same  State,  it  is  said  the  mob  was  for  going  to  greater  ex 
tremities  with  him.  He  was  assailed  on  a  Sunday  in  the 
railway  cars  by  an  infuriated  rebel  mob,  and  only  escaped 
their  mad  vengeance  by  the  prompt  courage  which  has  sus 
tained  him  through  life  in  every  emergency.  Pistol  in 
hand  he  met  and  appalled  the  ruffians,  following  up  his  ad 
vantage  by  driving  them  back ;  while  his  own  life,  as  well 
as  the  lives  of  some  of  those  who  attempted  his  assassina 
tion,  were  saved  by  the  presence  of  the  ladies  traveling  with 
him. 

But  his  persecutions  did  not  stop  here.  In  his  own  State 
and  elsewhere  in  the  South,  after  the  frenzy  of  rebellion  had 
fairly  seized  the  public  mind,  he  was,  in  Knoxville,  Nash 
ville.  Memphis,  and  various  other  points  of  less  note,  hung  and 
shot  in  effigy,  and  every  insult  and  indignity  offered  to  his 
name  that  a  maddened  populace  could  impose.  Some  pa 
pers  in  Tennessee,  under  traitor  control,  regarded  the  an 
nouncement  that  Andrew  Johnson  would  make  his  appear 
ance  at  the  head  of  a  Union  "  Lincoln  force  "  as  a  delusion. 
Johnson,  however,  was  not  to  be  deterred.  At  the  East 
Tennessee  Union  Convention,  May  30,  at  Cincinnati,  in 
June,  and  again  in  the  Senate  in  the  extra  session  succeeding 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  237 

the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln— at  all  places  where  it  was 
necessary,  his  trumpet  tones  proclaimed  the  glory  of  the 
Union  cause  and  the  infamy  of  treason. 

At  Cincinnati,  on  June  19,  Senator  Johnson  was  wel 
comed  by  the  people  in  not  only  unmistakable  but  enthusi 
astic  terms  of  approval.  He  arrived  without  any  idea  or 
expectation  that  such  a  reception  was  in  store  for  him,  and 
the  effect  was  such,  after  the  indignities  which  had  been 
heaped  upon  him  by  disloyalists  that  he  was  almost  over 
powered,  and  for  a  time  felt  that  he  could  not  express  him 
self.  He  had  words,  but  not  such  as  could  give  atterance 
to  his  feelings.  He  was  inspired,  however,  by  the  knowledge 
that  the  cordiality  and  sympathy  extended  to  him  by  the 
men  of  Ohio,  was  heartfelt  and  sincere.  Thanking  the  as 
semblage  for  their  kind  welcome  and  their  welcome  sympa 
thy,  he  declared  that,  while  he  was  a  citizen  of  a  Southern 
State,  he  was  also  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  in  the 
latter  position  he  was  willing  to  abide  by  its  Constitution. 
He  was  proud  to  hear  what  had  been  said  in  reference  to 
the  relations  existing  between  the  sections,  and  "  the  pend 
ing  difficulties  which  are  now  upon  the  country,  do  not  grow 
out  of  any  animosity  to  the  local  institutions  of  any  section." 

"  I  am  glad  to  be  assured  that  it  grows  out  of  a  determination  to 
maintain  the  glorious  principles  upon  which  the  Government  itself 
rest3_the  principles  contained  in  the  Constitution— and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  rebuke  and  to  bring  back,  as  far  as  may  be  practicable, 
within  the  pale  of  the  Constitution,  those  individuals,  or  States 
even,  who  have  taken  it  upon  themselves  to  exercise  a  principle  and 
doctrine  at  war  with  all  government,  with  all  association— political, 
moral  and  religious.  I  mean  the  doctrine  of  secession,  which  is 
neither  more  nor  less  than  a  heresy,  a  fundamental  error,  a  political 
absurdity,  coming  in  conflict  with  all  organized  government,  with 
every  thing  that  tends  to  preserve  law  and  order  in  the  United 
States,  or  wherever  else  the  odious  and  abominable  doctrine  may  be 
attempted  to  be  exercised.  I  look  upon  the  doctrine  of  secession 
as  coning  in  conflict  with  all  organism,  moral  and  social.  I  repeat, 
without  regard  to  the  peculiar  institutions  of  the  respective  States 


238  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  . 

composing  this  confederacy;  without  regard  to  any  Government 
that  may  be  founded  in  the  future,  or  exists  in  the  present,  this 
odious  doctrine  of  secession  should  be  crushed  out,  destroyed,  and 
totally  annihilated.  No  Government  can  stand ;  no  religious,  or 
moral,  or  social  organizations  can  stand  where  this  doctrine  is  tole 
rated.  It  is  disintegration — universal  dissolvement — in  making  war 
upon  every  thing  that  has  a  tendency  to  promote  and  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  mass  of  mankind.  Therefore,  I  repeat,  that  this 
odious  and  abominable  doctrine — you  must  pardon  me  for  using  a 
strong  expression — I  do  not  say  it  in  a  profane  sense— but  this  doc 
trine  I  conceive  to  be  — hell- for  n  and  hell-found,  and  one  which  will 
carry  every  thing  in  its  train,  unless  it  is  arrested  and  crushed  out 
from  our  midst." 

Laying  his  hand  upon  his  breast,  and  pledging  himself 
by  its  truth  and  honor,  lie  said  he  felt  gratified  at  hearing 
the  sentiments  that  had  been  uttered,  that  all  were  willing 
to  stand  up  for  the  constitutional  rights  guaranteed  to  every 
State  and  citizens  of  States  composing  one  grand  confede 
racy,  whether  we  belonged  to  the  North  or  the  South,  or 
the  East  or  the  West.  He  regarded  these  sentiments  as 
conclusive  evidence  that  "  there  was  no  disposition  on  the 
part  of  any  citizens  of  the  loyal  States  to  make  war  upon 
any  peculiar  institution  of  the  South,  whether  it  be  slavery 
or  any  thing  else — leaving  that  institution  under  the  Con 
stitution,  to  be  controlled  by  time,  circumstances  and  the 
great  laws  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  things  which 
political  legislation  can  control."  This  declaration  was 
frequently  interrupted  by  applause.  Justifying  his  posi 
tion  in  the  United  States  Senate,  he  said  : 

"  I  believe  that  a  Government  without  the  power  to  enforce  its 
laws,  made  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution,  is  no  Government 
at  all.  We  have  arrived  at  that  period  in  our  national  history  at 
which  it  has  become  necessary  for  this  Government  to  say  to  the 
civilized,  as  well  as  to  the  Pagan  world,  whether  it  is  in  reality  a 
Government,  or  whether  it  is  a  pretext  for  a  Government.  If  it  has 
power  to  preserve  its  existence,  and  to  maintain  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws,  that  time  has  now  arrived.  If  it  is  a 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  239 

Government,  that  authority  should  be  asserted.  I  say  then,  let  the 
civilized  world  see  that  we  have  a  Government.  Let  us  dispel  the 
delusion  under  which  we  have  been  laboring  since  the  inauguration 
of  the  Government  in  1789 — let  us  show  that  it  is  not  an  ephemeral 
institution ;  that  we  have  not  merely  imagined  we  had  a  Govern 
ment,  and  when  the  test  came,  that  the  Government  frittered  away 
between  our  fingers  and  quickly  faded  in  the  distance.  The  time 
has  come  when  the  Government  reared  by  our  fathers  should  assert 
itself,  and  give  conclusive  proof  to  the  civilized  world  that  it  is  a 
reality  and  a  perpetuity.  Let  us  show  to  other  nations  that  this 
doctrine  of  secession  is  a  heresy  ;  that  States  coming  into  the  Con 
federacy,  that  individuals  living  in  the  Confederacy,  under  the 
Constitution  have  no  right  nor  authority,  upon  their  own  volition, 
to  set  the  laws  and  the  Constitution  aside,  and  to  bid  defiance  to  the 
authority  of  the  Government  under  which  they  live." 

Senator  Johnson  conscientiously  believed  that  all  the 
candidates  and  parties  in  the  previous  Presidential  canvass 
were  all  in  favor  of  the  Union  ;  but  now  all  party  divisions 
should  be  obliterated  and  the  great  question  of  Union  and 
Constitution  alone  come  up.  It  was  to  him  a  sublime  ques 
tion  and  purpose,  and  as  a  supporter  and  upholder  of  the 
nation's  flag,  he  was  proud  to  hear  the  vast  concourse  that 
surrounded  him,  declare  they  desired  to  co-operate  for  the 
consummation  of  the  Union  without  regard  to  former  party 
differenco.  He  then  devoted  his  address  to  a  brief  recital 
of  the  position  of  affairs  in  Tennessee,  and  conveyed  a  brief 
but  comprehensive  view  of  Union  necessities  and  rebel  ter 
rorism  in  that  State. 

"  No  longer  ago  than  last  February  there  was  an  extra  session  of  the 
Legislature  called.  There  was  then  a  law  passed  authorizing  a  Con 
vention  to  be  called.  The  people  of  that  State  voted  it  down  by  a 
majority  of  sixty-four  thousand. 

"  In  a  very  short  time  afterward,  another  session  of  the  Legislature 
was  called.  This  Legislature  went  into  secret  session  in  a  very  short 
time.  While  the  Southern  Confederacy,  or  its  agents,  had  access  to 
it,  and  were  put  in  possession  of  the  doings  and  proceedings  of  this 
secret  session,  the  great  mass  of  my  own  State  were  not  permitted 
even  to  put  their  ears  to  the  keyhole,  or  to  look  through  a  crevice  in 
the  doors,  to  ascertain  what  was  being  done,  A  league  with  the 


240  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Southern  Confederacy  has  been  formed,  and  the  State  has  been  handed 
over  to  the  Southern  Confederacy,  with  Jefferson  Davis  at  its  head. 
We,  the  people  of  Tennessee,  have  been  handed  over  to  this  con 
federacy,  I  say,  like  sheep  in  the  shambles,  bound  hand  and  foot,  to 
be  disposed  of  as  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  cohorts  may  think  proper. 
This  ordinance  was  passed  by  the  Convention  with  a  proviso  that  it 
should  be  submitted  to  the  people.  The  Governor  was  authorized  to 
raise  fifty-five  thousand  men.  Money  was  appropriated  to  enable  him  j 
to  carry  out  this  diabolical  and  nefarious  scheme,  depriving  the  peo 
ple  of  their  rights,  disposing  of  them  as  stock  in  the  market — handing 
them  over  body  and  soul,  to  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

"  Xow  you  may  talk  about  slaves  and  slavery,  but  in  most  instances 
when  a  slave  changes  his  master,  even  he  has  the  privilege  of  choos 
ing  whom  he  desires  for  his  next  master ;  but  in  this  instance  the 
sovereign  people  of  a  free  State  have  not  been  allowed  the  power  or 
privilege  of  choosing  the  master  they  desired  to  serve.  They  have 
been  given  a  master  without  their  consent  or  advice.  No  trouble 
was  taken  to  ascertain  what  their  desires  were — they  were  at  once 
handed  over  to  this  Southern  Confederacy." 

East  Tennessee,  however,  had  repudiated  the  secession 
ordinance  by  a  large  majority,  and  Johnson  pledged  that 
they  would  remain  firm  in  their  contemptuous  opposition. 
He  also  referred  to  Isham  Harris'  refusal  of  arms  to  East 
Tennessee  unless  the  people  pledged  themselves  to  do  the 
bidding  of  the  State  Government,  and  followed  up  with  a 
picture  of  the  gallant  stand  made  by  the  Union  men  in  the 
face  of  outlawry  and  persecution. 

"  But  while  this  contest  has  been  going  on,  a  portion  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  have  been  standing  up  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
and  because  they  have  dared  to  stand  upon  the  great  embattlement 
of  constitutional  liberties,  exercising  the  freedom  and  the  liberty  of 
speech,  a  portion  of  our  people  have  declared  that  we  are  traitors ; 
they  have  said  that  our  fate  was  to  be  the  fate  of  traitors  ;  and  that 
hemp  was  growing,  and  that  the  day  of  our  execution  was  approach 
ing — that  the  time  would  come  when  those  who  dare  stand  by  the 
Constitution  and  the  principles  therein  embraced,  would  expiate 
their  deeds  upon  the  gallows.  We  have  met  all  these  things.  We 
have  met  them  in  open  day.  We  have  met  them  face  to  face — toe 
to  toe — at  least  in  one  portion  of  the  State.  We  have  told  them 


OF  ANDREW  JOUXSON.  241 

that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  defines  treason,  and  that 
definition  is,  that  treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist 
only  in  levying  war  against  the  General  Government  of  the  United 
States.  We  have  told  them  that  the  time  would  come  when  the 
principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  defining  treason  would 
be  maintained.  We  have  told  them  that  the  time  would  come  when 
the  judiciary  of  the  Government  would  be  sustained  in  such  a  man 
ner  that  it  could  define  what  was  treason  under  the  Constitution 
and  the  law  made  in  conformity  with  it,  and  that  when  defined, 
they  would  ascertain  who  were  the  traitors,  and  who  it  was  that 
would  stretch  the  hemp  they  had  prepared  for  us. 

"  I  know  that  in  reference  to  myself  and  others,  rewards  have  been 
offered,  and  it  has  been  said  that  wan-ants  have  been  issued  for  our 
arrest.  Let  me  say  to  you  here  to-day,  that  I  am  no  fugitive,  espe 
cially  no  fugitive  from  justice.  If  I  were  a  fugitive,  I  would  be  a 
fugitive  from  tyranny — a  fugitive  from  the  reign  of  terror.  But, 
thank  God,  the  country  in  which  I  live,  and  that  division  of  the 
State  from  which  I  hail,  will  record  a  vote  of  twenty-five  thousand 
against  the  secession  ordinance.  The  county  in  which  I  live,  gave  a 
majority  of  two  thousand  and  seven  against  this  odious,  diabolical, 
nefarious,  hell-born  and  hell-bound  doctrine." 

When  the  loyal  States  were  staggering  under  the  effects 
of  the  rebel  reinforcements  at  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  the 
voice  of  Senator  Johnson  again  arose  in  clarion  tones  of 
hope.  Full  of  life,  faitli  and  glory  in  his  cause,  his  words 
were  like  trumpet  blasts  re-forming  the  army  and  re-awaken 
ing  and  re-nerving  the  people  for  thg,  struggle.  When  he 
returned,  after  adding  the  force  of  his  indorsement  to  the 
gallant  stand  made  by  his  co-patriots  in  East  Tennessee,  to 
attend  the  extra  session  at  Washington,  it  was  not  his  inten 
tion  to  engage  in  any  discussion ;  but  the  first  great  battle 
of  the  war  took  place,  and  he  arose  with  the  exigency.  He 
was  not  bowed  down.  He  never  is.  Obstacles  but  invite 
his  energy,  and  danger  is  only  the  touchstone  to  his  cour 
age.  He  believed  that  every  great  people  must,  pass  through 
three  periods.  First  it  was  to  pass  through  the  ordeal  of 
gaining  independence.  Ours  was  a  severe  and  successful 
seven  years7  war  of  revolution.  Second,  after  achieving  in- 
16 


242  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

dependence,  a  nation  must  show  its  ability  to  maintain  that 
position  against  all  foreign  foes.  This  we  achieved  in  the 
war  of  1812-15.  Third,  a  nation  has  to  contend  against 
internal  foes — those  who  have  no  confidence  in  its  integrity, 
or  in  the  institutions  that  may  be  established  under  its 
organic  law.  We  were  then  in  the  midst  of  that  ordeal. 
"  The  problem  being  solved  was  whether  we  can  succeed  in 
maintaining  ourselves  against  the  internal. foes  of  the  Gov 
ernment."  Johnson  thought  the  question  fairly  stated  in 
President  Lincoln's  recent  message,  that  it  was  "  essentially 
a  people's  contest."  A  Georgian  Senator  once  said,  "  When 
traitors  become  numerous  enough  treason  will  become .  re 
spectable."  Notwithstanding  Johnson  thought  that  such 
respectability  was  on  the  increase,  still,  God  being  willing, 
lie  was  for  waging  war  on  traitors  and  treason,  whether  the 
former  be  few  or  many.  This  sentiment  was  applauded  by 
the  galleries,  which  drew  a  call  of  order  from  the  presiding 
officer,  after  which  Johnson  said  :  "  We  arc  in  the  midst 
of  civil  war  ;  blood  has  been  shed  •  life  has  been  sacrificed. 
Traitors  and  rebels  are  standing  with  arms  in  their  hands  ; 
it  is  said  we  must  go  forward  and  compromise  with  them. 
They  are  in  the  wrong  ;  they  are  making  war  upon  the 
Government ;  they  are  trying  to  upturn  and  destroy  our  free 
institutions.  I  say  to  them  that  the  compromise  I  have  to 
make  to  them  under  the  existing  circumstances  is,  '  Ground 
your  arms  ;  obey  the  laws  ;  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution — when  you  do  that,  I  will  talk  to  you  about 
compromises.'  "  A  "  constitutional  monarchy"  had  been  co- 
extensively  mooted  in  the  South,  with  the  declaration  that 
our  republican  government  had  failed.  Senator  Johnson 
made  various  references  in  point,  and  flung  back  the  trepida 
tion  of  Senator  Powell  of  Kentucky,  who  was  wonderfully 
alarmed  at  the  idea  of  making  the  President  a  "  dictator." 
by  giving  him  power  sufficient  to  suppress  the  Rebellion,  with 
some  extracts  from  the  Richmond  and  other  Southern  papers, 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSOK  243 

showing  the  purposes  of  the  traitors.  The  Wltig,  Examiner, 
and  the  speeches  of  the  leaders  unmistakably  pointed  to  a 
change  in  the  character  of  the  Government.  He  read  an 
article  from  the  Memphis  Bulletin  showing  that  under  the 
reign  of  terror  things  had  got  beyond  their  control,  and  the 
cry  was  for  "  one  ruling  power  to  which  all  others  must 
yield."  In  its  dire  extremity  the  Tennessee  paper  said,  "  Let 
Governor  Harris  be  king  if  need  be  and  Baugh  a  despot," 
which  text  Senator  Johnson  improved  on  : 

4  Let  Governor  Harris  be  king,  and  Baugh  a  despot,'  says  the 
Bulletin.  Wlio  is  Baugh  ?  The  Mayor  of  Memphis.  The  mob  reign 
of  terror  gotten  up  under  this  doctrine  of  secession  is  so  great  that 
we  find  that  they  are  appealing  to  the  one-man  power.  They  are 
even  willing  to  make  the  Mayor  of  the  city  a  despot,  and  Isham  G. 
Harris,  a  little  petty  Governor  of  Tennessee,  a  king.  He  is  to  be 
made  king  over  the  State  that  contains  the  bones  of  the  immortal, 
the  illustrious  Jackson.  Isham  G.  Harris  a  king !  Or  Jeff.  Davis  a 
dictator,  and  Isham  G.  Hams  one  of  his  satraps !  He  a  king  oyer 
the  free  and  patriotic  people  of  Tennessee !  Isham  G.  Hams' to  be 
my  king !  Yes,  sir,  my  king !  I  know  the  man.  I  know  his  ele 
ments.  I  know  the  ingredients  that  constitute  the  compound  called 
Isham  G.  Harris.  King  Harris  to  be  my  master,  and  the  master  of 
the  people  that  I  have  the  proud  and  conscious  satisfaction  of  repre 
senting  on  this  floor !  Mr.  President,  he  should  not  be  my  slave ! 
[Applause  in  the  galleries.]" 

He  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Government  for  East 
Tennessee.  "  If  two-thirds  have  fallen  off,"  he  cried,  "  or 
have  been  sunk  by  an  earthquake,  it  does  not  change  our 
relation  to  this  Government.  If  we  had  ten  thousand  stand 
of  arms  and  ammunition  when  the  contest  commenced,  we 
should  have  asked  no  further  assistance."  He  believed  in 
ultimate  triumph.  Even  though  he  may  not  always  see  his 
way  clearly,  yet,  as  in  matters  of  religion,  when  facts  give 
out,  he  draws  upon  his  faith.  "  My  faith  is  strong,"  he  says, 
"  based  on  the  eternal  principles  of  right,  that  a  thing  so 
monstrously  wrong  as  this  rebellion  cannot  triumph  ;"  and 
in  this  spirit  he  exclaims,  "  Let  the  battle  go  on— it  is  free- 


244  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

dom's  cause— until  the  Stars  and  Stripes  (God  bless  them) 
shall  again  be  unfurled  upon  every  cross-road,  and  from 
every  house-top  throughout  the  confederacy,  North  and 
South.  "  Let  the  Union  be  reinstated  ;  let  the  law  be  en 
forced  ;  let  the  Constitution  be  supreme."  In  the  same 
reliable  confidence  in  the  popular  appreciation  of  the  Gov 
ernment  which  sheds  such  blessings  over  all,  he  predicted 
the  electric  movement  all  over  the  North  to  succor  the  Re 
public.  "There  will  be  an  uprising.  Do  not  talk  about 
Republicans  now  ;  do  not  talk  about  Democrats  now  ;  do 
not  talk  about  Whigs  or  Americans  now  ;  talk  about  your 
country,  and  the  Constitution,  and  the  Union.  Save  that, 
preserve  the  integrity  of  the  Government ;  once  more  place 
it  erect  among  the  nations  of  the  earth ;  and  then,  if  we 
want  to  divide  about  questions  that  may  arise  in  our  midst, 
we  have  a  Government  to  divide  in."  He  denied  that  the 
object  of  the  movement  was  war  on  Southern  institutions. 
The  idea  was  denied  both  in  free  States  and  slave  States. 
"  It  was,"  said  he,  "  a  war  for  the  integrity  of  the  Union ;"  and 
with  this  design  filling  his  mind,  concluded  thus  manfully  : 

"  Although  the  Government  has  met  with  a  little  reverse  within  a 
short  distance  of  this  city,  no  one  should  be  discouraged  and  no 
heart  should  be  dismayed.  It  ought  only  to  prove  the  necessity  of 
bringing  forth  and  exerting  still  more  vigorously  the  power  of  the 
Government  in  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  Let 
the  energies  of  the  Government  be  redoubled,  and  let  it  go  on  with 
this  war not  a  war  upon  sections,  not  a  war  upon  peculiar  institu 
tions  any  where ;  but  let  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  be  its  front 
ispiece  and  the  supremacy  and  enforcement  of  the  laws  its  watch 
word.  Then  it  can,  it  will,  go  on  triumphantly.  We  must  succeed. 
This  Government  must  not,  cannot  fail.  Though  your  flag  may  have 
trailed  in  the  dust ;  though  a  retrograde  movement  may  have  been 
made ;  though  the  banner  of  our  country  may  have  been  sullied,  let 
it  still  be  borne  onward ;  and  if,  for  the  prosecution  of  this  war  in 
behalf  of  the  Government  and  the  Constitution,  it  is  necessary  to 
cleanse  and  purify  that  banner,  I  say  let  it  be  baptized  in  fire  from 
the  sun  and  bathed  in  a  nation's  blood !  The  nation  must  be  re- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  245 

deemed ;  it  must  be  triumphant.  The  Constitution— which  is  based 
upon  principles  immutable,  and  upon  which  rest  the  rights  of  man 
and  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  those  who  love  freedom  throuo-h- 
out  the  civilized  world— must  be  maintained." 

On  the  16th  December,  1861,  Senator  Wilkinson  of  Min 
nesota  submitted  a  resolution  for  the  expulsion  of  Jesse  D. 
Bright  of  Indiana  from  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  based  on  a  letter  from  Bright  introducing  one  Thomas 
B.  Lincoln  to  Jefferson  Davis  as  a  person  who  had  an  im 
provement  in  fire  arms  to  dispose  of.    The  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary  reported  adversely  on  the  resolution,  and  on  the 
31st  of  January  following,  Senator  Johnson  addressed  the 
Senate  on  the  subject,  and  in  favor  of  the  resolution.     He 
disclaimed  any  personal  or  party  feelings  in  the  course  he 
pursued.     A  few  years  previous  the  seat  of  Mr.  Bright  was 
contested,  and  Senator  Johnson  voted  to  admit  him.     He 
was  now  impelled  by  an  imperative  sense  of  public  duty  to 
vote  for  his  expulsion.     Bright  was  one  of  those  Northern 
members  of  Congress  who  were  bound  hand  and  foot  by 
their  affiliations  with  Southern  politicians.     He  had  Presi 
dential  aspirations,  and  thought  to  further  them  by  making 
himself  useful  to  the  party  managers  from  the  South.     He 
followed  in  the  wake  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  and  bent  the  knee 
to  the  conspirators.     The  letter  of  introduction  upon  which 
the  resolution  of  expulsion  was  based,  shows  how  far  Mr. 
Bright  departed  from  the  line  of  manly  duty.     After  the 
rebels  had  fired  on  the  flag,  taken  forts,  custom  houses  and 
post  offices  of  the  United  States,  he  gives  a  character  to  a 
"friend"  who  is  desirous  of  selling  an  improvement  in  arms 
to  be  used  against  the  country  of  which  he  is  a  Senator. 
He  was  as  ready  for  rebel  use  after  war  had  been  inaugu 
rated  against  the  Union  as  he  had  been  when  they  were  only 
making  war  on  Douglas    He  stood  in  the  position  of  putting 
arms  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels  against  his  country.    After 
he  had  written  the  note  to  Davis,  in  which  he  addressed  him 


246  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

as  "his  Excellency,"  and  "President  of  the  Confederation  of 
States,"  his  bearing  was  equally  antagonistic  to  the  Union.  It 
was  not  unobserved  by  Johnson.  Sometimes  we  can  see  much 
more  than  is  expressed.  It  is  not  necessary  that  a  man's  sen 
timents  should  be  written  in  burning  characters  before  we 
are  able  to  judge  what  they  arc.  "  Has  it  not  been  observable 
all  through  this  history  where  the  true  Union  heart  has 
stood  ?  What  was  the  Senator's  bearing  at  the  last  session 
of  Congress  ?  Do  we  not  know  that  in  the  main  he  stood 
here  opposed  substantially  to  every  measure  which  was 
necessary  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  trial  and  peril. 
He  may,  perhaps,"  added  Senator  Johnson,  "  have  voted  for 
some  measures  that  were  collateral,  remote,  indirect  in  their 
bearing  ;  but  do  we  not  know  that  his  vote  and  his  influence 
were  cast  against  the  measures  which  were  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  hour  of  peril.'7  Com 
menting  on  Mr.  Bright's  opposition  to  the  coercion  policy, 
Senator  Johnson. said : 

"  We  may  as  well  be  honest  and  fair,  and  admit  the  truth  of  the 
great  proposition,  that  a  Government  cannot  exist — in  other  words — 
it  is  no  Government  if  it  is  without  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws 
and  coerce  obedience  to  them.  That  is  all  there  is  of  it ;  and  the 
very  instant  you  take  that  power  from  this  Government  it  is  at  an 
end ;  it  is  a  mere  rope  of  sand  that  will  fall  to  pieces  of  its  own  weight. 
It  is  idle,  Utopian,  chimerical,  to  talk  about  a  Government  existing 
without  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws.  The  Constitution  says,  '  that 
Congress  shall  have  the  power  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the  inilitiu 
to  execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrection  and  rebel 
invasion,'  etc. 

«  Can  you  expect  your  brave  men,  officers  and  soldiers,  that 

are  now  in  the  tented  field  subject  to  all  the  hardships  and  privations 
peculiar  to  a  civil  war  like  this,  to  have  courage  and  march  on  with 
patriotism  to  crush  treason  on  every  battle-field,  when  you  have  not 
the  courage  to  expel  it  from  your  midst  ?  Set  those  brave  men  an 
example.  Say  to  them  by  your  acts  and  voice  that  you  evidence 
your  intention  to  put  down  traitors  in  the  field  by  ejecting  them 
from  your  midst  without  regard  to  former  associations. 

«  But  let  us  go  on :  let  us  encourage  the  Army  and  Navy ; 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  247 

let  us  vote  the  men  and  means  necessary  to  vitalize  and  bring  into  re 
quisition  the  enforcing  and  coercive  power  of  the  Government ;  let 
us  crush  out  the  rebellion  and  anxiously  look  forward  to  the  day — 
God  grant  it  may  come  soon— when  the  baleful  comet  of  fire  and 
of  blood  that  now  hovers  over  this  distracted  people  may  be  chased 
away  by  the  benignant  star  of  peace.  Let  us  look  forward  to  the 
time  when  we  can  take  the  flag  of  our  country  and  nail  it  below  the 
cross,  and  there  let  it  wave  as  it  waved  in  the  olden  times,  and  let 
us  gather  around  it  and  inscribe  for  our  motto,  '  Liberty  and  Union, 
one  and  inseparable,  now  and  for  ever,'  and  exclaim,  '  Christ  first, 
our  country  next !'" 

He  knew  no  party  ;  he  knew  no  party  feelings  ;  no  past 
associations  ;  no  present  exigency  but  that  which  threat 
ened  the  Republic,  and  he  knew  them  but  to  oppose  them 
with  all  his  strength.  As  the  oldest  Senator  present  when 
Johnson  made  his  debut  in  the  Chamber,  Bright,  had  ten 
dered  the  oath  of  office  to  him.  Witli  a  high  sense  of  that 
oath  and  the  duties  imposed  by  it,  the  Senator  who  then 
took  it  now  advocated  the  expulsion  of  the  Senator  who 
administered  and  had  since  broken  it.  Bright,  who  was 
simply  a  politician,  probably  regarded  the  oath  as  a  mere 
formula.  Johnson,  an  upright  patriot,  received  it  with  a 
conscientious  sense  of  obligation  which  should  guide  and 
guard  his  action.  This  relation  between  Bright  and  John 
son  in  the  Senate  calls  to  mind  another  but  of  a  different 
character.  On  Johnson's  appearance  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  he  first  crossed  swords  with  Clingman  of  North 
Carolina,  and  uttered  the  gallant  defense  of  the  Catholics 
referred  to  in  a  previous  chapter.  Both  had  been  promoted 
into  the  Senate,  and  in  1860,  Clingman,  regarding  John 
son  as  a  probable  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  spoke  of 
him  as  "  a  gentleman  whose  talents  and  energy  have  enabled 
him  to  overcome  the  greatest  obstacles,  and  placed  him  in 
the  front  rank  of  the  statesmen  of  the  country." 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


JOHNSON   MILITARY   GOVERNOR    OF    TENNESSEE. 

/ 

PERSECUTION  of  Union  Men  in  Tennessee  —  Johnson  Appointed  Military  Gov 
ernor  —  Assumes  Official  Duties  —  Obstacles  in  his  Way  —  Proclamation  of 
March  18,  1862  —  Able  Statement  of  the  Position  of  Tennessee,  Past  and 
Present  —  Mutual  Relations  between  State  and  Federal  Government —  Stub 
bornness  of  the  Rebel  Population  —  The  Municipal  Council  of  Nashville  Re 
fuse  to  take  the  Oath  of  Allegiance- — •  Declares  the  Offices  Vacant  — 
Dialogue  with  Rebel  Ladies  —  Military  Movements  —  Mr.  S.  R.  Glenn's 
Diary  of  the  Defense  of  Nashville  —  His  Reception  by  Governor  Johnson  — 
Intercepted  Letters  — Address  to  Ohio  Troops  —  Vigorous  Measures  against 
Ultra  Secessionists  —  "  Pouters  "  —  General  Maury  Banished  —  Reasons  of 
A.  H.  Stephens  for  Joining  the  Rebels  —  Proclamation  of  Reprisal  for 
Injuries  to  Unionists  —  Union  Mass  Convention  in  Nashville  —  Governor 
Johnson's  Address  —  Profound  Sensation  and  Enthusiasm  —  The  Governor 
Addresses  the  Blue-Coats  and  Butternuts  at  Murfreesboro'  —  A  Midnight 
Alarm  —  The  Governor  "  a  Bait  "  for  Morgan's  Men  —  Spirited  Speech  to 
Michigan  and  Minnesota  Soldiers  —  "  Hallelujah  !"  —  Union  Meetings  at  Col 
umbia  and  Shelbyville  —  Speech  of  a  Converted  Separatiomst  —  Guerilla 
Brutalities  —  Narrow  Escape  of  Johnson. 

IN  the  latter  part  of  1861  and  early  in  tlie  spring  of 
1862,  the  rebel  persecutions  on  Union  men  in  East  Tennessee 
became  so  oppressive  that  thousands  of  the  latter  were 
driven  from  the  State,  and  obliged  to  seek  refuge  in  Ken 
tucky.  Driven  hurriedly  from  home,  they  could  carry  with 
them  little  or  nothing  save  the  clothes  they  wore.  The 
inclemency  of  the  weather  incident  to  the  season  found  them 
in  the  most  deplorable  condition — without  money,  without 
employment,  and  in  many  instances  without  clothing  or  food- 
refugees  from  home,  wandering  from  house  to  house  •  sick 
and  broken  down  in  the  midst  of  a  proud  and  haughty  popula 
tion  that  cared  little  for  their  persecutions  at  home  or 

(248) 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  249 

privations  abroad,  and  less  for  the  cause  they  had  so  nobly 
espoused. 

In  this  condition  Senator  Johnson  met  them  in  Ken 
tucky,  and  generously,  out  of  his  private  means  and  through 
his  influence  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  re 
lieved  their  wants,  and,  as  far  as  practicable,  alleviated 
their  sufferings.  Through  his  influence  Camp  Dick  Robin 
son  was  established  by  General  William  Nelson,  which  at 
once  became  the  refugees'  home.  They  were  there  fed  and 
clothed  ;  and  in  sickness  sheltered  from  the  pitiless  storms. 
Finally  they  were  organized  into  companies  and  regiments, 
and  incorporated  into  the  armies  of  the  Union,  whence  they 
entered  the  great  strife,  and  have  since  won,  on  many  an 
ensanguined  field,  immortal  honors,  which  will  crown  East 
Tennesseeans  with  everlasting  fame. 

On  the  4th  of  March  1862,  President  Lincoln  nominated 
and  the  Senate  confirmed  Senator  Johnson  as  Military  Gover 
nor  of  Tennessee  with  the  rank   of   Brigadier    General. 
About  the  12th  of  the  same  month  he  reached  the  city  of 
Nashville  and  assumed  the  arduous  and  perplexing  duties  of 
his  office,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  organize  a  provincial 
government  for  the  State.     The  city  had  then  been  only  re 
cently  evacuated  (on  the  23d  of  February)  by  the  rebel 
troops,  and  occupied  (on  the  25th)  by  the  Federal  forces. 
The  rebel  State  Government  moved  to  Memphis  ;  the  rebel 
army  still  lingered  in  the  State  a  short  distance  from  Nash 
ville,  and  the  rebel  population  excited  and  chagrined  at  their 
defeat,   confidently    expected  the   speedy  return   of  their 
friends,  and  the  repulse  and  overthrow  of  the  Union  army 
in  the  State.     Every  indignity  was  offered  to  the  Governor 
that  wounded  pride,  hatred  and  malice  could  invent.   Every 
possible  obstacle  was  thrown  in  the  way  of  an  easy  admin 
istration  of  the  affairs  of  the  State.     Most  of  the  Union 
men  in  the  city  also  had  been  fearful  of  the  rebel  army  in 
Tennessee.      Thus  left  without  support,  sympathy  or  en- 
11* 


250  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

couragcment,  Governor  Johnson  had  to  uphold  the  State 
authority  by  his  single  hand.  Appalled  by  no  threats,  and 
shrinking  from  no  responsibility,  he  went  steadily  forward 
in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  on  the  18th  of  March, 
issued  the  following  proclamation,  which  attracted  ex 
tended  notice  at  the  time.  The  loftiness  of  its  tone,  eleva 
tion  of  sentiment,  and  cairn,  earnest,  persuasive  eloquence, 
signalize  it  as  the  best,  as  it  certainly  was  one  of  the  most 
important  documents  which  had  been  called  out  by  the 
crisis.  It  was  regarded  as  peculiarly  important  as  indicating 
the  policy  determined  on  by  the  Government  towards  the 
rebellious  States,  in  the  event  of  the  reasscrtion  over  them 
of  the  National  authority. 

"  FELLOW  CITIZENS  :  Tennessee  assumed  the  form  of  a  body  poli 
tic  as  one  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  the  year  1796,  at  once 
entitled  to  all  the  privileges  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  bound 
by  all  its  obligations.  For  nearly  sixty-five  years  she  continued  in 
the  enjoyment  of  all  her  rights  and  in  the  performance  of  all  her 
duties  one  of  the  most  loyal  and  devoted  of  the  sisterhood  of  States. 
She  has  been  honored  by  the  elevation  of  two  of  her  citizens  to  the 
highest  place  in  the  gift  of  the  American  people,  and  a  third  had 
been  nominated  for  the  same  high  office,  who  received  a  liberal 
though  ineffective  support.  Her  population  had  largely  and  rapidly 
increased,  and  their  moral  and  material  interests  correspondingly  ad 
vanced.  Never  was  a  people  more  prosperous,  contented  and  happy 
than  the  people  of  Tennessee  under  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  none  less  burdened  for  the  support  of  the  authority  by 
which  they  were  protected.  They  felt  their  Government  only  in 
the  conscious  enjoyment  of  the  benefits  it  conferred  and  the  blessings 
it  bestowed. 

Such  was  our  enviable  condition  until  within  the  year  past,  when, 
under  what  baneful  influences  it  is  not  now  my  purpose  to  inquire, 
the  authority  of  the  Government  was  set  at  defiance,  and  the  Consti 
tution  and  laws  contemned  by  a  rebellious  armed  force.  Men  who 
in  addition  to  the  ordinary  privileges  and  duties  of  the  citizen,  had 
enjoyed  largely  the  bounty  and  official  patronage  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  had  by  repeated  oaths,  obligated  themselves  to  its  sup 
port,  with  sudden  ingratitude  for  the  bounty  and  disregard  for  their 
solemn  obligation,  engaged,  deliberately  and  ostentatiously,  in  tho 


OF  ANDREW  JOUXSOX.  251 

accomplishment  of  its  overthrow.  Many  accustomed  to  defer  to 
their  opinions  and  to  accept  their  guidance,  and  others  carried  away 
by  excitement  or  overawed  by  seditious  clamor,  arrayed  themselves 
under  their  banners,  thus  organizing  a  treasonable  power  which,  for 
the  time  being,  stifled  and  suppressed  the  authority  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

"  In  this  condition  of  affairs  it  devolved  upon  the  President,  bound 
by  his  official  oath  to  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution, 
and  charged  by  the  law  with  the  duty  of  suppressing  insurrection 
and  domestic  violence,  to  resist  and  repel  this  rebellious  force  by  the 
military  ami  of  the  Government,  and  thus  to  re-establish  the  Fede 
ral  authority.  Congress,  assembling  at  an  early  day,  found  him  en 
gaged  in  the  active  discharge  of  his  momentous  and  responsible 
trust.  That  body  came  promptly  to  his  aid,  and  while  supplying 
him  with  treasure  and  arms  to  an  extent  that  would  previously  have 
been  considered  fabulous,  they,  at  the  same  time,  with  almost  abso 
lute  unanimity  declared,  '  that  this  war  is  not  waged  on  their  part 
in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  nor  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or  sub 
jugation,  nor  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the  rights 
or  established  institutions  of  these  States,  but  to  defend  and  main 
tain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  to  preserve  the  Union 
with  all  the  dignity,  equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unim 
paired  ;  and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished  the  war 
ought  to  cease.'  In  this  spirit  and  by  such  co-operation  has  the 
President  conducted  this  mighty  contest,  until,  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army,  he  has  caused  the  national  flag  again  to  float 
undisputed  over  the  capital  of  our  State.  Meanwhile  the  State 
Government  has  disappeared.  The  Executive  has  abdicated;  the 
Legislature  has  dissolved ;  the  Judiciary  is  in  abeyance.  The  great 
ship  of  State,  freighted  with  its  precious  cargo  of  human  interests 
and  human  hopes,  its  sails  all  set  and  its  glorious  old  flag  unfurled, 
has  been  suddenly  abandoned  by  its  officers  and  mutinous  crew,  and 
left  to  float  at  the  mercy  of  the.  winds  and  to  be  plundered  by  every 
rover  on  the  deep.  Indeed  this  work  of  plunder  has  already  com 
menced.  The  archives  have  been  desecrated,  the  public  property 
stolen  and  destroyed ;  the  vaults  of  the  State  Bank  violated,  and  its 
treasures  robbed,  including  the  funds  carefully  gathered  and  conse 
crated  for  all  time  to  the  instruction  of  our  children. 

"  In  such  a  lamentable  crisis,  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
is  not  unmindful  of  its  high  constitutional  obligation  to  guaran 
tee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of  government, 
an  obligation  which  every  State  has  a  direct  and  immediate  interest 
in  having  observed  towards  every  other  State  ;  and  from  which,  by 


252  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

no  action  on  part  of  the  people  in  any  State,  can  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  be  absolved.  A  republican  form  of  Government  in  consonance 
with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  is  one  of  the  fundamental 
conditions  of  our  political  existence,  by  which  every  part  of  tho 
country  is  alike  bound,  and  from  which  no  part  can  escape.  This 
obligation  the  national  Government  is  now  attempting  to  dis 
charge.  I  have  been  appointed,  in  the  absence  of  the  regular  and 
established  State  authorities,  as  Military  Governor  for  the  time  be 
ing,  to  preserve  the  public  property  of  the  States,  to  give  the  pro 
tection  of  law  actively  enforced  to  her  citizens,  and  as  speedily  as 
may  be  to  restore  her  Government  to  the  same  condition  as  before 
the  existing  rebellion. 

"  In  this  grateful  but  arduous  undertaking  I  shall  avail  myself  of 
all  the  aid  that  may  be  afforded  by  my  fellow  citizens.  And  for  this 
purpose  I  respectfully  but  earnestly  invite  all  the  people  of  Tennes 
see,  desirous  or  willing  to  see  a  restoration  of  her  ancient  Govern 
ment,  without  distinction  of  party  affiliations  or  past  political 
opinions  or  action,  to  unite  with  me  by  counsel  and  co-operative 
agency  to  accomplish  this  great  end.  I  find  most,  if  not  all  of  the 
offices,  both  State  and  Federal,  vacated  either  by  actual  abandon 
ment  or  by  the  actions  of  the  incumbents  in  attempting  to  subordi 
nate  their  functions  to  a  power  in  hostility  to  the  fundamental  law 
of  the  State  and  subversive  of  her  national  allegiance.  These  offices 
must  be  filled  temporarily  until  the  State  shall  be  restored  so  far  to 
its  accustomed  quiet  that  the  people  can  peaceably  assemble  at  the 
ballot-box  and  select  agents  of  their  own  choice.  Otherwise  an 
archy  would  prevail,  and  no  man's  life  or  property  would  be  safe 
from  the  desperate  and  unprincipled. 

"  I  shall,  therefore,  as  early  as  practicable,  designate  for  various  posi 
tions  under  the  State  and  county  governments,  from  among  my  fel 
low  citizens,  persons  of  probity  and  intelligence,  and  bearing  true 
allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  United  States, 
who  will  execute  the  functions  of  their  respective  offices  until  their 
places  be  filled  by  the  action  of  the  people.  Their  authority,  when 
their  appointments  shall  have  been  made,  will  be  accordingly  re 
spected  and  observed. 

"  To  the  people  themselves  the  protection  of  the  Government  is  ex 
tended.  All  their  rights  will  be  duly  respected  and  their  wrongs 
redressed  when  made  known.  Those  who  through  the  dark  and 
weary  nights  of  the  rebellion  have  maintained  their  allegiance  to 
the  Federal  Government  will  be  honored.  The  erring  and  misguided 
will  be  welcomed  on  their  return.  And  while  it  may  become  neces 
sary  in  vindicating  the  violated  majesty  of  the  law  and  re-assert- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNS  OK  253 

ing  its  imperial  sway  to  punisli  intelligent  and  conscious  treason 
in  higli  places,  no  merely  retaliatory  or  vindictive  policy  will 
be  adopted.  To  those  especially  who  in  a  private,  unofficial  capacity 
have  assumed  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  Government,  a  fall  and 
competent  amnesty  for  all  past  acts  and  declarations  is  offered,  upon 
the  one  condition  of  their  again  yielding  themselves  peaceful  citi 
zens  to  the  just  supremacy  of  the  laws.  This  I  advise  them  to  do 
for  their  own  good  and  for  the  peace  and  welfare  of  our  beloved 
State,  endeared  to  me  by  the  association  of  long  and  active  years, 
and  by  the  enjoyment  of  her  highest  honors. 

"  And  appealing  to  my  fellow  citizens  of  Tennessee,  I  point  you 
to  my  long  public  life  as  a  pledge  for  the  sincerity  of  my  motives 
and  an  earnest  for  the  performance  of  my  present  and  future  duties. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  Executive  Office,  Nashville,  March  18, 1862." 

But  patriotic,  forbearing  and  humane  as  was  this  appeal, 
it  fell  unheeded  upon  the  great  mass  of  the  misguided  popu 
lation  of  the  State.  They  did  not  yield  their  opposition  to 
the  Government  and  authority  of  the  United  States,  but 
still  clung  to  the  fortunes  of  the  rebel  cause,  and  anxiously 
awaited  the  return  of  its  armies.  During  the  month  of 
March  he  addressed  the  people  of  Nashville,  delivering  an 
eloquent  and  impressive  discourse  on  political  affairs, 
dwelling  mainly  upon  the  Northern  views  of  the  war,  its 
origin  and  purposes.  He  likewise  directed  a  letter  to  the 
municipal  officials  of  Nashville,  requiring  them  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  The  Council  refused,  sixteen  to  one. 
The  former  declining  on  the  ground  that  it  was  never  con 
templated  to  take  such  an  oath,  and  the  latter  saying  he 
would  take  the  oath  and  resign.  Whereupon  Governor 
Johnson  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  vacant  the  offices 
of  Mayor  and  the  City  Council  who  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  appointed  other 
persons  to  serve  pro  tempore  until  another  election  could  be 
held.  The  Nashville  Banner  tells  us  of  an  entertaining 
little  dialogue  which  took  place  about  this  time  in  the 
Governor's  office  between  Governor  Johnson  and  two  rebel 


254  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ladies  of  that  city  who  visited  the  Governor  to  complain  of 
the  occupation  of  a  residence  belonging  to  the  rebel  hus 
band  of  one  of  them  by  a  United  States  officer.  The  con 
versation  was  substantially  as  follows  : 

LADY. — I  think  it  is  too  dreadful  for  a  woman  in  my 
lonesome  condition  to  have  her  property  exposed  to  injury 
and  destruction. 

GOVERNOR. — Well,  madam,  I  will  inquire  into  the  matter, 
and  if  any  injustice  has  been  done,  will  try  to  have  it  cor 
rected.  But  your  husband,  you  admit,  has  gone  off  with  the 
rebels,  and  you  abandoned  your  dwelling. 

LADY. — My  husband  went  off  South  because  it  was  to 
his  interest  to  do  so.  You  must  not  find  fault  with  any 
body  for  taking  care  of  himself  these  times.  You  know, 
Governor,  that  all  things  are  justifiable  in  war. 

GOVERNOR. — Well,  madam,  it  appears  to  me  that  this 
broad  rule  of  yours  will  justify  taking  possession  of  your 
house.  According  to  your  maxim,  I  don't  see  any  reason 
for  helping  you  out  of  your  difficulty. 

LADY. — Oh  !  but  I  didn't,  mean  it  that  way. 

GOVERNOR. — No,  madam,  I  suppose  not.  I  will  .try  to  be 
more  generous  to  you  than  your  own  rule  would  make  me. 
I  do  not  believe  in  your  rule  that  "  all  things  are  justifiable 
in  time  of  war."  But  that  is  just  what  you  rebels  insist 
upon.  It  is  perfectly  right  and  proper  for  you  to  violate 
the  laws,  to  destroy  this  Government,  but  it  is  all  wrong 
for  us  to  execute  the  laws  to  maintain  the  Government. 

The  rebel  ladies  looked  around  in  various  directions,  and, 
heaving  a  long  sigh,  retired,  with  the  conviction  that  they 
had  suggested  a  knotty  argument  on  a  dangerous  subject 
to  a  hard  adversary. 

But  the  obstinacy  of  the  rebellious  sentiment  of  the 
people  of  the  State  did  not  embrace  all  the  difficulties  to  be 
encountered.  A  large  rebel  army  still  hung  on  the  borders 
of  Tennessee,  and. its  military  occupation  was  still  doubtful. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  255 

The  battle  of  Shiloh  came  off  on  the  6th  and  7th  of  April, 
1862,  and  after  a  fierce  contest,  with  disastrous  results  the 
first  day,  General  Beauregard  was,  on  the  second  day,  forced 
back.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Federal  forces  occupied 
Northern  Alabama,  and  entered  the  borders  of  East  Ten 
nessee.  About  the  same  time  the  Rebel  General  Bragg, 
with  a  heavy  force,  passed  through  it,  entered  Kentucky, 
and  was  passing  rapidly  on  toward  Louisville.  The  Federal 
forces  hastily  fell  back  from  their  position  in  Northern 
Alabama  and  the  borders  of  East  Tennessee,  and  passed 
rapidly  through  Nashville,  leaving  a  force  wholly  inade 
quate  (to  minds  less  bold  and  daring  than  Governor  John 
son's)  for  the  defense  of  the  city.  The  rebel  leaders 
Forrest  and  Morgan,  together  with  their  sympathizers  in 
and  around  the  city,  felt  confident  of  its  capture  or  sur 
render  ;  but  Governor  Johnson  had  determined  to  defend 
it  at  all  hazards  and  to  the  last  extremity,  and,  if  need  be, 
utterly  destroy  it  before  it  should  again  fall  into  their 
hands.  The  capitol  building  and  city  were  hastily  fortified, 
and  every  precautionary  step  practicable  taken  for  its 
defense.  The  rebel  forces  soon  appeared  around  it,  and 
daily  expected  its  surrender  ;  but  that  was  a  hasty  con 
clusion — sooner  would  it  have  been  battered  to  the  ground 
or  laid  in  ashes  than  yielded  to  the  foe. 

We  are  afforded  a  graphic  view  of  the  labors  of  Governor 
Johnson  throughout  these  dark  and  trying  times,  as  well  as 
a  highly  interesting  narrative  of  the  state  of  affairs  and 
condition  of  Nashville,  from  the  diary  of  Mr.  Samuel  R. 
Glenn,  formerly  editor  of  the  Boston  Daily  Times,  and 
at  the  period  depicted,  the  capable  correspondent  of  the 
New  York  Herald  in  Tennessee.  His  diary  is  rendered 
doubly  important  and  interesting  by  the  elevation  of  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  to  the  Presidency,  and  as  the  only  authentic 
document  covering  a  remarkable  period.  It  shall  be  used 
with  freedom. 


256  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Arriving  in  Nashville  on  the  27th  April,  1862,  Mr.  Glenn, 
as  an  attache  of  the  Herald*  repaired  at  once  to  the  quar 
ters  occupied  by  Governor  Johnson,  in  the  St.  Cloud  Hotel, 
on  the  preliminary  business  usual  on  such  occasions.  He 
was  promptly  admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Governor, 
and  found  him  engaged  with  his  private  secretary,  Mr. 
Browning,  upon  official  business.  After  a  few  words  of 
explanation,  he  was  at  once  supplied  with  the  necessary 
papers  to  facilitate  his  operations.  The  Governor  received 
him  with  great  kindness,  and  in  a  few  moments  entered  into 
a  minute  and  very  interesting  exposition  of  the  state  of 
affairs  then  existing  in  Tennessee.  He  said  when  he 
arrived  in  Nashville  from  Washington  he  found  everything 
in  a  chaotic  condition.  There  was  no  form  to  the  Union 
Government  there,  if  any  existed.  There  was  no  organized 
department  save  that  of  the  State,  which  was  then  being 
moulded  into  shape  by  Mr.  East.  The  Governor  explained 
that  since  the  evacuation  of  the  city  by  the  secessionists, 
only  a  few  weeks  previously,  the  Union  civil  power  had  not 
time  to  become  established  ;  but  he  was  using  every  effort 
to  restore  order  and  confidence,  and,  although  surrounded 
with  almost  insurmountable  difficulties,  he  was  hopeful  of 
final  success.  This  was  the  first  time  the  visitor  had  ever 
seen  Governor  Johnson,  but  he  was  struck  with  the  force 
and  vigor  of  his  views  in  regard  to  the  rebellion,  and  also 
with  respect  to  his  mode  of  treating  the  whole  subject,  in 
cluding  the  "  intelligent  and  conscious  traitors/7  as  he  termed 
the  leaders,  in  contradistinction  to  the  great  mass  who  had 
been  forced  into  the  rebellion  against  their  inclinations. 

The  journalist  continues  : 

"  April  2St7i. — Governor  Johnson  was  called  upon  to-day  by  one 
William  Davis,  formerly  a  noted  secessionist,  who  desired  permis 
sion  to  ship  one  hundred  and  fifty  bales  of  cotton  from  Arkansas 
through  the  Federal  lines  to  Cairo.  '  Have  you  taken  the  oath  ?' 
'  Yes,  I  have  taken  the  oath,  and  given  up  the  whole  secession  con- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  257 

ccrn.'  Permission  to  ship  was  granted  by  the  Governor.  On  inquir 
ing  of  Davis,  '  Are  the  owners  burning  their  cotton  where  you  come 
from  ?'  '  No,  they  are  not  such  damned  fools.'  " 

On  this  day  Mr.  Glenn  was  shown,  in  the  State  Depart 
ment,  some  intercepted  secesh  letters  from  East  Tennessee, 
one  of  which  advised  the  selection  of  Tennessee  regiments 
to  do  the  hanging  of  loyalists,  as  the  employment  of  Mis- 
sissippians  "  might  arouse  prejudices/7  Another  letter 
dated  Louisville,  June  3,  1861,  was  from  George  K  San 
ders  to  General  S.  R.  Anderson,  proposing  the  sale  of  cer 
tain  pieces  of  ordnance  to  the  rebels.  Another  letter,  dated 
Rogersville,  Ky,  July  1, 1861,  appeals  to  General  Anderson 
to  "  send  arms,  for  we  are  surrounded  and  almost  overrun 
wjth  Union  men."  This  Avas  encouraging  news  to  Governor 
Johnson  and  friends  at  this  critical  juncture. 

"  April  29^.— An  interesting  event  of  to-day  has  been  the  arrival 
of  the  Sixty-ninth  Ohio,  under  command  of  Colonel  Lewis  D.  Camp 
bell,  ex-Congressman  from  Ohio.  They  drew  up  in  front  of  the  St. 
Cloud  Hotel,  and  shortly  after,  Governor  Johnson  appeared.  He 
was  enthusiastically  received,  and  delivered  a  patriotic  address.  He 
cordially  welcomed  Colonel  Campbell  and  his  regiment  to  the  soil 
of  Tennessee  in  behalf  of  the  Union  men,  and  earnestly  wished 
them  God  speed  in  marching  through  tlie  State  on  this  mission  to 
maintain  the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  and  to  put  down  treason. 
He  avowed  that  when  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  Tennessee 
could  be  heard,  the  State  would  stand  disenthralled  from  secession, 
and  become  again  a  sovereign  member  of  the  Union. 

"April  30^.— Ex-Governor  Wm.  B.  Campbell,  Hon.  Wm.  B. 
Stokes,  Hon.  Bailie  Peyton,  Colonel  Wm.  II.  Polk,  and  other  promi 
nent  Union  citizens,  are  in  town  to-night,  consulting  with  Governor 
Johnson  in  relation  to  the  best  means  of  restoring  Tennessee  to  the 
Union.  The  Governor  is  in  favor  of  exercising  the  most  rigorous 
measures  against  ultra-secessionists,  the  principal  point  of  which  is 
their  perpetual  banishment  from  the  State,  without  the  privilege  of 
taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Arrangements  were  made  for  a  great 
Union  mass  convention,  to  be  held  in  the  Capitol  in  a  week  or  two. 

"  As  an  evidence  that  the  secessionists  do  not  mean  to  relinquish 
their  hold  upon  their  property  here  without  a  struggle,  an  incident 

17 


258  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

that  occurred  will  furnish  proof.  Mrs.  Washington  Barrow,  wife  of 
a  very  rich  and  prominent  secessionist,  now  undergoing  sentence  of 
banishment,  appealed  to  Governor  Johnson  to  know  by  what  right 
certain  claims  of  hers  on  the  river  front  were  infringed  upon  ?  '  By 
the  right  of  conquerors,'  quietly  replied  the  Governor.  The  lady 
did  not  press  the  subject,  as  there  was  danger  of  her  entire  property 
being  confiscated. 

"  The  teller  of  the  Planters'  and  Union  Bank  was  arrested  to-day 
for  treasonable  utterances.  He  declares  he  would  take  the  oath 
were  it  not  for  a  lady  to  whom  he  is  engaged,  who  avows  she  will 
not  marry  him  if  he  does.  Cases  like  these  do  not  enhance  the 
respect  Union  people  have  for  the  secessionist  ladies  of  Nashville. 
General  Dumont  calls  them  '  pouters,'  and  says,  « When  you  stop 
pouting  in  Nashville  you  will  stop  secessiouism.'  General  Z.  M.  P. 
Maury,  secessionist,  was  to-day  banished  by  Governor  Johnson.  He 
offered  to  take  the  oath,  but  the  Governor  did  not  deem  it  prudent 
to  trust  him.  Several  officers  of  Montserrat's  artillery  were  arrested 
to-day  by  order  of  the  Governor. 

"  May  1st. — A  number  of  sympathizing  merchants  are  here  settling 
accounts  with  secessionists,  and  giving  them  encouragement.  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  thinks  '  there  are  enough  secessionists  South  without 
importing  others  from  the  North.' 

"  In  course  of  conversation  to-day,  in  the  Governor's  apartments, 
a  Unionist  related  the  following  anecdote  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy.  Stephens  was  asked  by  a  Union 
ist  :  '  Can  you  answer  your  own  Union  speech  ?'  '  No.'  '  Why  did 
you  desert  us,  then  ?'  Stephens  replied  :  '  To  prevent  the  Toombs 
men  from  plunging  their  daggers  into  the  hearts  of  the  Stephens 
men,  and  to  prevent  the  Stephens  men  from  plunging  theirs  into  the 
hearts  of  the  Toombs  men.' 

"About  the  same  time  it  was  stated  that  certain  prominent 
secessionists  had  taken  the  oath  prescribed  by  Governor  Johnson. 
One  of  the  doubtful  kind  approached  Colonel  —  — ,  who  had 
recently  subscribed  to  the  oath,  and  said :  '  Well,  Colonel,  I  hear 
you  've  jined.  Is  it  so  ?'  '  Yes.'  '  Well,  I  guess  I  'lljine,  too,'  and 
took  the  oath  amid  some  merriment,  the  Governor  himself  relaxing 
the  usual  rigidity  of  his  features  at  the  quaint  remark." 

The  following  proclamation  belongs  to  this  period.  It 
speaks  for  itself : 


OF  ANDREW  JOIINSON.  259 

"  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  NASHVILE,  TENN.,  Nay  9^,  1862. 
"  Whereas,  Certain  persons,  unfriendly  and  hostile  to  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  have  banded  themselves  together,  and 
are  now  going  at  large  through  many  of  the  counties  of  this  State, 
arresting,  maltreating,  and  plundering  Union  citizens  wherever  found : 
"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Ten 
nessee,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  in  me  vested,  do  hereby 
proclaim  that  in  every  instance  in  which  a  Union  man  is  arrested 
and  maltreated  by  the  marauding  bands  aforesaid,  five  or  more 
rebels,  from  the  most  prominent  in  the  immediate  neighborhood, 
shall  be  arrested  imprisoned,  and  otherwise  dealt  with  as  the  nature 
of  the  case  may  require  ;  and  further,  in  all  cases  where  the  property 
of  citizens  loyal  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  taken 
or  destroyed,  full  and  ample  remuneration  shall  be  made  to  them 
out  of  the  property  of  such  rebels  in  the  vicinity  as  have  sympa 
thized  with,  and  given  aid,  comfort,  information  or  encouragement 
to  the  parties  committing  such  depredations. 

"  This  order  will  be  executed  in  letter  and  spirit.  All  citizens 
are  hereby  warned,  under  heavy  penalties,  from  entertaining,  receiv 
ing  or  encouraging  such  persons  so  banded  together,  or  in  any  wise 
connected  therewith. 

By  the  Governor  :  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

EDWARD  H.  EAST,  Secretary  of  State. 

Let  us  return  to  the  Diary.  Under  a  three  days'  later 
date  there  is  a  very  interesting  entry,  with  a  resume  of  a 
telling  speech  from  the  indefatigable  re-organizer  : 

"  May  12^.— To-day  was  a  great  day  for  Nashville,  and  for  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  as  the  leader  and  champion  of  the  Union  phalanx  in 
Tennessee.  A  very  large  mass  convention  was  held  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  at  which  ex-Governor  Campbell  presided.  After 
speeches  by  several  prominent  Union  men  Governor  Johnson  was 
loudly  called  for.  The  moment  he  made  his  appearance  there  was 
one  universal  shout  of  welcome.  All  present  seemed  to  congratulate 
themselves  on  having  a  leader  of  so  determined  a  mein  in  this  crisis 
as  the  man  who  now  stood  before  them.  The  delegates  from  the 
country  districts  seemed  electrified  by  his  presence,  and,  as  one  re-, 
marked,  who  was  forced  by  the  presence  of  the  multitude  to  crowd 
upon  our  elbow  while  taking  a  few  notes  of  the  proceedings,  "Andy 
Johnson  ^  got  the  people  with  him,  that 's  a  fact.'  After  the  tumult 
of  applause  had  subsided,  Governor  Johnson  proceeded  to  address 


260  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  audience.  His  remarks  occupied  three  hours'  time,  and  covered 
a  large  portion  of  the  field  of  his  present  operations,  with  magnani 
mous  references  to  incidents  of  the  past,  hope  in  the  present,  and 
confidence  in  the  future. 

"  He  said  he  now  felt  it  the  proudest  moment  of  his  life  to  stand 
here,  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  on  the  platform  of  the  Union 
with  those  who  had  differed  with  him  politically.  Taking  the  hand 
of  the  president  of  the  meeting,  Governor  Campbell,  and  shaking  it 
warmly,  he  repeated  his  heartfelt  congratulations  upon  the  auspicious 
event,  and  upon  the  prospect  of  a  speedy  restoration  of  Tennessee 
to  the  Union.  He  continued :  '  If  the  Union  goes  down,  we  go 
down  with  it.  There  is  no  other  fate  for  us.  Our  salvation  is  the 
Union,  and  nothing  but  the  Union.  The  only  inquiry  must  be,  Are 
you  for  the  Union,  and  willing  to  swear  that  the  last  drop  of  your 
blood  shall  be  poured  out  in  its  defence  ?  [Applause  long  contin 
ued.]  He  would  say  to  others  that  he  would  toil  through  moun 
tains,  through  valleys,  through  plains,  at  night  and  by  day,  and  all 
his  exertions  should  be  toward  the  restoration  of  Tennessee  to  her 
former  relations  with  the  Federal  Government. ' 

"  The  effect  of  the  following  passage  in  his  speech  was  profound 
and  thrilling :  '  Treason  must  be  punished,  or,  rather,  treason  must 
be  crushed  out  and  traitors  must  be  punished.  Intelligent,  conscious 
traitors  must  be  punished.  Not  the  great  mass  who  have  been  forced 
under  conscription  into  the  Southern  armies.  We  say  to  them, 
return  to  your  allegiance  and  no  punishment  shall  be  inflicted.  But 
to  those  who  brought  this  sea  of  blood  upon  our  land,  who  arrayed 
brother  against  brother,  we  say  to  the  conscious,  intelligent  traitor 
you  will  be  punished.'  And  some  of  his  auditors  leaped  to  their 
seats  in  the  phrenzy  of  their  agitation  as  he  uttered  the  closing 
words  of  the  following:  'What  confidence  should  Tennessecans 
have  in  Jeff.  Davis  ?  How  long  is  it  since  he  attempted  to  tarnish 
the  fair  fame  of  Tennessee  ?  In  secret  session  the  people  of  Tennes 
see  were  lashed  to  the  car  of  his  hybrid,  despotic  government.  Ten- 
nesseeans  are  now  in  the  dungeons  of  Alabama,  bound  in  irons  and 
fed  on  rotten  meat  and  diseased  bones.  No  sound  comes  to  cheer 
them  ;  no  sound  to  relieve  them  of  their  sad  and  weary  confinement, 
save  the  clanking  of  the  chains  that  confine  them.  What  sin,  what 
crime,  what  felony  have  they  committed  ?  None  !  None  !  In  the 
name  of  God,  none,  except  that  they  love  the  flag  of  their  country.' 
[Great  applause.]  '  There  is  one  question,'  continued  Governor 
Johnson,  placing  much  stress  upon  his  observations,  '  which  under 
lies  all  others  at  this  juncture,  I  say  what  I  know,  I  know  what  I 
say  and  feel,  that  is,  the  struggle  to  know  whether  man  is  capable 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  261 

of  self-government ;  whether  man  can  govern  himself.  He  believed 
that  the  question  of  slavery  was  made  the  pretext  for  breaking  up 
the  government,  in  order  to  establish  a  monarchy.'  He  referred  to 
South  Carolina  as  having  inaugurated  '  this  infamous,  diabolical, 
damnable  rebellion,'  and  deducted  from  the  fact  that  the  tories  in 
that  State,  during  the  Revolutionary  war,  had  proposed  arrange 
ments  for  a  restoration  to  vassalage  under  that  power ;  that  they 
were  ready  for  a  return  to  a  monarchy  and  the  establishing  of  an 
aristocracy  that  should  control  the  masses.  [Sensation.]  In  support 
of  this  view  Governor  Johnson  presented  the  fact  that  one  of  the 
leading  inducements  of  separation  was  the  hope  of  succor,  recogni 
tion  and  help  from  Great  Britain  and  France.  *  Separation  !'  he 
exclaimed ;  separate  from  the  United  States,  and  what  does  South 
Carolina,  or  any  other  of  the  seceded  original  States  do  but  fall  back 
to  its  original  colonial  condition  ?  to  the  condition  of  vassalage  to 
Queen  Victoria  ?  Shall  we  overlook  these  things  in  the  great  clamor 
for  Southern  rights  ?  Jeff.  Davis,  Toombs,  Iverson,  Benjamin  and 
Wigfall,  he  pronounced  conspirators  worse  than  those  of  Rome. 
'  Will  you,'  he  asked  of  the  men  of  Tennessee,  '  become  vassals  to 
these  men  ?'  He  appealed  to  those  who  had  a  recollection  of  the 
sires  of  the  Revolution,  of  those  deeds  which  taught  them  to  revere 
the  memories  of  the  past ;  to  the  times  when  the  blood  spouted  from 
the  heels  of  those  who,  barefooted,  made  long  and  weary  marches, 
through  snow  and  over  frozen  rivers,  to  achieve  their  independence 
from  foreign  domination,  to  answer.  [Applause.]  Are  you  willing, 
he  asked,  to  quail  before  treason  and  traitors,  and  surrender  the  best 
government  the  world  ever  saw  ?  [Cries  of  '  Never,  never.']  Al 
though  the  revolution  has  run  rampant,  it  has  not  overcome  those 
who  know  that  there  is  a  redeeming  spirit,  a  returning  sense  of  jus 
tice  abiding  in  the  hearts  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  He  com 
pared  the  present  darkness  and  depression  of  the  Union  men  to  the 
lava  that,  issuing  from  the  crater  of  Vesuvius^  had  receded  only  to 
return  in  a  volume  of  liquid  fire  and  sweap  over  the  land.  There 
is,  he  said,  a  redeeming  spirit  coming  over  the  land.  In  the  forests— 
and  there  are  many  here  who  can  understand  the  simile — the  mur 
murs  of  the  coming  storm  can  be  heard  before  the  storm  breaks 
forth  in  its  fury.  He  heard  the  murmurs  of  that  coming  storm  now. 
It  was  returning  to  crush  out  treason  and  rebellion." 

"  Referring  to  the  cry  for  Southern  rights,  he  exclaimed  :  '  South 
ern  rights  !  Why,  a  man  in  South  Carolina  is  not  eligible  to  a  seat 
in  the  legislature  unless  he  owns  ten  negroes  and  is  possessed  of  $500 
freehold  property.  Where's  that  man,  he  asked,  who  wants  his 
rights  in  the  territories?  Why  don't  he  go  to  South  Carolina? 


202  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Would  he  be  allowed  to  become  a  member  of  tlie  Legislature  ?  No. 
I  doubt  whether  he  would  be  allowed  to  darken  the  doors  of  the 
capitol.  Governor  Johnson  said  if  he  should  go  there  himself  he 
would  not  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature. 
It  required  the  ownership  of  ten  negroes  for  eligibility.  He  only 
owned  nine,  or  did  once  own  them  ;  but  they  haye  since  been  confis 
cated  by  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and  they  have  them  now.  They 
went  to  his  home, 'where  his  wife  was  sick,  and  his  child,  eight  yearSj 
old,  consuming  with  consumption.  They  turned  his  wife  and  child 
into  the  streets,  and  converted  his  house,  built  with  his  own  hands, 
into  a  hospital  and  barracks.  His  servants  being  confiscated,  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  and  much  suffering  that  his  wife  and  little  boy 
were  enabled  to  reach  the  house  of  a  relative,  many  miles  distant. 
Call  you  this  Southern  rights  ?  If  so,  God  preserve  me  from  another 
such  infliction.  [The  audience  were  silent  as  the  tomb  as  the  Gover 
nor  related  this  portion  of  his  personal  experience.  The  sensation 
was  profound.]  Preceding,  he  said  he  did  not  wish  to  be  under 
stood  as  conveying  the  idea  that  Tennessee  was  out  of  the  Union. 
She  had  no  right  to  go  out,  no  more  than  you  have  to  apply  the 
torch  to  a  building  without  asking  the  consent  of  your  adjoining 
neighbor.  She  is  not  out.  She  is  still  an  integral  part  of  the  Union. 
When  the  rebellion  is  put  down  she  will  stand  in  her  relations  as 
she  stood  before — one  of  the  brightest  stars  in  the  galaxy  of  Federal 
States.  [Continued  applause.]  The  Governor  concluded  by  paying 
his  respects  to  the  female  portion  of  the  secession  population  in 
Nashville.  He  said  that  when  a  woman  shall  unsex  herself  she  must 
be  met  in  the  character  she  assumes.  He  regretted  that  there  were 
so  few  Union  women  in  Nashville.  Why  should  the  women  oppose 
the  Union  ?  We  want  their  assistance.  He  believed  that  by  women's 
influence  many  men  have  been  induced  to  join  the  Confederates. 
[Voices,  '  Yes,  hundreds,'  '  thousands.']  The  Governor  paid  a 
beautiful  and  eloquent  tribute  to  woman  in  her  natural  and  appro 
priate  sphere.  Though  there  were  but  few  Union  women  now  in 
Nashville,  he  looked  forward  to  the  time  when  there  will  be  plenty  ; 
to  the  time  when  scenes  of  blood  and  carnage,  the  smoke  and  dust 
of  battle  shall  cease  ;  to  the  time  when  the  dove  will  come,  and  the 
stars  of  the  morning  shall  sing,  and  a  Saviour  shall  proclaim,  '  Peace 
on  earth,  good  will  to  man.' 

"  In  the  evening  another  meeting  was  held  in  the  same  hall,  while 
Governor  Johnson  received  the  congratulations  of  hundreds  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  a  number  of  Union  ladies  in  his  hotel." 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  2G3 

The  effect  of  the  Union  demonstration  on  the  12th  was 
sensibly  observable  in  Nashville.  The  secessionists  were 
not  half  so  violent  or  insulting  as  formerly,  and  even  the 
ladies  of  that  persuasion  were  induced  to  cease  torturing 
their  pretty  mouths  into  an  "ugly  pout"  whenever  they 
met  Unionists.  Immediately  following  these  good  results, 
and  with  the  hope  of  extending  their  benefits,  arrangements 
were  made  to  hold  another  mass  meeting  in  the  interior  of 
the  State — in  Murfreesboro',  Rutherford  Co.,  a  region  that 
had  been  the  hot-bed  of  secession.  It  came  off  on  the  24th 
of  May.  The  journalist  accompanied  Governor  Johnson 
and  one  of  his  aides  to  the  scene,  and  says  : 

"  We  reached  Murfreesboro'  about  noon,  and  by  invitation  repaired 
to  the  residence  of  Mr.  Jordan,  a  Union  citizen,  where  a  bountiful 
dinner  was  prepared.  We  then  repaired  to  the  court-house,  where, 
placing  a  couple  of  boards  on  the  heads  of  barrels,  a  platform  was 
prepared  outside  the  building,  and  after  addresses  from  the  presi 
ding  officer,  Hon.  Wm.  Spence,  and  Hon.  Edmund  Cooper,  of  Shelby- 
ville,  Governor  Johnson  was  introduced.  The  audience  was  a  queer 
mixture  of  blue  coats  and  butternuts.  The  latter  stood  listlessly 
inside  the  railing  of  the  court-house  yard,  and  even  the  spirited  and 
eloquent  remarks  of  Mr.  Cooper  could  not  arouse  them  from  their 
incomprehensible  state  of  listlessness.  But  as  Governor  Johnson 
proceeded  they  began  to  exhibit  more  interest  and  attention.  He 
seemed  to  know  where  and  how  to  touch  the  hearts  of  the  Tennes- 
seeans,  and  make  them  vibrate  with  patriotic  emotions.  In  emphatic 
words  he  urged  the  deluded  and  erring  Union  men,  who  had  by 
force  or  choice  joined  the  rebel  armies,  to  return  to  their  allegiance, 
and  to  all,  except  to  the  '  intelligent  and  conscious  traitor,'  would 
amnesty  be  granted.  Over  the  whole  field  of  local — and  a  great 
proportion  of  national — politics  did  this  inflexible  and  defatigable 
exponent  and  defender  of  the  Constitution  and  Union  proceed,  and 
for  three  hours  and  more  enlist  the  attention  of  his  auditors.  It  was 
a  sight  to  observe  the  sway  he  seemed  to  have  over  them  as  exhibited 
in  their  physiognomies  and  actions.  Now  they  would  lend  silent 
and  immovable  attention  ;  again,  as  a  striking  fact  or  forcible  and 
pertinent  illustration  would  present  itself,  they  would  burst  into  a 
laugh  and  applaud  with  approving  cries  of  '  Good  for  Andy,'  '  That 's 
the  talk,'  et€.  And  when  he  particularly  alluded  to  his  own  suffer- 


264  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ings  and  to  those  of  others,  and  to  the  horrors  that  encompassed  a 
continuance  of  the  rebellion,  tears  were  shed  by  more  than  one  stout 
and  stalwart  Tennesseean.  The  whole  meeting  and  its  incidents 
were  matters  to  be  remembered,  and  they  doubtless  will  be  by  those 
who  had  the  opportunity  to  witness  them. 

"  May  25th.— After  the  meeting  yesterday,  Governor  Johnson  and 
party  accepted  an  invitation  from  William  Spence,  Esq.,  to  visit  his 
mansion  about  three  miles  distant,  take  tea,  and  tarry  for  the  night. 
It  was  a  pleasant  drive,  but  nearly  all  the  people  we  met  looked 
frightened.  Reaching  the  mansion — an  elegant  and  spacious  one — 
with  delightful  surroundings,  the  Governor  was  warmly  welcomed 
by  the  hostess  and  some  few  other  ladies.  Tea  over,  with  its  deli 
cious  accompaniments  of  ripe  strawberries  and  fresh  cream,  the  party 
were  entertained  with  some  charming  music  by  the  ladies,  and  then, 
after  a  few  hours'  pleasant  conversation,  the  Governor  retired  with 
Mr.  Cooper. 

"  Shortly  after  the  retirement  of  Governor  Johnson,  the  company 
who  remained  were  enlivened  by  the  music  of  the  band  of  the  Third 
Minnesota,  quartered  in  town,  who  had  come  out  for  the  purpose  of 
serenading  the  Governor.  This  was  an  agreeable  surprise.  What 
followed  was  not  quite  so  agreeable." 

I  condense  an  alarm  recorded  by  Mr.  Glenn.  It  was 
about  eleven  o'clock,  the  company  had  retired,  when  the 
host  whisperingly  informed  him  that  Colonel  Lister  of  the 
Third  Minnesota  had  just  sent  word  by  a  courier,  that 
threats  of  an  attempt  to  capture  the  Governor  were  rife  in 
town,  and  that  for  the  purpose  some  six  hundred  cavalry, 
supposed  to  be  Morgan's  men,  were  within  six  miles  at 
sunset.  The  Colonel  quietly  sent  three  companies  out  to 
surround  the  house  and  wait  in  ambush  for  1he.  approach 
of  the  rebels.  "  There  need  be  no  fears  for  the  Governor's 
safety,"  said  Mr.  Spence,  "  if  we  keep  quiet."  Earnestly 
cautioning  Mr.  Glenn  not  to  disclose  the  matter  to  any  one 
until  morning,  the  latter  was  left  to  the  enjoyment  of  the 
agreeable  reflection  for  the  remainder  of  the  night  that  he 
might  at  any  moment  hear  the  rattle  of  musketry,  the  din 
and  clash  of  arms,  with  no  other  defence  than  "  a  bolster 
and  a  clear  conscience."  The  night  passed  wearily  away; 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  265 

and  by  the  bursting  light  of  a  bright  May  morning  in 
sunny  Tennessee,  the  journalist  welcomed  again  the  sight 
of  green  swards  and  masses  of  brilliant  flowers  undisturbed 
by  the  tread  of  hostile  footsteps.  The  enemy  had  probably 
got  wind  of  the  movement  of  Colonel  Lister  and  had  judi 
ciously  concluded  to  defer  for  the  present  the  attempt  to 
capture  so  valuable  a  prize  as  Governor  Johnson. 
Under  the  same  date,  the  diary  continues : 


"  On  visiting  the  camp  of  Colonel  Lister  this  morning,  Governor 
Johnson  inquired  why  he  had  not  been  informed  of  the  alarm  of 
the  previous  night,  in  order  that  he  and  his  party  might  have  come 
into  town  and  secured  better  protection.  '  Oh,'  replied  Colonel  Lis- 
ser,  with  all  the  coolness  of  an  old  grenadier,  '  I  knew  they  could 
not  capture  you,  Governor ;  and  I  wanted  to  use  you  as  a  bait.' 
Neither  the  Governor  nor  his  party  saw  the  precise  necessity  of  using 
such  valuable  bait  to  catch  such  a  bad  style  of  fish.  Colonel  Park- 
hurst,  of  the  Ninth  Michigan,  and  Captain  O.  C.  Rounds,  of  the 
same  regiment,  and  a  brave  and  noble  soldier,  also  extended  hospi 
talities  to  the  Governor  and  party. 

"  The  Governor  was  escorted  to  the  cars  by  detachments  of  Min 
nesota  and  Michigan  regiments,  and  while  waiting  for  the  train  was 
called  upon  for  a  speech.  He  promptly  responded  by  getting  on 
the  top  of  a  freight  car  and  delivering  one  of  his  spirited  addresses. 
Referring  to  the  military,  he  said  their  mission  was  his  mission,  and 
that  mission  was  to  restore  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  defend  the 
honor  of  the  national  flag,  and  to  re-establish  and  maintain  the  in 
stitutions  of  the  country.  He  welcomed  the  Union  soldiery.  They 
had  been  accused  of  committing  depredations.  But  it  was  those 
who  had  taken  up  arms  for  what  they  call  the  Southern  Confede 
racy  that  are  the  robbers,  the  violators  of  female  virtue,  the  incendi 
aries  that  burn  and  destroy  the  property  of  unoffending  Union  people, 
He  prayed  that  God's  red  hand  might  be  raised  to  crush  the  rebel 
lion,  and  that  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  would  go  on  conquering 
and  to  conquer  in  the  great  cause.  The  rebels  may  violate  the  wives 
and  daughters  of  Union  men,  they  may  transfer  our  fertile  plains 
into  graveyards,  but  never,  never  shall  we  surrender  the  cause  wo 
are  fighting  for.  If  it  were  his  destiny  to  die  in  the  cause  of  liberty 
he  would  die  upon  the  tomb  of  the  Union,  with  the  American  flag 
as  his  winding  sheet.  This  speech  was  received  with  vociferous 
12 


266  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

applause,  and  at  its  conclusion  the  soldiery  and  citizens  joined  in 
singing  '  Hallelujah,'  with  a  grand  chorus  and  thrilling  effect. 

"  June  2d. — The  Union  meetings  inaugurated  in  Nashville  are 
being  followed  up.  One  was  held  to-day  in  Columbia.  It  was 
addressed  by  Governor  Johnson  and  Neil  S.  Brown,  the  first  appear 
ance  of  the  latter  on  the  Union  platform  this  season.  An  apprehended 
accident,  whether  premeditated  or  otherwise,  came  near  putting  a 
stop  to  Governor  Johnson's  appearance  as  a  speaker.  Taking  a  car-, 
riage,  with  one  of  his  aids  and  '  our  correspondent '  at  the  railroad  de 
pot  for  the  hotel,  with  a  small  escort  of  soldiery,  the  horses,  from  some 
cause  or  other,  took  fright  as  the  carriage  was  passing  up  a  hill  at 
the  edge  of  a  steep  embankment,  and  suddenly  turned  nearly  around. 
Governor  Johnson's  quick  eye  discovered  the  movement,  and  in  a 
moment  he  opened  the  carriage  door  and  landed  upon  terra  fir  ma, 
followed  by  the  other  occupants  of  the  vehicle.  Had  the  carriage 
overturned  at  the  spot,  and  the  danger  was  imminent,  there  is  no 
knowing  what  damage  might  have  ensued.  As  it  was,  the  Governor 
concluded  not  to  try  a  similar  experiment ;  for  there  was  no  calcu 
lating  what  mischievous  or  dastardly  tricks  the  secessionists  of  the 
vicinity  might  undertake  in  order  to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon 
him,  and  he  concluded  to  walk  the  balance  of  the  distance,  about  a 
mile  and  a  half. 

"  The  meeting  was  held  in  a  market  space,  under  a  building 
used  for  some  local  official  purpose.  Mounted  upon  a  butcher's 
block — the  stump  of  a  huge  oak  tree — Governor  Johnson  delivered 
another  of  his  impassioned  addresses  to  the  soldiers  and  citizens 
present.  Hon.  Neil  S.  Brown  also  spoke  in  behalf  of  a  Union 
restored,  declaring  that  the  rebellion  was  played  out.  Much  disap 
pointment  was  felt  at  the  non-appearance  at  the  meeting  of  Colonel 
Wm.  II.  Polk,  brother  of  the  late  President  Polk,  who  was  instru 
mental  in  getting  it  up.  His  hospitable  residence  had  always  been 
a  favorite  rendezvous  for  Union  visitors. 

"  June  7th. — Following  the  meeting  at  Columbia  came  another  at 
Shelbyville  to-day,  by  far  the  most  significant  since  the  mass  con 
vention  in  Nashville  last  month.  The  meeting  was  held  in  the  Fair 
Grounds,  and  from  three  to  four  thousand  persons,  including  many 
ladies,  were  present.  Speeches  were  made  by  Governor  Johnson, 
Mr.  Wiscner  (President),  and  Colonel  Scudder,  once  a  secesh,  now  a 
strong  Unionist.  It  was  an  enthusiastic  and  demonstrative  gather 
ing.  Colonel  Scudder  was  an  interesting  feature  of  this  occasion. 
The  Colonel  said  he  entertained  Southern  views  and  had  gone  for 
separation.  He  beliewed  it  now  to  be  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to 
submit  to  the  Government.  He  regarded  the  position  now  as  that 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  267 

of  two  fellows  engaged  in  a  free  fight.  They  pitched  in  and  one  got 
a  thrashing.  That  was  the  South,  and  it  should  acknowledge  the  fact. 
Colonel  S.  was  Inspector  General  under  the  secesh  Governor  Isham 
G.  Harris.  He  was  in  the  Mexican  war,  and  lost  an  eye  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Monterey,  under  the  then  Colonel  W.  B.  Campbell,  afterwards 
Governor  of  Tennessee. 

"  The  frequency  and  growing  popularity  of  the  Union  meetings 
started  by  Governor  Johnson,  and  steadfastly  adhered  to  by  him  and 
a  number  of  courageous  Union  sympathizers  seem,  to  have  startled 
the  secesh,  and  they  are  throwing  in  guerilla  bands  about  the  coun 
try  and  committing  the  most  appalling  outrages  upon  those  who 
avow  Union  sentiments  and  attend  Union  meetings.  "We  have  alarm 
ing  reports  of  their  near  approach  and  their  depredations  as  we  pre 
pare  to  start  from  Shelbyville  for  Nashville. 

"  At  Wartrace,  where  an  enthusiastic  Union  meeting  was  held  a 
few  days  ago— the  only  one,  by  the  way,  which  Governor  Johnson 
has  not  personally  attended — the  commander  of  the  post,  Colonel 
Sidney  M.  Barnes,  of  the  Eighth  Kentucky,  notified  Governor  John 
son  that  a  large  body  of  mounted  guerillas  were  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  that  their  intention  was  to  incercept  the  train  on  which  he  was 
on  its  way  from  Shelbyville.  They  had  already  committed  outrages 
upon  peaceful  men  and  women  returning  from  the  meeting.  Colonel 
Barnes  offered  the  Governor  a  guard  of  all  the  men  he  could  spare, 
his  force  being  very  small ;  but  the  Governor  declined  the  offer.  At 
Unionyille  and  Bell  Buckle,  a  few  miles  further,  we  again  received 
rumors  of  the  presence  of  guerillas  in  force.  Nothing  daunted  by 
those  alarming  reports,  Governor  Johnson  ordered  the  train  to  pro 
ceed.  Reaching  Murfrcesboro,  evidence  of  the  bloody  work  of  the 
guerillas  was  seen.  The  bodies  of  six  or  seven  Union  men,  murdered 
by  guerillas,  had  just  been  brought  into  town.  They  were  killed  a 
few  hours  before,  outside  the  town,  near  Readyville  (a  village  that 
takes  its  name  after  the  father  of  the  wife  of  the  notorious  John 
Morgan).  Colonel  Lister,  commanding  the  Murfreesboro'  post,  noti 
fied  Governor  Johnson  of  these  facts,  and  urged  him  to  remain  over 
night,  under  guard,  in  the  town.  Much  excitement  existed  among 
the  town's  people,  and  they  unitedly  pressed  the  Governor  to  remain, 
as  they  were  confident  the  train  would  be  attacked  or  destroyed 
before  it  reached  Nashville.  '  My  friends,'  replied  the  Governor,  '  I 
thank  you  for  your  kind  solicitude ;  but  my  duty  calls  me  to  Nashville 
and  I  am  going  there  to-night.'  The  passengers  were  in  a  great  state 
of  perplexity  and  anxiety.  Some  concluded  to  remain  over ;  others 
determined  to  '  stick  to  Andy  Johnson ;'  and  one  of  the  latter,  dis 
covering  in  the  twilight  a  four-leaved  clover  by  the  side  of  the  track, 


268  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

held  it  up  to  the  crowd,  and  declaring  it  to  be  a  good  ornen,  they  all 
resolved  to  '  stick  to  Andy  Johnson,'  come  what  would.  They  then 
took  their  seats  in  the  cars,  Governor  Johnson  looking  as  calm  and 
unconcerned  as  if  he  were  going  to  a  picnic.  About  this  time  the 
engineer  of  the  train  began  to  exercise  a  little  authority,  as  he  felt 
himself  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the  train.  He  asked  Colonel 
Lister,  privately,  what  he  thought  it  best  to  do — return  to  Shelby- 
ville,  remain  at  Murfreesboro,  or  proceed  to  Nashville.  '  Put  Andy 
Johnson  in  Nashville  as  quick  as  possible,'  was  the  reply.  And  away 
we  went.  Night  was  fast  closing  around  us,  and  we  had  some  thirty 
miles  to  travel,  with  the  devilish  guerillas  besetting  us  on  all  sides. 
Visions  of  a  murderous  smash-up  were  constantly  before  our  eyes. 
Governor  Johnson  exhibited  no  signs  whatever  of  alarm.  He  con 
versed  as  pleasantly  and  as  composedly  as  he  ever  did.  He  had 
made  up  his  mind  to  one  thing — never  to  be  taken  alive  by  his 
enemies ;  and  the  few  devoted  friends  who  were  near  him  shared 
with  him  this  resolve.  It  was  the  most  interesting  railroad  ride 
this  correspondent  ever  had.  His  seat  was  next  to  that  of  Governor 
Johnson,  and  he  made  up  his  mind  that  if  at  any  moment  he  should 
be  sent  into  eternity  he  would  at  least  make  his  exit  in  respectable 
company.  Thanks  be  to  Providence,  we  reached  Nashville  in  perfect 
fiafety  about  nine  o'clock,  to  find  the  city  in  a  great  state  of  conster 
nation  at  the  reports  that  had  preceded  us  of  our  capture.  We  had 
actually  outstripped  the  calculations  of  the  guerillas,  who  that  same 
night  tore  up  the  track  and  made  a  huge  pile  of  the  sleepers  after 
our  train  had  passed.  The  very  next  train  that  went  over  the  road 
encountered  the  obstructions,  was  thrown  off  the  track  and  essentially 
smashed  up.  It  costs  something  to  be  Union  men  in  Tennessee  about 
these  days.  Only  a  few  days  ago  two  trains  were  fired  into  near 
Athens.  One  went  over  a  bridge  that  was  on  fire ;  the  second  fol 
lowed,  and  the  men  were  shot  at  as  they  were  trying  to  escape 
through  the  windows  of  the  cars." 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

JOHNSON'S  ADMINISTRATION  IN  TENNESSEE  CONTINUED. 

FOURTH  OP  JULY  — Slavery  — Forrest  captures  Murfreesboro'  and  advances  to 
Antioch  —  Great  Excitement  in  Nashville  —  Forrest's  Path  lit  by  Burning 
Houses  —  Falls  back  to  Carthage  —  Morgan  and  Forrest  at  Huntsville  — De 
sire  to  Capture  Governor  Johnson  —  Continued  Defenses  of  Nashville  — 
Secessionists  as  Hostages  —  General  Buell  arrives  —  Johnson  deplores  Bu- 
ell's  Movements  —  Protests  against  Evacuation  without  a  Fight  —  General 
Thomas  arrives  and  sustains  Johnson  —  A  Fighting  Parson  and  the  Gover 
nor  at  Prayer  —  Fortifications  —  General  Negley  in  Command  —  Governor's 
Family  arrive  after  Great  Peril— The  Roman  in  Tears  —  Progress  of  the 
Siege  —  Nashville  cut  off  from  the  Outer  World  —  Breckinridge,  Anderson 
and  Forrest  determine  to  take  it  —  Johnson  will  destroy  it  first — Assassina 
tions —  Johnson  saves  a  Secessionist  from  Mob  Law  —  Negley  thwarts  a 
Rebel  Coup  de  Main  —  Morgan  and  Forrest,  attack  the  City  from  five  Points 
—  The  Fight  —  Johnson  says,  "Any  one  who  talks  of  Surrender  I  will 
shoot"  — Negley 's  Rust,  the  Rebels  routed  and  Nashville  saved  a  Third 
Time  —  General  Rosecrans  arrives  —  Congratulates  Negley  —  Governor 
Johnson's  Temperate  Character  —  Bragg  defeated  at  Perry ville,  Ky. — En 
trenches  at  Murfreesboro' —  Rebel  Spirit  kept  up  —  Governor  Johnson 
builds  Railroads  and  raises  Troops  — Opens  Communication  between  the 
Army  in  Georgia  and  the  Northwest  —  Orders  Congressional  Elections  — 
Assesses  Individuals  to  support  the  Families  of  Men  forced  int-o  the  Rebel 
Army  —  The  Battle  of  Murfreesboro' —  Occupation  by  Union  Forces  —  Suc 
cessful  Flank  Movement  of  Rosecrans  on  Bragg  at  Tullahoma  and  Shelby- 
ville  —  Bragg's  Flight  to  Bridgeport,  Ala.,  and  across  the  Cumberland 
Mountain  to  Chattanooga — Crittenden's  Reconnoissances,  Occupations  by 
Union  Forces  —  Battle  of  Chattanooga  and  Missionary  Ridge  — Rebels  com 
pletely  routed  and  forced  into  Georgia  —  Granger  and  Thomas  relieve  Burn- 
side  at  Knoxville,  the  Siege  raised  and  Retreat  of  Longstreet  — East  Ten 
nessee  clear  of  Rebels  —  President  Lincoln  recommends  general  Gratitude  — 
Union  Element  awakening  —  Features  of  Johnson's  Administration  —  On 
the  Emancipation  Proclamation  —  Success  in  the  Restoration  of  Tennessee. 

ABOUT  this  time,  and  in  the  midst  of  this  excitement, 
Governor  Johnson  met  the  Slavery  question.  It  was  in  a 
speech  at  the  Fourth  of  July  meeting  held  at  Nashville, 
he  said  :  "  This  is  the  people's  Government,  they  received  it 


270  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

as  a  legacy  from  Heaven,  and  they  must  defend  and  preserve 
it,  if  it  is  to  be  preserved  at  all.  I  am  for  this  Government 
above  all  earthly  possessions,  and  if  it  perish,  I  do  not  want 
to  survive  it.  I  am  for  it,  though  Slavery  should  be  struck 
from  existence,  and  Africa  swept  from  the  balance  of  the 
world.  I  believe,  indeed,  that  the  Union  is  the  only  protec 
tion  of  Slavery — its  sole  guarantee  ;  but  if  you  persist  in 
forcing  this  issue  of  Slavery  against  the  Government,  I  say, 
in  the  face  of  Heaven,  Give  me  my  Government  and  let  the 
negro  go  1" 

The  diarist  now  leads  us  to  yet  more  stirring  times  ;  with 
increased  trouble  to  Governor  Johnson,  which  he  meets  and 
overcomes  with  his  superior  resolution,  courage  and  faith  : 

"July  13th. — The  rebels,  six  thousand  strong,  under  Forrest — and 
it  is  said,  Breckinridge— captured  Murfreesboro'  to-day  after  a  des 
perate  fight  with  the  Third  Minnesota,  Colonel  Lister;  Eleventh 
Michigan,  Colonel  Parkhurst ;  a  detachment  of  the  Seventh  Pennsyl 
vania  cavalry,  and  Hewitt's  First  Kentucky  batteiy.  Our  forces 
were  outnumbered  two  to  one.  Colonel  Lister  and  his  command 
fought  with  consummate  bravery.  This  disaster  has  created  a  pro 
found  sensation  in  Nashville.  It  is  believed  to  be  the  first  act  in  the 
drama  of  investing  Nashville,  and  eventually  attempting  its  capture. 
Governor  Johnson  has  held  a  consultation  with  Colonel  John  F. 
Miller,  commanding  the  post ;  Colonel  Lewis  D.  Campbell,  Provost 
Marshal;  the  United  States  Commissary  and  Quartermaster,  and 
others.  Entire  confidence  in  our  ability  to  hold  the  city  until  rein 
forcements  arrive  is  expressed.  The  city  is  much  excited. 

11  July  14:th. — Several  regiments  have  made  their  appearance,  and 
are  cheered  as  they  pass  through  the  streets. 

"  July  16^,— Lebanon  and  Hartsville  have  been  captured  by  the 
enemy.  Three  respectable  Union  citizens  were  hanged  twenty-five 
miles  from  Nashville  yesterday,  for  entertaining  men  engaged  in 
constructing  telegraph  lines.  Railroad  trains,  with  reinforcements, 
have  been  run  off  the  track,  and  many  killed,  and  bridges  have  been 
burned  all  around  us. 

^  July  l$th. — Governor  Johnson  has  been  in  constant  consultation 
with  the  other  authorities,  preparing  for  the  defence  of  the  city. 

"  July  23d. — On  duty  with  Governor  Johnson  and  staff  for  four 
consecutive  nights  at  the  capitol,  anticipating  an  attack.  Forrest 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  271 

has  evacuated  Murfreesboro,'  and  advanced  to  Antioch,  six  miles  from 
Nashville,  burning  bridges  over  Mill  creek,  capturing  our  videttes 
and  driving  in  our  pickets.  His  path  is  lighted  to-night  by  the 
burning  houses  of  Union  people.  Couriers  report  him  at  4  o'clock 
this  morning  within  a  mile  and  a-half  of  Nashville.  Slept  for  an 
hour  or  two  during  the  night  in  a  room  in  the  capitol,  with  the  back 
of  a  chair  for  a  pillow — our  slumbering  companions  being  Governor 
Johnson,  Secretary  Browning,  Mr.  Lindsley,  Governors  Aid ;  Colo 
nel  Gillem,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Frank  Foster  and  other  officers  of  the 
First  Tennessee.  A  rebel  spy  was  brought  in  during  the  night,  and 
handed  over  by  Governor  Johnson  to  the  military  authorities  for 
punishment.  A  private  in  the  Governor's  guard  at  the  snme  time 
fell  from  one  of  the  upper  corridors  to  the  stone  pavement  below  and 
was  horribly  bruised.  The  whole  situation  is  rather  novel,  but  one 
not  unmixed  with  a  certain  degree  of  pleasure  in  the  prospect  of  a 
fight.  Governor  Johnson  slept  several  hours  during  the  night  as 
quietly  as  if  he  rested  upon  a  bed  of  roses  instead,  almost  literally, 
of  reposing  upon  a  bed  of  revolvers  and  bayonets. 

"July  24M. — The  enemy  have  withdrawn  from  our  front,  and  de 
parted  in  haste,  frightened  off,  no  doubt  by  Governor  Johnson's  dec 
laration  that  the  first  shot  fired  at  the  capitol  would  be  the  signal  for 
the  demolition  of  the  houses  of  every  prominent  Secessionist  in  town, 
They  know  him  to  be  a  man  who  will  keep  his  word.  It  has  just 
been  made  known  that  at  an  interview  between  Forrest  and  some 
secessionists  at  the  Hermitage  a  few  days  ago,  Forrest  was  implored 
not  to  attempt  to  take  the  city,  as  it  would  inevitably  involve  the 
destruction  of  their  property  at  the  hands  of  Governor  Johnson. 
Forrest  has  fallen  back  to  Carthage,  where  it  is  reported  large  num 
bers  of  rebel  forces  are  concentrating." 

The  next  interesting  entry  is  over  three  weeks  later,  but  is 
retrospective  in  its  character. 

"  August  nth.— "We  have  had  reports  of  guerrilla  depredations  for 
the  past  three  weeks  all  around  us.  Morgan  and  Forrest  are  at 
Huntsville,  four  or  five  thousand  strong.  Morgan  says  '  If  he  can 
capture  Andy  Johnson  he  does  not  fear  the  destruction  of  the  city 
in  an  attack.'  He  seems  to  act  upon  that  idea.  Two  of  our  couriers 
were  captured  to-day,  nine  miles  from  Nashville,  on  the  Murfreesboro' 
road.  Louisville  train  twenty  hours  overdue.  Construction  train 
captured  at  Gallatin.  Morgan  is  the  terror  of  the  country,  and,  it  is 
said,  has  recently  been  in  Nashville,  disguised.  He  is  the  enemy 


272  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

most  talked  of  now,  and  has  many  warm  sympathizers  here.  We 
have  had  fights  and  skirmishes  nearly  every  day  the  past  week. 
Governor  Johnson  continues  his  defensive  preparations,  and  has  im 
prisoned  a  number  of  prominent  Secessionists  as  hostages  for  East 
Tennesseeans  in  rebel  prisons. 

The  intense  anxiety  and  excitement  continued,  arid  was 
increased  by  the  movements  of  General  Bucll. 

"  September  %d. — The  city  is  filled  with  alarm  and  apprehension. 
General  Buell  has  evacuated  Huntsville,  Stevenson,  Battle  Creek, 
Dec-hard,  all  Northern  Alabama  and  Southern  Tennessee,  and  is  on  his 
way  to  Nashville,  not,  it  is  said,  because  an  enemy  pressed  him  in 
the  front,  but  because  the  enemy  (Bragg)  had  flanked  him,  moved 
north,  and  is  now  north  of  his  position.  Governor  Johnson  deplores 
this  wholesale  desertion  of  the  country,  and  does  not  concur  with 
General  Buell  as  to  its  propriety.  It  is  evident  the  two  do  not  agree, 

"  September  5t7i. — The  enemy  has  recaptured  Murfreesboro'.  Gen 
eral  Buell  has  arrived  in  Nashville,  General  Rousseau  in  command. 

"September  6th. — The  city  is  in  a  state  of  great  consternation  on 
account  of  the  current  report  that  General  Buell  has  determined  upon 
the  evacuation  of  Nashville.  When  the  rumor  reached  Governor 
Johnson,  he  exclaimed,  '  What,  evacuate  Nashville,  and  abandon 
our  Union  friends  to  the  mercy  of  these  infernal  hounds  ?  Why, 
there  is  not  a  Secessionist  in  town  who  would  not  laugh  to  see  every 
Union  man  shot  down  in  cold  blood  by  rebel  soldiers  if  they  come 
here.'  He  protests  against  an  evacuation  or  a  surrender  without  a 
fight.  He  would  destroy  the  city  rather  than  leave  it  to  the  enemy. 
General  Thomas  arrives  at  a  critical  period  and  takes  command.  He 
sustains  Governor  Johnson,  and  Nashville  is  neither  evacuated  nor 
destroyed.  Thus  for  a  second  time  has  Governor  Johnson  saved  the 
city  by  his  matchless  firmness  and  indomitable  decision  of  character. 
Not  only  has  he  again  saved  the  city,  but  the  lives  of  hundreds  of 
Union  men  and  millions  of  Government  property.  Union  refugees 
in  most  sickening  plight  are  arriving  from  the  South.  They  report 
the  most  horrible  outrages  by  guerrillas." 

An  authenticated  anecdote  has  recently  been  published 
which  illustrates  Johnson's  feelings  and  actions  on  the  pro 
posed  surrender  of  Nashville.  Mr.  F.  B.  Carpenter,  the 
artist,  relates  the  story  as  he  heard  it  from  President  Lin 
coln,  while  engaged  at  the  Executive  Mansion  in  putting  on 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  273 

canvas  the  group  commemorative  of  the  reading  of  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation.  It  was  a  few  weeks  prior  to 
the  Baltimore  Convention,  and  before  it  was  known  that 
Governor  Johnson  would  be  the  nominee  for  the  Vice  Presi 
dency,  that  President  Lincoln  related  the  anecdote.  Said 
he,  "  I  had  a  visit  last  night  from  Colonel  Moody  the  fight 
ing  Methodist  parson,  as  he  is  called  in  Tennessee.  He  is 
on  his  way  to  the  Philadelphia  Conference,  and,  being  in 
Washington  over  night,  came  up  to  see  me.  He  told  me," 
he  continued,  "  this  story  of  Andy  Johnson  and  General 
Buell,  which  interested  me  intensely.  Colonel  Moody  was 
in  Nashville  the  day  it  was  reported  that  Buell  had  de 
cided  to  evacuate  the  city.  The  rebels,  strongly  reinforced, 
were  said  to  be  within  two  days'  march  of  the  capital.  Of 
course  the  city  was  greatly  excited.  Said  Moody, '  I  went 
in  search  of  Johnson  at  the  close  of  the  evening,  and  found 
him  at  his  office,  closeted  with  two  gentlemen,  who  were 
walking  the  floor  with  him,  one  on  each  side.  As  I  entered 
they  retired,  leaving  me  alone  with  Johnson,  who  came  up 
to  me  manifesting  intense  feeling  arid  said,  "  Moody,  we  are 
sold  out !  Buell  is  a  traitor !  He  is  going  to  evacuate  the 
city,  and  in  forty-eight  hours  we  shall  all  be  in  the  hands  of 
the  rebels."  Then  he  commenced  pacing  the  floor  again, 
twisting  his  hands,  and  chafing,  like  a  caged  tiger,  utterly 
insensible  to  his  friend's  entreaties  to  become  calm.  Sud 
denly  he  turned  and  said,  "  Moody  can  you  pray  ?"  "  That  is 
my  business,  sir,  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,"  returned  the 
Colonel.  u  Well,  Moody,  I  wish  you  would  pray,"  said  John 
son  ;  and  instantly  both  went  down  upon  their  knees  at  op 
posite  sides  of  the  room.  As  the  prayer  became  fervent, 
Johnson  began  to  respond  in  true  Methodist  style.  Pres 
ently  he  crawled  over  on  his  hands  and  knees  to  Moody's 
side,  and  put  his  arm  over  him,  manifesting  the  deepest 
emotion.  Closing  the  prayer  with  a  hearty  "  Amen  !"  from 
each,  they  arose.  Johnson  took  a  long  breath,  and  said, 
18 


274  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

with  emphasis,  "  Moody,  I  feel  better !"  Shortly  afterward  he 
asked,  "  Will  you  stand  by  me?"*  "  Certainly,  I  will,"  was 
the  answer,  "  Well,  Moody,  I  can  depend  upon  you  ;  you  are 
one  in  a  hundred  thousand !"  He  then  commenced  pacing 
the  floor  again.  Suddenly  he  wheeled,  the  current  of  his 
thought  having  changed,  and  said,  "  Oh !  Moody,  I  don't 
want  you  to  think  I  have  become  a  religious  man  because  I 
asked  you  to  pray.  I  am  sorry  to  say  it,  but  I  am  not,  and 
have  never  pretended  to  be,  religious.  No  one  knows  this 
better  than  you  ;  but,  Moody — there  is  one  thing  about  it — 
I  DO  believe  in  ALMIGHTY  GOD  !  And  I  believe  also  in  the 
Bible,  and  I  say  I'll  be  damned  if  Nashville  shall  be  surren 
dered  ! "  And  Nashville  icas  not  surrendered  I ' : 

The  following  extracts  from  the  diary  fully  exhibit  the 
state  of  Nashville : 

"  September  llth. — Governor  Johnson's  policy  regarding  the  holding 
of  Nashville  prevails.  General  Thomas  had  received  instructions 
from  the  highest  authority  to  hold  the  city  at  all  hazards.  The  city 
is  being  rapidly  fortified.  Secessionists  are  bolder  than  ever.  The 
negroes  say  their  masters  openly  express  the  belief  in  the  early 
occupation  of  the  place  by  the  rebels.  One  darkey  asked  to-day, 

'  Massa ,  am  de  secesh  done  gone  for  good  ?'  In  explanation 

lie  said  his  master  had  told  him  to  get  ready  for  a  jollification,  for 
their  turn  was  coming  again  soon. 

"  September  BOth. — Communication  with  the  outer  world  is  cut  of£ 
We  are  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  A  siege  has  commenced.  Things 
look  gloomy.  The  work  of  fortifying  goes  on  briskly,  and  if  the 
enemy  gives  us  two  weeks  more  time  we  can  defy  them.  Captain 
Morton,  Engineer  United  States  Army,  has  two  thousand  contra 
bands  at  work  at  St.  Cloud's  hill  erecting  fortifications.  The  splendid 
grove  has  been  cut  down.  The  Asylum  for  the  Blind,  erected  at  a 
cost  of  forty  thousand  dollars,  has  been  blown  up  on  a  '  new  princi 
ple,'  as  Captain  Morton  expressed  it.  Every  building  gives  way  to 
make  play  for  the  guns  of  Fort  Negley. 

"  October  7th. — General  James  S.  Negley  is  now  in  command.  To-day 
he  ordered  an  attack  upon  the  rebel  forces  under  General  S.  R.  An 
derson  at  Lavergne,  a  few  miles  distant.  It  was  a  surprise,  and 
quite  successful.  Among  the  captures  was  Colonel  Harry  Maury. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  2 75 

[Late  in  command  at  Mobile.]  The  enemy  re-occupied  the  place 
shortly  after  our  leaving  it. 

"  October  8ffi. — No  communications  for  a  month.  Parties  attempt 
to  leave  in  flatboats  and  canoes,  but  are  captured  by  guerrillas  before 
they  get  fairly  out  of  the  city.  Rations  getting  scarce.  People 
getting  uneasy.  Hotels  closed  for  want  of  supplies.  Correspondence 
captured  by  guerrillas.  No  use  writing.  Governor  Johnson  takes 
every  thing  coolly,  hoping  for  the  best. 

"  October  12th. — Quite  a  sensation  has  been  produced  by  the  arrival  in 
Nashville  of  Governor  Johnson's  family,  after  incurring  and  escaping 
numerous  perils  while  making  their  exodus  from  East  Tennessee. 
The  male  members  of  the  family  were  in  danger  of  being  hung  on 
more  than  one  occasion.  They  left  Bristol,  in  the  extreme  Northeas 
tern  section  of  the  State,  on  the  Virginia  line,  by  permission  of  the 
rebel  War  Department,  accompanied  by  a  small  escort.  Wherever 
it  became  known  on  the  railroad  route  that  Andy  Johnson's  family 
were  on  the  train  the  impertinent  curiosity  of  some  rebels  was  only 
equalled  by  the  clamor  of  others  for  some  physical  demonstration  on 
Johnson's  sons.  Arriving  at  Murfreesboro',  they  were  met  by  Gene 
ral  Forrest  and  his  force.  Forrest  refused  to  allow  them  to  pro 
ceed,  and  they  were  detained  some  time  until  Isham  G.  Harris  and 
Andrew  Ewing,  noted  rebels,  telegraphed  to  Richmond  and  obtained 
peremptory  orders  allowing  them  to  proceed.  The  great  joy  at  the 
re-union  of  this  long  and  sorrowfully  separated  family  maybe  imag 
ined.  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  it.  Even  the  Governor's  Ro 
man  sternness  was  overcome,  and  he  wept  tears  of  thankfulness  at 
this  merciful  deliverance  of  his  beloved  ones  from  the  hands  of  their 
unpitying  persecutors.  Mrs.  Johnson  is  now  mistress  of  the  Gover 
nor's  residence,  a  princely  mansion  formerly  occupied  by  Ex-Governor 
and  Ex-United  States  Postmaster  General  Aaron  Y.  Brown. 

"  October  21*t. — Days,  weeks,  nay  months  roll  round,  and  there  seems 
to  be  no  change  for  the  better  in  this  important  city.  Cut  oif  from 
communications  with  the  outer  world,  our  supplies  become  exhausted, 
deprived  of  almost  all  articles  of  luxury  and  even  comfort,  and  sub 
ject  to  the  ill-disguised  sneers  and  taunts  of  Union  haters,  our  lot  is 
a  hard  one.  But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  there  is  no  faltering 
among  the  garrison  that  hold  the  city  against  rebel  hosts  reported  to 
be  menacing  us.  Governor  Johnson's  wise  and  energetic  measures 
coupled  with  the  activity  of  General  Negley,  inspire  courage  and 
confidence  among  Union  men.  We  hear  that  Breckinridge  is  around 
us  with  fifty  thousand  men  ;  that  Anderson,  mortified  at  his  defeat 
at  Lavergne,  declares  that  he  can  and  will  capture  the  city ;  and 
Forrest,  incensed  from  the  same  cause,  roughly  swears  that  he  will 


276  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

have  Nashville  at  all  hazards,  if  he  falls  himself  at  the  first  fire. 
But  those  who  are  in  the  confidence  of  Governor  Johnson  know 
that  if  the  enemy,  if  they  should  capture  the  city,  will  achieve  an 
empty  triumph  amid  blackened  and  crumbling  ruins.  The  coolness 
and  calmness  of  the  Governor  amid  these  trying  scenes  are  beyond 
all  praise.  He  does  all  he  can  to  preserve  order  ;  but,  notwithstand 
ing  this,  midnight  assassinations  are  frequent.  There  were  six  mur 
ders  one  night  recently.  The  other  day  a  party  belonging  to  an 
Illinois  regimant  broke  down  the  door  of  a  room  in  which  were  a 
asesssionist  and  his  mistress.  The  secessionist  shot  and  killed  two 
of  the  Illinoians.  The  exasperation  of  their  comrades  cannot  be 
portrayed.  A  rope  was  procured,  and  the  nearest  lamp  post  would 
have  witnessed  the  unfortunate  man's  end  but  for  the  interference  of 
Colonel  Stanley  and  a  strong  detachment  of  soldiers.  Amid  the 
wildest  excitement  he  was  taken  before  Governor  Johnson's  Provost 
Marshal,  Colonel  Gillem,  at  the  Capitol,  and  secured  against  the  re 
sults  of  mob  violence.  Although  the  act  was  calculated  to  lessen 
Governor  Johnson's  popularity  with  the  troops,  he  unhesitatingly 
endorsed  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Gillem,  declaring  that  there  was  a 
legal  and  proper  way  to  punish  the  offender,  and  so  long  as  he  had 
the  power  he  would  sae  it  enforced.  These  facts  are  mentioned  to 
show  Governor  Johnson's  sense  of  justice  and  his  determination  to 
exercise  it  under  the  most  trying  circumstances. 

"  November  ktli. — The  enemy  have  made  several  attempts  to  drive  in 
our  pickets,  without  material  loss  on  either  side.  A  rebel  siege  train 
has  arrived  at  the  Lunatic  Asylum,  about  three  miles  from  the  city, 
where  the  enemy  have  thrown  up  intrenchments.  A  rebel  attempt 
to  capture  the  city  by  a  coup  de  miin  in  the  rear  has  been  thwarted 
by  the  timely  action  of  General  Negley. 

Great  activity  prevails  at  the  capital.  Governor  Johnson,  with 
his  private  secretary,  Mr.  Browning  ;  one  of  his  aides,  Mr.  Lindsley  ; 
Provost  Marshal  Gillem ;  Captain  Abbott,  First  Tennessee  Battery  ; 
Assistant  Provost  Marshal  B.  C.  Truman  ;  Volunteer  Aid  Mr.  Glenn, 
together  with  the  officers  of  the  Governor's  bodyguard,  the  First 
Tennessee  infantry,  under  command  of  Colonel  Gillem,  are  on  duty 
night  and  day  at  the  Governor's  room,  ready  for  any  service  that 
the  Governor  may  require All  hands  are  engaged  in  clean 
ing  firearms,  sharpening  cutlasses,  &c.  Four  Rodman  guns  have 
been  placed  in  position  to  dafend  the  capitol,  which  is  also  protected 
by  lines  of  earthworks  and  breastworks  of  cotton  bales.  The  capi 
tal  will  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity.  Ths  cool  and  determined 
demeanor  of  Governor  Johnson  is  the  admiration  of  all. 

"  November  5th. — The  enemy  made  two  attacks  on  Nashville  to-day. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  277 

One  attack  was  made  by  Morgan  on  the  Edgefield  side  of  the  river, 
with  a  view  probably  of  destroying  the  new  railroad  bridge.     Mor 
gan  was  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.     About  the  same  time  the 
enemy  under  Forrest  approached  the  city  by  four  routes,  viz. :  the 
Franklin,  Murfreesboro',  Lebanon  and  Nolansville  pikes.   They  were 
in  great  strength,  and  seemed  bent  on  capturing  the  city.     General 
Negley  and  Governor  Johnson  determined  they  should  not.     Fort 
Negley  prepared  to  welcome  them,  with  the  Tenth  Illinois  as  a  gar 
rison.     Forts  Browning  and  Lindsley  and  the  two  enfilading  works 
known  as  Forts  Truman  and  Glenn,  were  garrisoned  by  the  gallant 
Nineteenth  Illinois  and  detachments  of  other  regiments.     Fort  An 
drew  Johnson  (the  capitol)  was  garrisoned  by  the  First  Tennessee, 
Colonel  Gillem,  with  a  reserve  of  artillery  under  command  of  Cap 
tain  Abbot,  of  the  First  Tennessee  battery.      Governor  Johnson  and 
Staff,  including  the  writer,  took  position  in  the  cupola  of  the  cap 
itol,  and  had  a  splendid  view  of  the  conflict  going  on  about  two 
miles  distant.     At  one  time,  when  the  firing  was  most  furious, 
and  the  smoke  partly  concealed  a  view  of  the  combat,  it  seemed 
that  the  Sixty-Ninth  Ohio,  Colonel  Casselly,  and  the  Seventy-Eighth 
Pennsylvania,  Col.  Sinvell,  who  were  in  the  advance,  had  been  defeated, 
and  were  under  full  retreat  for  the  shelter  of  the  fortifications.    This 
was  an  exciting  moment  for  the  spectators  in  the  cupola  of  the  capi 
tol,  although  there  was  not  a  blanched  cheek  among  the  group  that 
surroun  led  Governor  Johnson.     It  was  here  the  Governor  made  the 
remark  in  that  forcible  manner  he  is  accustomed  to  when  he  means 
a  thing—"  I  am  no  military  man,  but  any  one  who  talks  of  surren 
der  I  will  shoot !"     What  was  apprehended  to  be  a  repulse  of  our 
troops  proved  to  be  simply  a  strategic  movement  of  General  Neg- 
ley's,  for  in  a  few  minutes  the  entire  Union  force  rallied  and  wiSi 
colors  flying  dashed  tempetuously,  horse,  foot  and  artillery,  amid  the 
thunder  of  the  big  guns  of  the  forts,  upon  the  before  exultant  foe. 
The  enemy  appeared  to  be  thunderstruck.     They  came  to  a  stand 
still,  fired  a  few  shots,  and  then  turned  and  wildly  fled.      The  rout 
was  complete.     Thus  was  raised  the  siege  of  Nashville,  and  the  city 
for  a  third  time  saved  by  the  inflexible  firmness  of  Governor  John 
son,  aided  by  the  bayonets  of  the  flower  of  American  soldiery." 

General  Rosecrans  arrived  to-day  as  commander  of  the 
Army  of  the  Cumberland,  armed  with  heavy  reinforcement?, 
on  the  14th.  He  issued  a  congratulatory  order  to  General 
Negley  for  his  gallant  defense  of  Nashville,  and  held  a  con 
sultation  with  Governor  Johnson.  Communications  were 


278  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

once  more  re-opened,  and  after  an  embargo  of  some  two 
months  (from  September  15  to  November  14)  Nashville 
again  became  a  city  within  the  confines  of  civilization. 

Concluding  his  notes  on  the  siege  of  Nashville  and  the 
constant  excitement  which  preceded  that  event,  Mr.  Glenn, 
who  was  a  daily  observer  of  Governor  Johnson's  habits, 
pays  a  voluntary  tribute  to  his  self-control  and  temperate 
strength  of  character  amid  many  temptations.  "  During 
these  exciting  scenes,"  says  he,  "  during  the  dreadful  dull 
ness  of  interrupted  communication,  failing  supplies,  and  a 
lack  of  any  kind  of  amusements,  it  would  riot  be  strange  if 
some  tempers  should  seek  solace  in  conviviality.  But,  from 
first  to  last,  Governor  Johnson  was  a  model  of  abstemious 
ness.  He  never  played  cards  for  amusement  or  gain.  He 
never  indulged  in  drink  on  any  single  occasion  to  a  greater 
extent  than  possibly  a  clergyman  would  at  a  sacrament  ; 
and  as  for  the  smaller  vices  he  was  free  from  them  all.  His 
whole  aims  and  objects,  his  entire  aspirations,  seemed  to 
centre  in  the  re-establishment  of  the  authority  of  the  Fede 
ral  Government  over  his  State,  her  speedy  return  to  the 
Union,  protection  of  loyal  citizens  in  all  parts  of  the  State, 
and  punishment  of  'conscious  and  intelligent  traitors' 
wherever  found." 

The  battle  of  Perryville  in  Kentucky,  was  fought  in 
October  following,  and  General  Bragg  defeated  and  driven 
in  hasty  retreat  out  of  the  State.  He  re-appeared  at  Mur- 
freesboro',  only  thirty  miles  from  Nashville,  where,  with  a 
heavy  force,  he  entrenched  himself.  His  presence  in  the 
State  still  kept  alive  the  rebel  spirit,  and  rendered  it  im 
practicable  to  enforce  civil  law  or  restore  the  country  to 
order. 

In  the  meantime,  Governor  Johnson,  under  authority  from 
the  Government,  actively  employed  himself  in  completing 
the  North  Western  Railroad  from  Nashville  to  the  Ten 
nessee  River,  and  in  raising  and  equipping  troops  in  the 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  2  7  9 

State  for  the  service  of  the  United  States.  He  succeeded 
in  both  enterprises.  Under  his  auspices  the  railroad  was 
put  in  complete  running  order,  a  distance  of  seventy-five 
miles,  connecting  with  the  Tennessee  River,  thus  opening 
up  a  safe,  and  at  all  seasons,  reliable  channel  of  communi 
cation  between  the  Northwest  and  the  Union  Army  in 
Georgia. 

He  was  no  less  successful  in  his  efforts  to  increase  the 
Army.  Under  his  influence  not  less  than  twenty-four  or 
twenty-five  regiments  were  raised,  armed  and  equiped  for 
the  service  from  Tennessee. 

On  the  8th  December  Governor  Johnson  issued  his  procla 
mation,  appointing  and  ordering  elections  to  be  held  to  fill 
vacancies  in  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  ;  and  on  the  15th 
promulgated  an  order  assessing  certain  individuals  in  the 
city  of  Nashville,  in  various  amounts,  to  be  paid  in  five 
monthly  installments,  "  in  behalf  of  the  many  helpless 
widows,  wives  and  children  in  the  city  of  Nashville  who 
have  been  reduced  to  poverty  and  wretchedness  in  conse 
quence  of  their  husbands,  sons  and  fathers  having  been 
forced  into  the  armies  of  this  unholy  and  nefarious  re 
bellion." 

But  no  material  change  was  made  in  the  military  status 
of  the  State  until  after  the  great  battle  at  Murfreesboro', 
beginning  on  the  31st  of  December,  1863,  and  continuing  for 
several  days,  when  the  rebel  army  was  defeated  and  forced 
back  on  Tullahoma  to  Chattanooga,  and  after  the  battles  of 
Chickamauga  and  Mission  Ridge  into  Georgia. 

The  important  movements  which  occupied  almost  a  year 
after  the  battle  of  Murfreesboro',  up  to  the  raising  of  the 
siege  of  Knoxville,  are  well  epitomized  in  Raymond's  "  His 
tory  of  the  Lincoln  Administration."  These  great  military 
movements,  forming,  as  they  do,  so  large  a  part  of  the  his 
tory  of  Tennessee  during  the  rebellion,  cannot  be  silently 
passed  over. 


280  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  After  the  battle  of  Murfreesboro',  and  the  occupation  of 
that  place  by  our  troops,  on  the  5th.  of  January,  1863,  the 
enemy  took  position  at  Shelbyvillc  and  Tullahoma,  and  the 
winter  and  spring  were  passed  in  raids  and  unimportant 
skirmishes.  In  June,  while  General  Grant  was  besieging 
Vicksbnrg,  information  readied  the  Government  which  led 
to  the  belief  that  a  portion  of  Bragg's  army  had  been  sent 
to  the  relief  of  that  place  ;  and  General  Rosecrans  was 
urged  to  take  advantage  of  this  division  of  the  rebel  forces 
and  drive  them  back  into  Georgia,  so  as  to  completely  de 
liver  East  Tennessee  from  the  rebel  armies.  He  was  told 
that  General  Burnsidc  would  move  from  Kentucky  in  aid 
of  this  movement.  General  Rosecrans,  however,  deemed 
his  forces  unequal  to  such  an  enterprise  ;  but,  receiving  re 
inforcements,  he  commenced  on  the  25th  of  June  a  forward 
movement  upon  the  enemy,  strongly  intrenched  at  Tulla 
homa,  with  his  main  force  near  Shelbyville.  Deceiving  the 
rebel  general  by  a  movement  upon  his  left  flank,  Rosecrans 
threw  the  main  body  of  his  army  upon  the  enemy's  right, 
which  he  turned  so  completely  that  Bragg  abandoned  his 
position,  and  fell  back  rapidly,  and  in  confusion,  to  Bridge 
port,  Ala.,  being  pursued  as  far  as  practicable  by  our  forces. 
General  Burnside  had  been  ordered  to  connect  himself  with 
Rosecrans,  but  had  failed  to  do  so.  Bragg  continued  his 
retreat  across  the  Cumberland  Mountain  and  the  Tennessee 
River,  and  took  post  at  Chattanooga,  whither  he  was  pur 
sued  by  Rosecrans,  who  reached  the  Tennessee  on  the  20th 
of  August,  and  on  the  21st  commenced  shelling  Chattanooga 
and  making  preparation  for  throwing  his  army  across  the 
river.  A  reconnoisance,  made  by  General  Crittenden  on 
the  9th  of  September,  disclosed  the  fact  that  the  rebels  had 
abandoned  the  position,  which  was  immediately  occupied  by 
our  forces,  who  pushed  forward  towards  the  South.  Indi 
cations  that  the  rebel  general  was  receiving  heavy  reinforce 
ments  and  manoeuvring  to  turn  the  right  of  our  army,  led 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  281 

to  a  concentration  of  all  our  available  forces,  and,  subse 
quently,  to  the  appointment  of  General  Grant  to  command 
the  whole  army  thus  brought  together:  On  the  19th  of 
September  General  Rosecrans  was  attacked  by  the  rebel 
forces,  their  main  force  being  directed  against  his  left  wing 
under  General  Thomas,  endeavoring  to  turn  it  so  as  to  gain 
the  road  to  Chattanooga.  The  attack  was  renewed  the 
next  morning,  and  with  temporary  success ;  Longstreet's 
corps  having  reached  the  field  and  poured  its  massive 
columns  through  a  gap  left  in  the  centre  of  our  line  by  an 
unfortunate  misapprehension  of  an  order  ;  but  the  oppor 
tune  arrival  and  swift  energy  of  General  Granger  checked 
his  advance,  and  the  desperate  valor  of  Thomas  and  his 
troops  repulsed  every  subsequent  attempt  of  the  enemy  to 
carry  the  position.  Our  losses,  in  this  series  of  engage 
ments,  were  1,644  killed  ;  9,262  wounded  ;  and  4,845  miss 
ing—a  total  swelled  by  the  estimated  losses  of  our  cavalry 
to°  about  16,351.  The  rebel  general  immediately  sent 
Longstreet  against  Burnside,  who  was  at  Knoxville,  while 
he  established  his  main  force  again  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Chattanooga.  On  the  23d  of  November  General  Grant 
moved  his  army  to  attack  him,  and  on  the  25th  the  whole 
of  the  range  of  heights  known  as  Missionary  Ridge,  held  by 
Bragg,  was  carried  by  our  troops  after  a  desperate  struggle, 
and  the  enemy  completely  routed.  This  was  a  very  severe 
engagement,  and  our  loss  was  estimated  at  about  4,000. 
Gene°rals  Thomas  and  Hooker  pushed  the  rebel  forces  back 
into  Georgia,  and  Granger  and  Sherman  were  sent  into 
East  Tennessee  to  relieve  Burnside  and  raise  the  siege  of 
Knoxville,  which  was  pressed  by  Longstreet,  who,  failing  in 
this  attempt,  soon  after  retreated  towards  Virginia. 

"Upon   receiving  intelligence   of  these  movements   the 
President  issued  the  following  recommendation  : 


282  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

11  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

December  7,  1863. 

"  Reliable  information  being  received  that  the  insurgent  force  is 
retreating  from  East  Tennessee,  under  circumstances  rendering  it 
probable  that  the  Union  forces  cannot  hereafter  be  dislodged  from 
that  important  position  ;  and  esteeming  this  to  be  of  high  national 
consequence,  I  recommend  that  all  loyal  people  do,  on  receipt  of 
this  information,  assemble  at  their  places  of  worship,  and  render 
special  homage  and  gratitude  to  Almighty  God  for  this  great  ad 
vancement  of  the  National  cause.  A.  LINCOLN."* 

About  this  time  the  rebel  spirit  in  Tennessee  began  more 
perceptibly  to  wain,  and  the  Union  element,  which  had 
except  in  a  few  honorable  instances,  remained  dormant, 
began  to  awaken  into  active  life.  Public  meetings  were 
held  in  various  parts  of  the  State,  at  which  Governor  John 
son  was  usually  present,  urging  the  people  to  return  to 
their  allegiance.  Similar  meetings,  as  we  have  seen,  had 
been  gotten  up,  whenever  practicable,  by  the  Unionists 
some  months  previous,  and  the  expression  of  public  senti 
ment  on  the  leading  issues,  to  some  extent,  inaugurated  ; 
but  this  desirable  means  of  reaching  and  expressing  popular 
opinion  was  not  so  generally  participated  in  as  after  the 
retreat  of  Bragg's  army  from  the  State. 

Among  the  necessary  features  of  his  Administration  was 
that  announced  in  Governor  Johnson's  proclamation  of 
February  20,  1863,  warning  all  persons  holding,  renting, 
occupying  or  using  any  real  or  personal  estate  belonging  to 
traitors  or  their  agents,  not  to  pay  the  rents,  issues  or  profits 
thereof,  but  to  retain  the  same  until  some  suitable  person 
shall  have  been  appointed  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the 
United  States  to  receive  it. 

In  a  speech  at  Columbus,  0.,  on  the  3d  of  March  follow 
ing,  feeling  it  incumbent,  doubtless,  to  make  some  allusion 
to  the  effect  of  President  Lincoln's  Emancipation  Proclama- 

*  "  History  of  the  Administration  of  President  Lincoln."  By  H.  J.  Raymond. 
Derby  &  Miller,  New  York. 


OF  ANDREW  JOIINSON.  283 

tion,  he  reiterated  the  spirit  of  his  former  declarations  on 
the  relations  of  slavery  to  a  rebellious  South,  and  said  there 
were  great  laws  and  elements  at  work  that  would  settle  it. 
He  did  not  believe  the  proclamation  would  effect  the  ques 
tion  one  hair's  breadth  or  hasten  its  downfall.  The  shortest 
way  to  destroy  slavery  was  to  let  the  South  continue  the 
war.  The  South  being  responsible  for  the  war,  would  also 
be  responsible  for  the  destruction  of  slavery.  We  were  car 
rying  on  this  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Constitution.  If  negro  slavery  was  in  the 
way.  Government  must  go  over  it.  He  was  for  the  Govern 
ment  with  slavery,  and  for  the  Government  without  slavery. 
Slavery  was  only  an  incident,  and,  if  necessary,  must  give 
way.  Slavery  had  always  agitated  the  Government, 
and  it  could  not  be  objected  to  if  the  Government  should 
agitate  it.  The  objection  to  the  President's  proclamation 
was  only  an  excuse  for  those  who  want  to  build  up  party. 
There  were  but  two  parties,  one  for  and  the  other  against 
the  Government.  The  one  was  composed  of  patriots,  and 
the  other  of  traitors.  He  predicted  that  the  time  would 
come  when  the  latter  will  join  the  enemy  ;  and  he  desired 
the  prediction  would  be  remembered. 

In  addition  to  the  Governor's  unremitting  efforts  to 
restore  Tennessee  to  its  former  allegiance,  the  internal 
peace  of  Nashville,  and  the  perplexing  cares  and  responsi 
bilities  of  providing  for  the  thousands  of  destitute  refugees 
that  daily  came  within  the  Federal  lines,  were  all  thrown 
upon  him.  His  time  was  wholly  employed,  and  the  amount 
of  labor  performed  by  him  in  the  various  departments  of 
his  office  was,  perhaps,  equal  to  that  performed  by  any  other 
one  man  in  the  United  States.  His  whole  soul  was  in  the 
work  ;  and  no  labor  was  too  arduous  to  be  undertaken,  no 
difficulties  too  complicated  to  be  surmounted.  Revenues 
were  collected  and  disbursed,  rules  and  regulations  for  the 
government  of  the  people  adopted  and  enforced,  contro- 


284  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

versies  settled  and  law  suits  decided  and  adjusted,  armies 
raised,  equipped  and  put  into  the  field,  works  of  defence 
and  internal  improvements  projected  and  carried  into  execu 
tion — all  these,  with  many  other  matters  of  deep  interest, 
for  two  whole  years  engrossed  his  attention  and  demanded 
his  individual  exertion.  The  wonder  is  that  he  performed 
so  many  and  ever-varying  engagements  at  all,  much  more, 
to  the  intense  satisfaction  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  State, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  in  a  manner  that  gradually  mellowed 
down  the  rebellious  sentiment  of  the  people,  and  brought 
back  thousands  to  their  former  allegiance. 

On  the  26th  of  January,  1864,  Governor  Johnson  issued 
a  proclamation  ordering  an  election,  on  the  first  Saturday 
in  March  following,  for  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Sheriffs,  Con 
stables,  Circuit  and  County  Court  Clerks,  Registers  and 
Tax  Collectors. 

In  obedience  to  this  proclamation,  elections  were  held  in 
many  of  the  counties  and  districts  of  the  State,  and  the 
various  officers  designated  chosen  by  the  people.  After 
wards  Judges,  Chancellors,  Attorney-Generals,  etc.,  were 
appointed,  and  the  whole  machinery  of  the  State  govern 
ment  again  set  in  motion.  .This  advanced  step  in  the  resto 
ration  of  law  and  order  to  the  people  was  partially,  and  in 
localities  not  infested  by  bands  of  guerrillas,  quite  suc 
cessful. 

The  National  Union  Convention  that  assembled  in  Balti 
more  on  the  6th  June,  1864,  found  Governor  Johnson  at 
Nashville,  in  the  quiet  but  active  discharge  of  his  duties  as 
Brigadier  General  and  Military  Governor. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 


MEETING  of  the  National  Union  Convention  at  Baltimore  —  The  Vice  Presi 
dency—Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  opposes  the  Admiss-ion  of  Tennessee 
and  Louisiana  —  Nomination  to  Vice-Presidency  conceded  to  New  York 

—  Ballot  in  the  New  York  Delegation  —  D.  S.  Dickinson  in  great  favor  — 
His  Claims  urged   by  Lyman   Tremain  —  II.    J.    Raymond   in    favor   of  a 
Border  State  War  Democrat,  nominates  Andrew  Johnson  —  Remarks   of 
Preston  King,   C.  B.  Cochrane,  G.  W.  Curtis  —  Would  Dickinson's  Nomi 
nation  eject  Seward  from  the  Cabinet?  —  Raymond   Protests  —  The   Pur 
pose  disavowed  —  A  Ballot  in  favor  of  Johnson  —  Discontent  of  Dickinson's 
Friends  —  They  determine  to  exclude  the  Border  States  —  Preston  King  pres 
ses  their  Admission  —  Nomination  of  Johnson  —  Mass  Meeting  in  Nashville 

—  Governor  Johnson's  Address  Ratifying  the  Lincoln  Policy  —  National  To 
pics—  Aristocracy  theessential  Spirit  of  the  Rebellion  —  Dead  Slavery  —  In 
vitation  to  Emigrants  —  Traitors  not  Citizens  —  Tells  Truths  to  Shoulder- 
straps  —  Mexico  —  Johnson's  Official  Letter  of  Acceptance. 


the  National  Union  Convention  assembled,  its 
work  so  far  as  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency  was  concerned,  was  already  done.  The  people  had 
decided  that  question  in  advance,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the 
only  name  mentioned.  With  the  exception  of  Missouri, 
every  State,  through  its  delegates,  gave  him  its  undivided 
vote.  But  in  regard  to  the  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
there  was  no  such  unity  of  sentiment.  That  subject  had 
not  been  canvassed,  and  the  convention  assembled  in  entire 
ignorance  of  the  candidates  that  would  be  named.  Many 
judicious  men  believed  that  the  wisest  course  would  be  to 
re-nominate  Mr.  Hamlin,  but  this  it  was  perceived  by 
others  would  be  to  ignore  entirely  the  claims  of  that  very 
large  body  of  Democrats  who  had  discarded  their  party 
obligations  in  the  presence-  of  a  national  peril  and  had  sus 
tained  the  Administration  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 
Others  looked  to  the  policy  of  conceding  this  nomination 

(285) 


286  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

to  the  army,  and  sought  among  its  officers  for  a  suitable 
candidate.  The  delegates  from  Tennessee  and  Louisiana 
thought  the  Border  States  ought  to  be  considered,  but  as 
their  first  anxiety  was  to  secure  the  admission  of  those 
States  into  the  Convention,  which  had  been  most  vehemently 
resisted  by  Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others,  at  the 
very  outset,  they  deemed  it  wise  to  postpone  the  presenta 
tion  of  any  claims  of  this  kind.  By  general  consent  it 
seemed  after  a  little  time  to  be  conceded  that  the  State  of 
New  York  might  nominate  the  candidate  for  Vice-President 
and  that  her  choice  would  be  the  choice  of  the  Convention  : 
and  this  concession  seemed  to  have  been  prompted,  in  a  large 
degree,  by  the  belief  that  New  York  would  present  her 
own  son,  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  whose  devotion  to  the  country 
during  the  war  had  wiped  out  all  hostile  memory  of  his 
previous  political  course,  and  who  was  regarded  as  unques 
tionably  the  strongest  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  by 
the  members  of  the  Convention  at  largo. 

O 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  New  York  delegation  on  the 
6th  of  June,  the  subject  was  canvassed  in  a  cursory  manner 
and  an  informal  ballot  was  taken  merely  to  ascertain  the 
preferences  of  individual  members.  This  ballot  gave  28 
voles  for  Hamlin,  16  for  Dickinson,  6  for  Tremain  and  8 
for  Andrew  Johnson.  Of  these  the  six  votes  given  to  Tre 
main  were  actually  Dickinson  votes,  as  were  also  a  part  of 
those  given  for  Johnson.  The  meeting  then  adjourned  to 
the  next  morning,  and  the  outside  canvass  became  animated 
— the  friends  of  Mr.  Dickinson  being  especially  zealous  and 
resolute  and  none  opposing  him  on  any  other  grounds  than 
those  of  expediency.  It  was  generally  understood  by  the 
members  of  the  Convention  that  there  was  a  sharp  differ 
ence  of  opinion  in  the  New  York  Delegation,  and  this 
knowledge  strengthened  their  purpose  to  await  the  action 
of  that  State. 

The  meeting  in  the  morning  was  opened  by  a  careful, 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  287 

eloquent  and  effective  speech  of  half  an  hour  by  Hon. 
Lymau  Tremain  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Dickin 
son.  Mr.  Tremain  urged  with  great  force  the  claims  of 
the  War  Democracy  to  this  nomination,  insisting  that  it 
would  be  most  unjust  as  well  as  unwise  to  disregard  the 
sacrifices  of  political  feeling  and  of  party  ties  which  they 
had  made,  and  declaring  that,  as  he  had  never  been  a  Re 
publican,  he  should  feel  that  he  had  no  place  in  this  organi 
zation  if  both  candidates  should  be  selected  from  the  Repub 
lican  party.  He  then  presented  Mr.  Dickinson  as  the 
candidate  of  the  War  Democrats,  setting  forth,  in  very 
graphic  and  impressive  words,  the  noble  and  patriotic  man 
ner  in  which  Mr.  Dickinson  had  broken  away  from  the 
Democratic  party  when  it  became  disloyal,  and  the  political 
sacrifices  he  had  thus  made  for  the  good  of  the  country.  He 
spoke  warmly,  also,  of  his  eloquent  appeals  to  the  patriotism 
of  the  country  during  the  war  and  of  the  eminent  services 
he  had  thus  rendered  the  Government  in  the  suppression  of 
the  rebellion  :  and  he  closed  by  presenting  him  to  the 
Delegates  of  his  own  State  and  by  urging  them  by  every 
consideration  of  State  pride  and  of  personal  admiration  to 
make  him  their  candidate  before  the  Convention. 

Hon.  H.  J.  Raymond,  who  was  also  one  of  the  delegates  at 
large  from  the  State,  following  Mr.  Tremain,  began  by  ac 
quiescing  in  everything  he  had  said  of  the  claims  of  the 
War  Democrats  to  the  gratitude  of  the  country  and  the 
kindest  and  most  favorable  consideration  of  the  Convention. 
He  recognized  fully  the  patriotism  which  had  led  them  to 
discard  all  mere  party  ties  and  to  take  that  action  which  had 
contributed  so  largely  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  He 
concurred  also  in  everything  that  had  been  said  of  Mr. 
Dickinson  in  the  Convention  :  he  knew  his  worth  and  ap 
preciated  fully  his  eminent  services  in  the  national  cause. 
But  he  thought  we  should  do  injustice  to  ourselves  and  to 
the  War  Democracy  of  the  whole  Union  if  we  restricted  our 


288  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

acknowledgments  to  our  own  State.  Much  as  Mr.  Dickin 
son  had  suffered  and  done  in  the  cause  of  the  nation,  there 
were  other  Democrats  who  had  done  and  suffered  more. 
Highly  as  Mr.  Raymond  appreciated  the  labors  of  distin 
guished  men  in  the  North  who  had  thrown  their  weight  into 
the  loyal  scale,  lie  believed  that  the  salvation  of  the  country 
would  be  due,  primarily  and  mainly,  to  those  noble  hearts  in 
the  Border  States  who  had  not  only  discarded  every  party 
tie,  but  who  had  thrown  to  the  winds  all  the  prejudices  of 
the  section  in  which  they  lived,  all  the  teachings  of  their 
childhood,  all  the  pride  of  State  Rights,  all  their  interests 
in  Slavery,  every  thing  which  might  be  supposed  to  have 
most  weight  with  men  in  their  condition,— and  had  suffered 
in  the  Union,  in  their  property,  their  families  and  their  per 
sons  to  a  degree  of  which  we  in  the  Northern  States  could 
form  but  a  faint  conception.  After  some  further  remarks  in 
the  same  direction,  Mr.  Raymond  nominated  Andrew  John 
son  as  a  War  Democrat  and  as  the  man  to  whom,  more  than 
to  any  other  one  person  not  in  the  Government  or  in  the 
army,  the  country  was  indebted  for  aid  in  putting  down  the 
Rebellion,  and  as  one  who  by  his  course  in  the  Senate  and 
in  every  public  station  he  had  been  called  to  fill,  had  proved 
his  claim  to  public  confidence  and  favor. 

Hon.  Preston  King  made  a  few  remarks  mainly  upon  the 
impolicy  of  selecting  a  candidate  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  since  any  selection  that  might  be  made  would  lead 
inevitably,  in  consequence  of  the  peculiar  relations  of  politi 
cal  parties,  to  discontent  in  one  quarter  or  another.  It  was 
well  known,  he  said,  that  there  was  a  very  large  body  of 
former  Democrats  in  that  State  who,  though  acting  now 
cordially  and  zealously  with  Mr.  Dickinson,  could  not  forget 
that  they  left  the  Democratic  party  long  before  he  did,  and 
that  his  course  toward  them  for  many  years  had  not  been 
calculated  to  conciliate  their  favor  or  support.  He  thought 
therefore  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  select  the  candidate  from 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  289 

some  other  State.  Hon.  C.  B.  Coclirane,  who  had  first 
voted  for  Mr.  Hamlin,  next  followed  in  warm  advocacy  of 
Mr.  Dickinson,  with  whom  politically  he  said  he  had  never 
acted,  but  for  whose  ability  and  patriotism  he  had  the  most 
profound  respect.  Mr.  Geo.  W.  Curtis,  one  of  the  secre 
taries  of  the  delegation,  made  an  eloquent  and  effective  ap 
peal  on  the  same  side,  and  said  that  from  the  turn  the  debate 
had  taken  and  the  persons  who  had  shared  in  the  discussion, 
it  was  very  evident  that  the  main  reason  which  led  a  large 
portion  of  the  delegates  to  oppose  Mr.  Dickinson's  nomina 
tion  was  the  certainty  that  it  would  render  necessary  Mr. 
Seward's  withdrawal  from  the  Cabinet,  as  two  such  posts  could 
not  be  given  to  one  State  ;  and  he  thought  it  quite  time  that 
the  real  motive  of  their  opposition  to  Mr.  Dickinson  should 
be  understood.  Mr.  Raymond  replied  that  he  could  only 
regard  this  as  a  virtual  declaration  that  Mr.  Dickinson  must 
be  nominated  for  the  purpose  of  ejecting  Mr.  Seward  from 
the  Cabinet ;  and  while  he  should  very  gladly  assent  to  any 
change  in  the  Cabinet  which  the  good  of  the  country  might 
require,  he  protested  against  such  an  attempt  to  use  Mr. 
Dickinson  as  an  instrument  for  degrading  Mr.  Seward. 

This  led  to  disavowals  of  any  such  purpose  and  to  a  con 
versational  though  very  animated  discussion,  after  which 
a  formal  ballot  was  taken,  which  resulted  in  giving  Dickin 
son  29,  Johnson  30,  Hamlin  7,  Holt  I  ;  but  before  it  was 
announced  two  more  votes  were  given  to  Johnson — so  that 
it  finally  stood,  Johnson  32,  Dickinson  29,  Hamlin  6.  Upon 
Mr.  Raymond's  motion,  it  was  then  resolved  that  the  vote 
just  taken  should  be  announced  in  Convention  as  the  vote 
of  New  York  on  the  first  ballot ;  and  the  delegation  then 
adjourned  to  meet  at  the  call  of  the  Chairman,  Hon.  John 
A.  King. 

After  the  adjournment  the  outside  canvass  became  very 
animated — Mr.  Dickinson's  New  York  friends  being  deter 
mined  to  overrule  the  action  of  the  delegation  and  to  make 
19 


290  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

him  the  candidate.  At  one  time  it  seemed  almost  certain 
that  lie  would  be  the  nominee,  and  various  names  of  new 
men  were  suggested  by  different  delegations.  This  led  to  a 
consultation  among  some  of  the  New  York  supporters  of  Mr. 
Johnson,  who  were  further  embarrassed  by  the  fact  that  the 
delegation  from  Tennessee  had  not  yet  been  admitted  to  the 
Convention,  and  the  friends  of  Mr.  Dickinson  were  resolute 
in  their  purpose  to  exclude  all  the  Border  States,  as  having 
properly  no  representatives  of  the  Union  party.  Hon. 
Horace  Maynard,  who  was  one  of-  the  delegates  from  Ten 
nessee,  was  active  and  very  influential  in  pressing  the  claims 
of  his  State  to  admission,  and  it  was  resolved  by  the  dele 
gates  from  New  York,  who  had  voted  for  Mr.  Johnson,  to 
insist  upon  the  admission  of  Tennessee  and  to  stand  by  John 
son  as  their  candidate. 

At  the  opening  of  the  session  of  the  Convention,  the  Com 
mittee  on  Credentials  reported  against  the  admission  of 
delegates  from  Tennessee,  in  conformity  with  the  views 
presented  by  Hon.  Thad.  Stevens  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the 
opening  of  the  Convention.  Hon.  Preston  King,  alone  of 
the  committee,  dissented  from  this  conclusion,  and  made  a 
minority  report,  which,  with  remarkable  courage  and  skillful 
management,  he  pressed  upon  the  action  of  the  Convention. 
The  vote  was  taken  amidst  great  confusion,  and  at  one  time 
Mr.  King's  motion  to  admit  Tennessee  was  lost ;  but  before 
any  result  was  declared  the  struggle  was  renewed,  and  the 
result  was  described,  with  substantial  accuracy  as  to  the 
facts,  though  in  a  very  unfair  tone,  in  the  New  York  Tribune 
of  the  next  day,  which  said  : 

"On  the  admission  of  Tennessee,  she  was  rejected  by  de 
cided  and  increasing  majorities,  until  Neiv  York  gave  her 
forty-four  votes.  The  secesh  applause  was  tremendous  and 
instantly  infectious.  Ohio  voted  -forty-two,  and  right  off 
eight  States  that  had  voted  nay,  caved  in  and  changed  their 
votes." 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  291 

The  delegates  from  Tennessee  were  thus  admitted,  and 
renewed  with  activity  and  zeal  their  canvass  for  Mr.  John 
son.  After  the  adoption  of  the  platform  and  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  for  President,  the  ballot  for  Vice-President 
was  called.  Some  of  the  New  York  delegates  called  for  a 
new  canvass  of  the  delegation,  but  under  the  resolution  of 
the  previous  day  this  was  declined,  and  the  vote  of  Xew 
York  announced  as,  32  for  Johnson,  29  for  Dickinson,  6  for 
Hamlin.  The  aggregate  vote  of  the  Convention  gave  John 
son  200,  Hamlin  145,  Dickinson  113  ;  but  before  it  was 
declared,  Hon  S.  Cameron,  after  consultation  with  Mr.  Ray 
mond  of  the  New  York  delegation,  and  with  the  assent  of 
his  own,  announced  that  Pennsylvania,  which  had  voted  for 
Hamlin,  now  cast  her  vote  for  Johnson.  Other  States  at 
once  followed  the  example,  and  the  nomination  was  finally 
made  unanimous. 

New  York  may  well  feel  proud  of  her  choice,  and  in  view 
of  subsequent  events,  the  delegates  who  so  persistently  rec 
ognized  the  Democratic  element,  as  having  powerfully  aided 
to  achieve  peace  and  put  down  Rebellion,  deserve  not  only 
the  thankful  congratulations  of  the  loyal  States,  but  of  those 
returning  States  which  receive  the  benefits  of  President 
Johnson's  wise  and  generous  views  on  reorganization. 

When  the  result  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  was  known, 
a  Union  mass  meeting  was  held  at  Nashville,  where  the 
presence  of  Governor  Johnson  was  hailed  with  great  accla 
mation.  No  man  could  truthfully  say  that  he  had  asked 
his  influence  in  behalf  of  the  position  for  which  he  was  nomi 
nated,  or  for  any  other.  On  the  contrary,  he  had  avoided 
the  candidacy.  While  it  was  conferred  unsought  it  was 
appreciated  the  more  highly.  He  accepted  the  nomination 
on  principle,  and  in  the  address  to  his  fellow-citizens  at 
Nashville,  he  spoke  with  his  characteristic  fearlessness  on 
the  principal  topics  of  the  day,  and  especially  those  identi 
fied  with  the  policy  ratified  by  the  re-nomination  of  Presi- 


292  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

dent  Lincoln.  The  nomination  he  thought  equivalent  to 
saying,  not  only  to  the  United  States,  but  to  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  that  we  were  determined  to  maintain  and  carry 
out  the  principles  of  free  government.  The  Convention  had 
announced  that  the  right  of  secession  and  the  power  of  a 
State  to  place  itself  outside  of  the  Union  are  not  recognized. 
Tennessee  had  been  in  rebellion  against  the  Government, 
and  waged  a  treasonable  war,  just  as  other  Southern  States 
had  done.  She  had  seceded  just  as  much  as  other  States 
had,  and  left  the  Union  as  far  as  she  had  any  power  to  do 
so.  Nevertheless,  the  National  Convention  had  declared 
that  a  State  cannot  put  itself  from  under  the  national  au 
thority.  It  said  by  its  first  nomination,  that  the  present 
President,  take  him  altogether,  was  the  man  to  steer  the 
ship  of  State  for  the  next  four  years.  Next  it  said — if  he 
might  be  permitted  to  speak  for  himself,  not  in  the  way  of 
vanity,  but  to  illustrate  a  principle—''  We  will  go  into  one 
of  the  rebellious  States  and  choose  a  candidate  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency."  Thus,  the  Union  party  declared  its  belief  that 
the  rebellious  States  are  still  in  the  Union,  and  that  their 
loyal  citizens  are  still  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Our 
duty  is  to  sustain  the  Government,  and  help  it  with  all  our 
might  to  crush  out  a  rebellion  which  is  in  violation  of  all 
that  is  right  and  sacred. 

He  held  up  the  aristocracy  of  the  slave  States  as  having 
been  their  bane,  nor  did  he  believe  the  North  wholly  free 
from  the  curse  of  aristocracy.  One  of  the  chief  elements, 
he  believes,  of  this  rebellion,  was  the  opposition  of  the  slave 
aristocracy  to  be  ruled  by  men  who  have  risen  from  the 
ranks  of  the  people.  And  it  just  occurred  to  him  that  if  it 
was  so  violently  opposed  to  being  governed  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
what  in  the  name  of  conscience  would  it  do  with  Lincoln 
and  Johnson. 

Governor  Johnson  avowed  hirarclf  as  opposed,  in  the  case 
of  a  Convention  to  restore  his  State,  to  permit  those  to  par- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  293 

ticipate  in  it  who  had  given  all  their  influence  and  means  to 
destroy  it.  They  should  undergo  a  purifying  ordeal.  The 
most  honest  and  industrious  foreigner,  who  sought  America, 
had  to  dwell  five  years  with  us  until  he  became  a  citizen. 
If  we  were  so  cautious  about  foreigners,  who  voluntarily 
renounce  their  homes  to  live  with  us,  what  should  we  say  to 
the  traitors  who,  born  and  reared  liere,  sought  to  destroy 
the  Government  which  always  protected  them. 

Upon  the  slavery  and  emancipation  questions,  Governor 
Johnson  was  not  less  direct  or  explicit,  but  the  occasion 
warrants  the  re-production  of  this  clear  and  spirited  expo 
sition  of  National  and  State  policy. 

"  Governor  Johnson  said  he  had  no  impassioned  appeal  to  make  to 
the  people  in  his  own  behalf.  He  had  not  sought  the  position 
assigned  him  by  the  National  Convention.  Not  a  man  in  all  the 
land  can  truthfully  say  that  I  have  asked  him  to  use  his  influence  in 
my  behalf  in  that  body,  for  the  position  allotted  me,  or  for  any 
other.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  avoided  the  candidacy.  But  while 
I  have  not  sought  it,  still  being  conferred  upon  me  unsought,  I  ap 
preciate  it  the  more  highly.  Being  conferred  on  me  without  solici 
tation,  I  shall  not  decline  it.  [Applause.]  Come  weal  or  woe,  suc 
cess  or  defeat,  sink  or  swim,  survive  or  perish,  I  accept  the  nomina 
tion  on  principle,  be  the  consequences  what  they  may.  I  will  do 
what  I  believe  to  be  my  duty. 

"  I  know  there  are  those  here  who  profess  to  feel  a  contempt  for 
me,  and  I,  on  the  other  hand,  feel  my  superiority  to  them.  I  have 
always  understood  that  there  is  a  sort  of  exclusive  aristocracv  about 
Nashville  which  affects  to  contemn  all  who  are  not  within  its  little 
circle.  Let  them  enjoy  their  opinions.  I  have  heard  it  said  that 

'  Worth  makes  the  man,  and  want  of  it  the  fellow.' 

"  This  aristocracy  has  been  the  bane  of  the  slave  States ;  nor  has 
the  North  been  wholly  free  from  its  cujse.  It  is  a  class  which  I  have 
always  forced  to  respect  me,  for  I  have  ever  set  it  at  defiance.  The 
respect  of  the  honest,  intelligent  and  industrious  class  I  have  en 
deavored  to  win  by  my  conduct  as  a  man.  One  of  the  chief  elements 
of  this  rebellion  is  the  opposition  of  the  slave  aristocracy  to  being 
ruled  by  men  who  have  risen  from  the  ranks  of  the  people.  This 
aristocracy  hated  Mr.  Lincoln  because  he  was  of  humble  origin,  a  rail- 


294  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

splitter  in  early  life.  One  of  them,  the  private  Secretary  of  Howell 
Cobb,  said  to  me  one  clay,  after  a  long  conversation,  '  We  people  of 
the  South  will  not  submit  to  be  governed  by  a  man  who  has  come 
up  from  the  ranks  of  the  common  people,  as  Abe  Lincoln  has.'  He 
uttered  the  essential  feeling  and  spirit  of  this  Southern  rebellion. 
Now  it  has  just  occurred  to  me,  if  this  aristocracy  is  so  violently  op 
posed  to  being  governed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  what  in  the  name  of 
conscience  will  it  do  with  Lincoln  and  Johnson.  [Great  laughter.] 
I  reject  with  scorn  this  whole  idea  of  an  arrogant  aristocracy. 

"  I  believe  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government,  irrespective  of 
outward  circumstances,  and  whether  he  be  a  laborer,  a  shoemaker, 
a  tailor  or  grocer.  The  question  is  whether  a  man  is  capable  of  self- 
government.  I  hold  with  Jefferson  that  government  was  made  for 
the  convenience  of  man,  and  not  man  for  the  government ;  that  laws 
and  constitutions  were  designed  as  mere  instruments  to  promote  his 
welfare.  And  hence  from  this  principle  I  conclude  that  govern 
ments  can  and  ought  to  be  changed  and  amended  to  conform  to  the 
wants,  to  the  requirements  and  progress  of  the  people,  and  the  en 
lightened  spirit  of  the  age.  [Loud  applause.]  Now,  if  any  of  you 
secessionists  have  lost  faith  in  man's  capability  of  self-government, 
and  feel  unfit  for  the  exercise  of  this  great  right,  go  straight  to  rebel- 
dom,  take  Jeff.  Davis,  Beauregard  and  Bragg  for  your  masters,  and 
put  their  collars  on  your  necks. 

"  And  here  let  me  say,  that  now  is  the  time  to  recur  to  these  fun 
damental  principles.  While  the  land  is  rent  with  anarchy  and  up 
heaved  with  the  throes  of  a  mighty  revolution ;  while  society  is  in 
this  disordered  state,  and  we  are  seeking  security,  let  us  fix  the 
foundations  of  the  Government  on  principles  of  eternal  justice,  which 
will  endure  for  all  time. 

"  There  is  an  element  in  our  midst  who  are  for  perpetuating  the 
institution  of  slavery.  Let  me  say  to  you,  Tennesseeans  and  men 
from  the  Northern  States,  that  slavery  is  dead.  It  was  not  murdered 
by  me.  I  told  you  long  ago  what  the  result  would  be  if  you  en 
deavored  to  go  out  of  the  Union  to  save  slavery,  and  that  the  result 
would  be  bloodshed,  rapine,  devastated  fields,  plundered  villages  and 
cities ;  and  therefore  I  urged  you  to  remain  in  the  Union.  In  trying 
to  save  slavery  you  killed  it,  and  lost  your  own  freedom.  Your 
slavery  is  dead,  but  I  did  not  murder  it.  As  Macbeth  said  to  Ban- 
quo's  bloody  ghost : 

4  Never  shake  thy  gory  locks  at  me, 
Thou  canst  not  say  I  did  it.' 

"  Slavery  is  dead,  and  you  must  pardon  me  if  I  do  not  mourn  over 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  295 

its  dead  body ;  you  can  bury  it  out  of  sight.  In  restoring  the  State 
leave  out  that  disturbing  and  dangerous  element,  and  use  only  those 
parts  of  the  machinery  which  will  move  in  harmony. 

"  Now,  in  regard  to  emancipation,  I  want  to  say  to  the  blacks  that 
liberty  means  liberty  to  work  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  your  labor. 
Idleness  is  not  freedom.  I  desire  that  all  men  shall  have  a  fair  start 
and  an  equal  chance  in  the  race  of  life,  and  let  him  succeed  who  has 
the  most  merit.  This,  I  think,  is  a  principle  of  heaven.  I  am  for 
emancipation  for  two  reasons :  first,  because  it  is  right  in  itself ;  and 
second,  because  in  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  we  break  down  an 
odious  and  dangerous  aristocracy.  I  think  that  we  are  freeing 
more  whites  than  blacks  in  Tennessee. 

"  I  want  to  see  slavery  broken  up,  and  when  its  barriers  are  thrown 
down,  I  want  to  see  industrious,  thrifty  immigrants  pouring  in  from 
all  part  of  the  country.  Come  on !  we  need  your  labor,  your  skill, 
your  capital.  We  want  your  enterprise  and  invention,  so  that  here 
after  Tennessee  may  rank  with  New  England  in  the  arts  and  me 
chanics,  and  that  when  we  visit  the  Patent  Office  at  Washington, 
where  the  ingenious  mechanics  of  the  free  States  have  placed  their 
models,  we  need  not  blush  that  Tennessee  can  show  nothing  but  a 
mouse-trap  or  something  of  about  as  much  importance.  Come  on  ! 
We  greet  you  with  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  soil  of  Tennessee.  Here 
is  soil  the  most  fertile  in  every  agricultural  product ;  a  delightful 
and  healthy  climate,  forests,  water-power  and  mines  of  inexhaustible 
richness ;  come  and  help  us  to  redeem  Tennessee  and  make  her  a 
powerful  and  flourishing  State ! 

"  But  in  calling  a  convention  to  restore  the  State,  who  shall  restore 
and  re-establish  it  ?  Shall  it  be  the  man  who  gave  his  influence  and  his 
means  to  destroy  the  Government  ?  Is  he  to  participate  in  the  great 
work  of  reorganization  ?  Shall  he  who  brought  this  misery  upon 
the  State  be  permitted  to  control  its  destinies  ?  If  this  be  so,  then 
all  this  precious  blood  of  our  brave  soldiers  and  officers  so  freely 
poured  out,  will  have  been  wantonly  spilled.  All  the  glorious  vic 
tories  won  by  our  noble  armies  will  go  for  naught,  and  all  the  battle 
fields  which  have  been  sown  with  dead  heroes  during  this  Rebellion, 
will  have  been  made  memorable  in  vain.  Why  all  this  carnage  and 
devastation  ?  It  was  that  treason  might  be  put  down  and  traitors 
punished.  Therefore  I  say  that  traitors  should  take  a  back  seat  in  the 
work  of  restoration.  If  there  be  but  five  thousand  men  in  Ten 
nessee,  loyal  to  the  Constitution,  loyal  to  freedom,  loyal  to  justice, 
these  true  and  faithful  men  should  control  the  work  of  reorganiza 
tion  and  reformation  absolutely.  [Loud  and  prolonged  applause.] 
I  say  that  the  traitor  has  ceased  to  be  a  citizen,  and  in  joining  the 


296  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Rebellion,  has  become  a  public  enemy.  He  forfeited  his  right  to 
vote  with  loyal  men  when  he  renounced  his  citizenship  and  sought 
to  destroy  our  Government.  We  say  to  the  most  honest  and  in 
dustrious  foreigner  who  comes  from  England  or  Germany,  to  dwell 
among  us,  and  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  country,  '  Before  you  can 
be  a  citizen  you  must  stay  here  for  five  years.'  If  we  are  so  cau 
tious  about  foreigners,  who  voluntarily  renounce  their  homes  to  live 
with  us,  what  should  we  say  to  the  traitor,  who,  although  born  and 
reared  among  us,  has  raised  a  paricidal  hand  against  the  Govern 
ment  which  always  protected  him  ?  My  judgment  is  that  he  should 
be  subjected  to  a  severe  ordeal  before  he  is  restored  to  citizenship. 
A  fellow  who  takes  the  oath  merely  to  save  his  property,  and  denies 
the  validity  of  the  oath,  is  a  perjured  man  and  not  to  be  trusted. 
Before  these  repenting  rebels  can  be  trusted,  let  them  bring  forth 
the  fruits  of  repentance.  He  who  helped  to  make  all  these  widows 
and  orphans,  who  drape  the  streets  of  Nashville  in  mourning,  should 
suffer  for  his  great  crime.  The  work  is  in  our  own  hands.  We  can 
destroy  this  Rebellion.  With  Grant  thundering  on  the  Potomac 
before  Richmond,  aud  Sherman  and  Thomas  on  their  march  towards 
Atlanta,  the  day  will  ere  long  be  ours.  Will  any  madly  persist  in 
rebellion  ?  Suppose  that  an  equal  number  be  slain  in  every  battle, 
it  is  plain  that  the  result  must  be  the  utter  extermination  of  the 
rebels.  Ah,  these  rebel  leaders  have  a  strong  personal  reason  for 
holding  out  to  save  their  necks  from  the  halter.  And  these  leaders 
must  feel  the  power  of  the  Government.  Treason  must  be  made 
odious,  and  traitors  must  be  punished  and  impoverished.  Their 
great  plantations  must  be  seized  and  divided  into  small  farms,  and 
sold  to  honest,  industrious  men.  The  day  for  protecting  the  lands 
and  negroes  of  these  authors  of  rebellion  is  past.  It  is  high  time 
it  was. 

"  I  have  been  most  deeply  pained  at  some  things  which  have  come 
under  my  observation.  We  get  men  in  command  who,  under  the 
influence  of  flattery,  fawning  and  caressing,  grant  protection  to  the 
rich  traitor,  while  the  poor  Union  man  stands  out  in  the  cold,  often 
unable  to  get  a  receipt  or  a  voucher  for  his  losses.  [Cries  of  '  That's 
so  !'  from  all  parts  of  the  crowd.]  The  traitor  can  get  lucrative1 
contracts,  while  the  loyal  man  is  pushed  aside  unable  to  obtain  a 
recognition  of  his  just  claims.  I  am  telling  the  truth.  I  care 
nothing  for  stripes  and  shoulder  straps.  I  want  them  all  to  hear 
what  I  say.  I  have  been  on  a  gridiron  for  two  years  at  the  sight  of 
these  abuses.  I  blame  not  the  Government  for  these  wrongs,  which 
are  the  work  of  weak  or  faithless  subordinates.  Wrongs  will  be 
committed  under  every  form  of  government  and  every  administra- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  297 

tion.  For  myself  I  mean  to  stand  by  the  Government  till  the  flag 
of  the  Union  shall  wave  over  every  city,  town,  hill-top  and  cross 
road  in  its  full  power  and  majesty. 

"  The  nations  of  Europe  are  anxious  for  our  overthrow.  France 
takes  advantage  of  our  internal  difficulties  and  sends  Maximilian  off 
to  Mexico  to  set  up  a  monarchy  on  our  Borders.  The  day  of  reckon 
ing  is  approaching.  The  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  Rebellion 
will  be  put  down,  and  then  we  will  attend  to  this  Mexican  affair 
and  say  to  Louis  Napoleon,  •  You  can  get  up  no  monarchy  on  this 
continent.'  [Great  applause.]  An  expedition  into  Mexico  would 
be  a  sort  of  recreation  to  the  brave  soldiers  who  are  now  fighting 
the  battles  of  the  Union,  and  the  French  concern  Avould  quickly  be 
wiped  out.  Let  us  be  united.  I  know  that  there  are  but  two 
parties  now,  one  for  the  country  and  the  other  against  it,  and  I  am 
for  my  country. 

"  I  am  a  democrat  in  the  strict  meaning  of  the  term.  I  am  for 
this  Government  because  it  is  democratic — a  Government  of  the 
people.  I  am  for  putting  down  this  Rebellion  because  it  is  war 
against  democracy.  He  who  stands  off  stirring  up  discontent  in 
this  State  and  higgling  about  negroes,  is  practically  in  the  rebel 
camp  and  encourages  treason.  He  who  in  Indiana  or  Ohio  makes 
war  upon  the  Government  out  of  regard  for  slavery  is  just  as  bad. 
The  salvation  of  the  country  is  now  the  only  business  which  con 
cerns  the  patriot. 

"  In  conclusion,  let  us  give  our  thanks,  not  formal  but  heartfelt 
thanks,  to  these  gallant  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  come  to  our 
rescue  and  delivered  us  from  the  Rebellion.  And  though  money  be 
expended,  though  life  be  lost,  though  farms  and  cities  be  desolated, 
let  the  war  for  the  Union  go  on,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  be  bathed, 
if  need  be,  in  a  nation's  blood,  till  law  be  restored,  and  freedom 
firmly  established." 

Governor  Johnson  retired  amid  loud  and  continued  cheering,  and 
the  large  crowd  dispersed  to  their  homes. 

Governor  Johnson's  official  acceptance  of  the  nomination 
is  as  follows  : 

NASHVILLE,  TENN.,  July  2, 18G4. 
Hon.  WILLIAM  DENNISON,  Chairman,  and  others,  Committee  of  the 

National  Union  Convention : 

GENTLEMEN, — Your  communication  of  the  9th  ult.,  informing  me 
of  my  nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States,  by 
the  National  Convention  held  at  Baltimore,  and  enclosing  a  copy  of 
13* 


298  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  resolutions  adopted  by  that  body,  was  not  received  until  the 
25th  ult. 

A  reply  on  my  part  had  been  previously  made  to  the  action  of  the 
Convention  in  presenting  my  name,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  this  city 
on  the  evening  succeeding  the  day  of  the  adjournment  of  the  Con 
vention,  in  which  I  indicated  my  acceptance  of  the  distinguished 
honor  conferred  by  that  body,  and  denned  the  grounds  upon  which 
that  acceptance  was  based,  substantially  saying  what  I  now  have  to 
say.  From  the  comments  made  upon  that  speech  by  the  various 
presses  of  the  country  to  which  my  attention  has  been  directed,  I 
considered  it  to  be  regarded  as  a  full  acceptance. 

In  view,  however,  of  the  desire  expressed  in  your  communication, 
I  will  more  fully  allude  to  a  few  points  that  have  been  heretofore 
presented. 

My  opinions  on  the  leading  questions  at  present  agitating  and 
distracting  the  public  mind  and  especially  in  reference  to  the  rebel 
lion  now  being  waged  against  the  Government  and  authority  of  the 
United  States,  I  presume,  are  generally  understood.  Before  the 
Southern  people  assumed  a  belligerent  attitude  (and  repeatedly 
since),  I  took  occasion  most  frankly  to  declare  the  views  I  then 
entertained  in  relation  to  the  wicked  purposes  of  the  Southern  poli 
ticians.  They  have  since  undergone  but  little,  if  any,  change.  Time 
and  subsequent  events  have  rather  confirmed  than  diminished  my 
confidence  in  their  correctness. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  great  struggle,  I  entertained  the  same 
opinion  of  it  I  do  now,  and  in  my  place  in  the  Senate,  I  denounced 
it  as  treason,  worthy  of  the  punishment  of  death,  and  warned  the 
Government  and  people  of  the  impending  danger.  But  my  voice 
was  not  heard  or  council  heeded  until  it  was  too  late  to  avert  the 
storm.  It  still  continued  to  gather  over  us  without  molestation 
from  the  authorities  at  Washington,  until  at  length  it  broke  with 
all  its  fury  upon  the  country.  And  now,  if  we  would  save  the 
Government  from  being  overwhelmed  by  it,  we  must  meet  it  in  the 
true  spirit  of  patriotism,  and  bring  the  traitors  to  the  punishment  due 
their  crime,  and  ly  force  of  arms,  crush  out  and  subdue  the  last 
vestige  of  rebel  authority  in  every  State.  I  felt  then  as  now,  that 
the  destruction  of  the  Government  was  deliberately  determined 
upon  by  wicked  and  designing  conspirators,  whose  lives  and  for 
tunes  were  pledged  to  carry  it  out,  and  that  no  compromise,  short 
of  an  unconditional  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  Southern 
States,  could  have  been,  or  could  now  be  proposed,  which  they 
would  accept.  The  clamor  for  "Southern  rights,"  as  the  rebel 
journals  were  pleased  to  designate  their  rallying  cry,  was  not  to 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  299 

secure  their  assumed  rights  in  the  Union  and  undtr  the  Constitu 
tion,  but  to  disrupt  the  Government,  and  establish  an  independent 
organization,  based  upon  slavery,  which  they  could  at  all  times 
control. 

The  separation  of  the  Government  has  for  years  past  been  the 
cherished  purpose  of  the  Southern  leaders.  Baffled,  in  1832,  by  the 
stern,  patriotic  heroism  of  Andrew  Jackson,  they  sullenly  acquiesced, 
only  to  mature  their  diabolical  schemes,  and  await  the  recurrence  of 
a  more  favorable  opportunity  to  execute  them.  Then  the  pretext 
•\vjis  the  tariff,  afld  Jackson,  after  foiling  their  schemes  of  nullifica 
tion  and  disunion,  with  prophetic  perspicacity,  warned  the  country 
against  the  renewal  of  their  efforts  to  dismember  the  Government. 

In  a  letter,  dated  May  1,  1833,  to  the  Rev.  A.  J.  Crawford,  after 
demonstrating  the  heartless  insincerity  of  the  Southern  nullifiers,  he 
said :  "  Therefore  the  tariff  was  only  a  -pretext  and  disunion,  and  a 
Southern  Confederacy  the  real  object.  The  next  pretext  will  ~be  the 
negro,  or  slavery  question." 

Time  has  fully  verified  this  prediction,  and  we  have  now  not  only 
"  the  negro,  or  slavery  question,'1'1  as  the  pretext,  but  the  real  cause  of 
the  Rebellion,  and  both  must  go  down  together.  It  is  vain  to 
attempt  to  reconstruct  the  Union  with  the  distracting  clement  of 
slavery  in  it.  Experience  has  demonstrated  its  incompatibility  with 
free  and  republican  Governments,  and  it  would  be  unwise  and  unjust 
longer  to  continue  it  as  one  of  the  institutions  of  the  country. 
While  it  remained  subordinate  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  I  yielded  to  it  my  support;  but  when  it  became 
rebellious  and  attempted  to  rise  above  the  Government,  and  control 
its  action,  I  threw  my  humble  influence  against  it. 

The  authority  of  the  Government  is  supreme,  and  will  admit  of  no 
rivalry.  No  institution  can  rise  above  it,  whether  it  be  slavery  or 
any  other  organized  power.  In  our  happy  form  of  Government  all 
must  be  subordinate  to  the  will  of  the  people,  when  reflected 
through  the  Constitution  and  laws  made  pursuant  thereto— State  or 
Federal.  This  great  principle  lies  at  the  foundation  of  every  gov 
ernment,  and  cannot  be  disregarded  without  the  destruction  of  the 
Government  itself.  In  the  support  and  practice  of  correct  princi 
ples  we  can  never  reach  wrong  results  ;  and  by  rigorously  adhering 
to  this  great  fundamental  truth  the  end  will  be  the  preservation  of 
the  Union  and  the  overthrow  of  an  institution  which  has  made  war 
upon,  and  attempted  the  destruction  of  the  Government  itself. 

The  mode  by  which  this  great  change — the  emancipation  of  the 

slave can  be  effected,  is  properly  found  in  the  power  to  amend  the 

Constitution  of  the  United  States.  This  plan  is  effectual,  and  of  no 


300  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

doubtful  authority;  and  while  it  does  not  contravene  the  timely 
exercise  of  the  War  Power  by  the  President  in  his  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  it  comes  stamped  with  the  authority  of  the  people 
themselves,  acting  in  accordance  with  the  written  rule  of  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  and  must  therefore  give  more  general  satisfaction 
and  quietude  to  the  distracted  public  mind. 

By  recurring  to  the  principles  contained  in  the  resolutions  so 
unanimously  adopted  by  the  Convention,  I  find  that  they  substanti 
ally  accord  with  my  public  acts  and  opinions  heretofore  made  known 
and  expressed,  and  are  therefore  most  cordially  endorsed  and  ap 
proved  ;  and  the  nomination  having  been  conferred  without  any 
solicitation  on  my  part,  is,  with  the  greater  pleasure,  accepted. 

In  accepting  the  nomination,  I  might  here  close,  but  I  cannot 
forego  the  opportunity  of  saying  to  my  old  friends  of  the  demo 
cratic  party  proper,  with  whom  I  have  so  long  and  pleasantly  been 
associated,  that  the  hour  has  now  come  when  that  great  party  can 
justly  vindicate  its  devotion  to  true  democratic  policy  and  measures 
of  expediency.  The  war  is  a  war  of  great  principles.  It  involves 
the  supremacy  and  life  of  the  Government  itself.  If  the  Rebellion 
triumphs,  free  government — North  and  South — fails.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  Government  is  successful— as  I  do  not  doubt — its 
destiny  is  fixed,  its  basis  permanent  and  enduring,  and  its  career  of 
honor  and  glory  just  begun.  In  a  great  contest  like  this  for  the 
existence  of  free  government,  the  path  of  duty  is  patriotism  and 
principle.  Minor  considerations  and  questions  of  administrative 
policy  should  give  way  to  the  higher  duty  of  first  preserving  tJie 
Government,  and  then  there  will  be  time  enough  to  wrangle  over  the 
men  and  measures  pertaining  to  its  administration. 

This  is  not  the  hour  for  strife  and  division  among  ourselves. 
Such  differences  of  opinion  only  encourage  the  enemy,  prolong  the 
war  and  waste  the  country.  Unity  of  action  and  concentration  of 
power  should  be  our  watchword  and  rallying  cry.  This  accom 
plished,  the  time  will  rapidly  approach  when  their  armies  in  the 
field,  the  great  power  of  the  Rebellion  will  be  broken  and  crushed 
by  our  gallant  officers  and  brave  soldiers,  and  ere  long  they  will 
return  to  their  homes  and  firesides  to  resume  again  the  avocations 
of  peace,  with  the  proud  consciousness  that  they  have  aided  in  the 
noble  work  of  re-establishing,  upon  a  surer  and  more  permanent 
basis,  the  great  temple  of  American  Freedom. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  with  sentiments  of  high  regard, 

Yours  truly,  ANDREW  JOKNSON. 


CHAPTEK    XIX. 

THE   CANDIDATES   AND    CANVASS   OF 


NOMINATIONS  of  Parties  for  President  and  Vice-President  —  Generals  Fremont 
and  Cochrane  withdraw  —  General  McClellau,  a  good  Soldier  and  Patriot, 
falls  into  Evil  Hands  —  Mr.  Pendleton  a  Disunionist  —  The  Plot  of  the 
"Peace"  Democrats  —  McClellan's  Letter  for  War  confuses  them  —  The 
Chicago  Candidates  diametrically  opposed  —  The  real  Question  "  Union  "  or 
"Disunion"  —  Lincoln  and  Johnson  the  Representatives  of  Union  —  Was 
the  War  a  Failure  ?  Secretary  Chase's  Reply  —  The  Army  Successes  ruin 
the  Chicagoites  —  Military  History  of  1864,  its  Losses  and  Gains  —  Perma 
nent  Achievements  of  Union  Generals  —  Wails  from  the  South  sound  the 
Death  of  "Peace"  Sedition  in  the  North  —  Reorganization  of  Tennessee  _ 
Letters  and  Speeches  by  Governor  Johnson  —  Negro  Equality  a  Ilumbuo1  — 
On  his  Early  Life  —  Orders  an  Election  and  prescribes  a  Test  Oath  —  Protest 
against  it  presented  to  President  Lincoln,  its  Reception  —  A  Moses  for  the 
Enthralled  Race  —  Elected  Vice-President  —  Inaugural  Speech  —  Unmean 
ing  Censure  —  The  Fall  of  Richmond  —  Great  Enthusiasm  —  Johnson's 
Speech  in  Washington. 

A  WEEK  previous  to  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Andrew  Johnson  at  Baltimore,  a  Convention  assembled 
at  Cleveland,  0.,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for  the 
Presidency  and  John  Cochrane  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
On  the  29th  of  August  the  "Democratic"  Convention  assem 
bled  at  Chicago,  and  on  the  31st  nominated  George  B. 
McClellan  and  George  H.  Pendleton  as  candidates  for  the 
same  offices.  Generals  Fremont  and  Cochrane  subsequently 
withdrew,  indicating  with  various  personal  and  political 
reservations  and  explanations  their  preferences  for  Mr.  Lin 
coln  :  so  the  Presidential  Contest  was  between  the  respec 
tive  supporters  of  the  Baltimore  and  Chicago  nominees. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  reiterate  the  position  occupied  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Governor  Johnson.  General  McClellan  was  a 

(301) 


302  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

gentleman  of  excellent  nature  and  sympathies,  a  soldier  of 
distinguished  ability  and  a  patriot  of  undoubted  purity. 
His  military  successes  had  been  achieved  at  epochs  of  such 
general  gloom  that  his  failures  or  want  of  success,  from 
whatever  cause,  at  other  periods  were  overlooked  by  the 
masses  of  the  people.  Great  responsibilities  had  devolved 
upon  him  at  moments  of  national  peril  and  disaster ;  and 
he  successfully  retrieved,  if  lie  did  not  permanently  exalt, 
the  national  character.  He  is  not  fairly  to  be  judged  by 
contrast  with  the  greater  successes  which  followed,  but  by 
the  disorder  which  reigned  before  him.  He  was  greatly 
beloved  by  the  soldiers,  and  their  affection  extending  in 
a  large  degree  to  the  masses,  pointed  him  out  as  the  most 
popular  man  for  the  purposes  of  the  anti-administration- 
ists.  As  a  candidate  little  fault  could  be  found  with 
General  McClellan ;  but  the  antecedents  and  present  pur 
poses  of  the  managers,  by  whose  intrigues  an  anti-national 
platform  was  adopted  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  were  not 
such  as  to  command  either  private  respect  or  public  enthu 
siasm.  Had  General  McClellan  exercised  the  same  caution 
toward  his  political  friends  he  had  on  some  occasions  ex 
hibited  to  the  country's  enemies,  he  would  not  have  per 
mitted  himself  to  be  surrounded  by  men  who  had  no  faith 
in  national  honor,  no  hope  of  national  success,  and  no  charity 
save  for  those  in  arms  against  the  life  of  the  Republic. 

Mr.  Pendleton  much  more  suitably  filled  the  desires  and 
designs  of  these  men.  He  was  comparatively  unknown.  He 
never  made  a  figure  in  Congress ;  and  could  not  by  any 
means  be  considered  a  leader  in  that  body  or  out  of  it. 
What  he  had  done  since  the  secession  had  taken  place  tended 
to  encourage  it  and  weaken  the  National  Government.  In 
January,  1861,  when  four  States  had  seceded,  he  delivered  a 
calm  and  carefully  prepared  speech,  in  which,  while  express 
ing  great  solicitude  for  the  Union,  he  avowed  his  belief  that 
in  the  face  of  united  action  by  the  seceding  States,  the  Con- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  303 

stitution  of  the  United  States  was  a  virtual  nullity  and  did 
not  provide  for  the  execution  of  its  own  clauses.     He  did 
not  see  how  we  could  carry  out  the  enactments  of  the  su 
preme  law  of  the  Republic  if  the  people  of  the  seceding 
States  were  opposed  to  our  so  doing.     He  clearly  mistook 
the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  while  expressing  his  own  sen 
timent  against  coercion.     Because  he  did  not  think  it  feasi 
ble  to  carry  out  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  which  author 
izes  Congress  to  raise  and  support  an  army  and  navy  ;  and 
"  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  suppress  insurrection,  and  repel  invasion" — be 
cause  he  thought  we.  had  not  strength  to  do  it,  he  expressed 
himself  as  though  we  had  no  right  to  do  it.     Deeming  it  im 
practicable,  he  completely  overlooked  the  constitutional  right 
and  the  constitutional  duty  to  attempt  it.    He  was  for  letting 
the  seceded  States  go,  and  instituted  a  parallel — degrading  to 
the  revolutionary  fathers  of  1776 — between  the  Colonies  and 
Great  Britain,  and  the  rebellious  States  and  the  Union. 
While  Mr.  Pendleton's  talents  were  certainly  respectable,  he 
was,  until  his  nomination  at  Chicago,  the  least  known  of  the 
Ohio  representatives  ;  which  fact,  in  the  minds  of  party  tac 
ticians,  was  doubtless  not  the  least  recommendation  to  his 
availability  as  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency.     It  was 
thought  his  nomination  would  not  materially  affect  McClel- 
lan,  while  at  the  same  time  a  recognition  of  the  peace  policy 
might  be  surreptitiously  achieved,  and  thus  receive  the  osten 
sible  endorsement  of  the  people  at  the  election.     General 
McClellan's  letter  of  acceptance,  in  which  he  declared  him 
self  in  favor  of  prosecuting  the  war,  however,  completely 
turned  the  tables  on  these  managers.     The  Peace  men  re 
belled  against  him,  saying  he  did  not  accept  the  platform  ; 
and  fell  back  on  Pendleton,  who  was  thus  made  to  act  a 
more  important  part  in  the  drama,  than  the  McClellan  man 
agers — who  regarded  him  as  a  comparative  nonentity — or 
he  himself  ever  dreamed  of.     Thus  the  ostensible  war  party 


304  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

and  the  professed  peace  party  which  fraternized  at  Chicago, 
found  that  they  had  been  respectively  cheated  by  each  other. 
These  developments  were  fraught  with  great  importance  to 
the  people  ;  and  no  clear  thinking  man  could  have  a  rational 
doubt  as  to  the  result  of  the  contest.  Having  sacrificed 
General  McClellari,  his  political  managers  made  a  violent 
show  of  earnestness  in  the  campaign :  hoping  by  extravagant 
and  malignant  abuse  of  the  national  Executive  to  infer  a 
devotion  to  their  own  candidate. 

But  the  question  at  issue  became  narrowed  down  to  the 
great  and  simple  point :  Should  the  traitors  be  encouraged, 
or  the  war  for  the  Union  endorsed?  It  was  not  a  time  for 
party.  If  "  party/7  as  a  phrase,  was  to  be  recognized,  it  was 
only  as  indicating  a  Union  party  or  a  Disunion  party :  a 
party  to  save  the  Union  by  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword  to 
which  the  traitors  had  appealed  ;  or  a  party  to  dissolve  the 
Union  by  overtures  to  the  rebel  chiefs  or  by  the  reception 
of  such  overtures  from  them  as  would  make  our  dead  heroes 
turn  in  their  martyr  graves.  Before  the  world  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  the  recognized  head  of  the  Union  party,  as  distinguished 
from  Jefferson  Davis  as  the  representative  man  of  Disunion. 
Those  unfriendly  to  the  United  States,  at  home  and  abroad, 
had  made  war  on  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  representative  of  the 
Union  cause  and  army  ;  and  both  the  seceded  States  and 
sympathizers  in  foreign  States  looked  forward  to  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  defeat  as  a  defeat  to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and  as  a 
virtual  recognition  by  the  people  of  the  doctrines  for  which 
Davis  and  his  Generals  had  fought  the  Government  of  their 
fathers.  On  the  other  hand,  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  the  election  of  Governor  Johnson  was  an  unquestionable 
guarantee  to  the  people  and  the  world  that  the  cause  of  the 
Union  would  not  be  permitted  to  droop  or  waver  ;  that  in 
the  words  of  Johnson,  no  peace  or  compromise  could  be 
thought  of  until  the  rebels  grounded  their  arms  in  submis 
sion  "to  the  national  authority  and  law.  Thus  the  fact  be- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  305 

came  settled  in  thoughtful  minds  that  the  success  of  Lincoln 
and  Johnson  was  the  success  of  nationality ;  their  defeat, 
the  success  of  secession.  These  considerations  placed  the 
chances  of  the  Chicago  nominees  out  of  the  question.  More 
over,  those  who  desired  to  support  McClellan  on  principle, 
found  in  Johnson  a  War  Democrat  whose  sacrifices  and 
sufferings  more  fully  illustrated  the  principle  and  com 
manded  wider  sympathy.  If  a  man  so  tried  as  Johnson 
could  support  Lincoln,  assuredly  they  as  War  Democrats 
could  do  likewise ;  and  relieve  themselves  of  contamination 
with  the  doctrines  represented  by  Mr.  Pendleton. 

Other  and  equally  convincing  reasons  were  writing  them 
selves  on  the  page  of  history  in  justification  of  a  loyal  in 
dorsement  of  the  war  policy.  With  equal  want  of  truth 
and  taste — considering  the  intention  to  nominate  a  soldier 
on  it,  and  the  hope  to  gain  soldiers'  votes  in  its  favor — the 
Chicago  platform  declared  the  war  a  failure.  The  wish 
was  father  to  the  statement.  It  was  also  untrue.  The  Mis 
sissippi  was  open,  which  had  been  lined  from  Cairo  to  the 
mouth  with  rebel  batteries.  When  Farragut  went  past 
Forts  Jackson  and  Philip,  and  met  their  "  invincible"  fleet 
upon  the  Mississippi,  and  by  one  of  the  greatest  achieve 
ments  known  to  history,  took  ~New  Orleans,  and  Vicksburg 
fell  before  Grant,  then  the  Father  of  Waters  was  virtually, 
and  in  fact,  open  from  the  source  to  the  gulf.  As  ex-Secre 
tary  Chase  said  at  the  time  in  reply  to  this  statement : 
"Three  years  ago  Kentucky  was  doubtful.  Kentucky,  I 
think,  will  vote  the  Union  ticket  in  a  few  days.  That  is 
not  a  failure.  Tennessee,  so  far  as  a  Disunion  legislature 
could  effect  it,  was  taken  out  of  the  Union.  Now,  Tennessee 
is  under  the  government  of  Andrew  Johnson,  who  is  as  loyal 
a  man  as  breathes.  Well,  that  is  not  a  failure.  Missouri 
was  doubtful,  and  Missouri  is  loyal  to-day.  So,  West  Vir 
ginia  was  taken  out  of  the  Union,  and  West  Virginia  is  a 
State  in  the  Union  to-day.  We  have  taken  back  from  the 
20 


306  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

rebels,  of  that  which  they  suddenly  usurped  from  us,  at  least 
one  half  of  all  they  had." 

The  activity  of  our  armies  and  the  accumulating  news  of 
success  kept  pace  with  the  course  of  politics,  and  at  once 
lightened  the  labors  of  one  side  and  confused  those  of  the 
other.  If  the  first  portion  of  1864  was  full  of  gloomy  and 
various  disasters, 'the  summer  and  fall  more  than  overbal 
anced  its  sorrows  in  the  number  and  magnificence  of  achieve 
ments.  Chief  among  the  movements  and  engagements  which 
resulted  either  to  the  positive  grief,  or  useless  waste  of  blood 
and  treasure  of  the  Union  cause,  were  the  Florida  expedi 
tion  and  the  battle  of  Olustee  ;  Forrest's  Kentucky  raid, 
with  the  affairs  at  Paducah  and  the  massacre  at  Fort  Pillow  ; 
the  rebel  capture  of  Plymouth  and  Washington,  in  North 
Carolina ;  the  Red  River  expedition  ;  Early's  invasion  of 
Maryland,  knocking  at  the  very  gates  of  Baltimore  and 
Washington  ;  the  rebel  raid  into  Pennsylvania  and  burning 
of  Chambersburg ;  and  the  discomfitures  of  Sigel  and  Hunter. 

On  the  other  hand,  our  list  of  successes  embraced  a  series 
of  brilliant,  glorious,  ably  planned  and  ably  conducted  victo 
ries.  In  the  early  portion  of  the  year  the  lamented  Mulli 
gan's  battle,  driving  the  rebels  from  Morefield,  after  six  hours 
hard  fighting,  was  almost  the  only  positive  gleam  of  light 
amid  the  gloom  indicated.  Among  the  prominent  Union 
achievements  were  General  A.  J.  Smith's  handsome  capture 
of  Fort  de  Russey  ;  the  surrender  of  Forts  Morgan  and 
Gaines,  with  all  their  contents,  after  Farragut's  glorious 
sea-fight  in  Mobile  Bay  ;  Sheridan's  brilliant  campaign  in 
the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and  the  victories  of  Winchester, 
Fisher's  Hill  and  Cedar  Creek  ;  the  matchless  campaign  of 
Sherman  against  Atlanta,  illustrated  by  a  brilliant  chain  of 
battle-fields  at  every  point  on  the  long  route,  by  the  terrible 
punishment  inflicted  on  the  enemy  at  Pcachtrce  Creek  and 
Atlanta ;  and,  at  last,  by  the  triumphant  entrance  of  that 
General  into  the  streets  of  the  long-sought  city.  These 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  307 

were  soon  to  be  followed — after  the  election,  and  as  though 
in  ratification  of  the  policy  then  sustained — by  the  defeat  of 
Price  in  Missouri ;  Schofield's  skillful  battle  at  Franklin  ; 
Thomas's  glorious  victory  at  Nashville  ;  last,  and  the  grand 
est  of  all,  by  the  campaign  of  the  "  conqueror  of  Atlanta'7 
through  the  broad  State  of  Georgia,  culminating  in  the 
assault  of  McAllister,  and  the  ever-memorable  siege  and  fall 
of  Savannah. 

Richmond  was  still  in  the  scale ;  but  the  greatest  confi 
dence  was  every  where  felt  and  expressed  in  General  Grant. 
His  operations  were  confidently  believed  to  be,  as  they  were, 
part  of  the  great  plan  to  the  completion  of  which  the  Union 
armies  elsewhere  occupied  were  contributing.  The  object 
for  which  General  Grant's  army  was  around  Richmond  and 
Petersburg  was  not  achieved  ;  but  the  battles  fought  to  ob 
tain  the  position  then  occupied  were  great  achievements, 
and  some  of  them,  at  least,  cannot  be  omitted  from  the  glo 
ries  of  the  year.  The  battles  of  the  Wilderness,  5th  and  6th 
of  May,  resulting  in  the  falling  back  of  Lee,  and  the  occupa 
tion  of  Spottsylvania  Court-House,  twenty  miles  south  of  the 
battle-field,  on  the  8th  ;  the  terrible  battles  which  followed 
all  through  May  and  June,  showed  the  indomitable  charac 
ter  of  our  troops  in  steadily  holding  arid  the  tenacity  of 
General  Grant  in  improving  their  position. 

But  as  was  justly  remarked,*  the  retrospect  is  not  perfect 
until  the  essential  differences  between  our  victories  and 
those  of  the  enemy's  is  observed.  The  rebel  successes  were 
only  so  many  neck-or-nothing  diversions,  without  positive  re 
sults.  Our  successes  were  permanent,  and  but  the  means  by 
which  to  make  assurance  of  the  great  end  "  doubly  sure." 
Forrest  raided,  but  Kentucky,  Fort  Pillow  and  the  rest  were 
ours.  Plymouth  and  little  Washington  were  ours.  The 
rebels  beat  us  at  Monocacy,  but  Maryland  was  ours.  They 
burnt  Chambersburg,  but  Pennsylvania  was  ours.  They 

*  By  the  Army  and  Navy  Journal,  an  interesting,  useful  and  able  periodical. 


308  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  were  all  round  Washington,"  but  tlie  people  there  only 
laughed  at  the  "  scare"  they  had,  as  their  fathers  used  to 
laugh  at  the  fright  caused  by  the  British  in  1814 — but  then 
it  was  of  a  more  serious  description.  A  year  previous 
the  Army  qf  the  Potomac  was  overpowered  at  Cul popper ; 
then  it  was  hugging  Richmond  and  Petersburg.  What  we 
won  we  held.  Forts  Do  Russey,  Morgan  and  Gaines,  Mo 
bile  Bay,  Missouri  and  Tennessee,  the  Slienandoah  Valley, 
from  Harper's  Ferry  to  Strasburg,  were  won  by  us  and  were 
ours. 

Besides  the  territory  regained  by  us,  the  loss  to  the  rebels 
by  the  waste  and  desolation  of  war  was  immense.  They 
had  largely  lost  in  all  the  material  of  war,  in  mills,  factories, 
saltworks  and  arsenals.  In  Sheridan's  brief  and  brilliant 
campaign  the  rebels  lost  over  one  hundred  guns  ;  in  Thomas's 
Nashville  campaign,  forty-nine.* 

From  the  Confederacy  also  the  loyal  States  received  every 
encouragement  to  renewed  efforts  to  sustain  the  Government 
and  its  Generals.  The  report  of  the  rebel  Secretary  of  War 
plainly  indicated  the  failing  strength  of  its  resources  ;  the 
proposition  to  arm  the  slaves,  holding  out  future  freedom  as 
a  reward  for  faithful  service,  admitted  that  the  negro  had  a 
higher  destiny  than  slavery,  and  created  angry  discussion  in 
the  South.  Davis's  speeches  at  Atlanta,  Macon,  Montgom 
ery,  on  a  recruiting  tour,  evidently  a  forlorn  hope,  sounded 
a  continuous  and  distracted  wail.  It  was  the  death-chant 
of  rebellious  ambition  in  the  South  and  of  "  Peace"  sedition 
in  the  North.  Every  thing  conspired  to  wisely  guide  the 
hearts  and  heads  of  the  people. 

In  the  meantime,  while  the  canvass  was  progressing,  Gov 
ernor  Johnson  was  arduously  engaged  in  the  work  of  re 
organizing  the  State  of  Tennessee  and  otherwise  raising  his 
voice  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  which  he  was  now  a  chosen 

*  Following  up  this,  Sherman  captured  one  hundred  and  eighty-two  guns  at 
Sarannah, 


OF  ANDREW  JOUNSON.  309 

national  representative.  He  was  in  receipt  of  so  many  letters 
daily  on  national  topics,  that  he  found  it  physically  impossi 
ble  to  give  personal  attention  to  them.  A  reply  to  a  rev 
erend  correspondent  by  his  Secretary  pro  tern,  says  : 

"  The  Governor  feels,  in  the  moral,  political  and  social 
wreck  produced  by  the  rebellion,  that  it  is  truly  grateful  to 
the  patriotic  heart  to  find  so  distinguished  a  clergyman, 
when  so  many  South  have  fallen,  standing  like  a  beacon 
light  in  the  wide  waste  of  desolation  around  him,  firm  to  the 
laws  of  God  and  man,  and  devoting  his  whole  heart  and  soul 
to  uphold  the  legitimate  authority  of  both. 

"  The  influence  of  the  churches,  and  especially  of  their 
great  lights,  in  this  hour  of  the  country's  severest  trial,  is 
not  lightly  to  be  appreciated.  If  guided  by  pure  and  patri 
otic  hearts,  their  power  for  good  is  beyond  all  computation  ; 
but  if  tainted  by  treason  and  prostituted  to  wild  ambition, 
their  power  for  evil  is  no  less  extensive.  Upheld  by  the 
churches,  and  protected  by  a  kind  Providence,  he  feels  the 
righteous  cause  of  the  Government  will  soon  triumph  ;  or 
ganized  treason  must  be  broken  down  ;  traitors  justly  pun 
ished  and  impoverished;  and  free  government,  without 
slavery  and  its  disturbing  elements,  re-established  and  per 
manent  in  every  State. 

"  To  the  accomplishment  of  these  ends  he  has  dedicated 
his  life  and  all  his  mental  and  physical  powers  ;  and  as  the 
struggle  grows  fiercer  and  the  carnage  becomes  more  appal 
ling,  he,  with  all  true  patriots,  will  only  redouble  his  energies 
until  the  end  shall  be  fully  accomplished."* 

A  letter  from  the  Governor  himself,  dated  Nashville,  Au 
gust  21st,  indicates  the  progress  of  his  labors  and  the  end  to 
which  they  tended : 

"  We  are  getting  along  here  under  the  circumstances  as  well  as 
could  be  expected.     We  are  taking  steps  gradually  to  restore  the 
State ;  re-organizing  the  counties  and  courts  as  important  prelimi- 
*  Mr.  S.  Milligan  to  Rev.  S.  H.  Cox,  D.  D.,  LL.  D. 


310  LIFE  AND  PUB  LI  G  SERVICES 

» 

nary  steps  to  calling  a  convention,  and  holding  elections  by  the  peo 
ple  for  all  the  offices  of  the  State.  If  our  armies  are  successful  at 
Richmond  and  Atlanta  (as  I  trust  in  God  they  will  be),  we  can  give 
a  vote  in  November  for  President  and  Vice-President.  Submission 
to  the  Constitution  and  obedience  to  the  laws  made  in  pursuance 
thereof  are  the  only  peace  measures  that  should  be  offered  to  any 
portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  These  form  the  best  and 
most  substantial  compromise,  and  one  that  can  be  adopted  by  the 
people  of  the  rebellious  States,  when  in  their  discretion  they  may 
think  proper  to  do  so.  It  is  with  them  how  long  this  war  shall  con 
tinue,  or  when  peace  shall  be  made.  The  terms  of  peace  have  been 
before  them,  and  with  them,  and  could  have  been  made  at  any  time 
they  thought  proper  to  adopt  them.  If  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  United  States  are  now  to  be  disregarded,  and  separation  and 
the  acknowledgment  of  an  independent  Southern  Confederacy  agreed 
to,  American  freedom  is  gone.  A  separation  of  the  South  from  the 
North  will  only  be  the  entering  wedge  to  other  divisions  which  will 
follow,  and  become  as  numerous  as  the  States  themselves,  resulting 
in  interminable  civil  war.  Heaven  avert  the  impending  catastrophe, 
and  preserve  the  nation  from  consequences  too  disastrous  and  terrific 
for  contemplation.* 

In  a  speech  at  Louisville,  not  very  long  after,  this  subject 
of  "  compromise"  was  again  the  topic,  when  he  showed  that 
the  disturbing  element  which  should  have  been  settled  in 
1820  was  only  patched  up  in  1850,  and  that  in  1861  the 
Southern  leaders  would  have  no  compromise,  but  designedly 
defeated  the  Crittcnden  compromise  and  nullified  the  Cor- 
win  amendment  to  the  Constitution.  "  All  the  talk  of  them 
and  their  Northern  coadjutors,  then  and  since,  about  compro 
mise,  has  been  sheer  hypocrisy — a  mere  pretence  to  delude 
the  people."  Practical  emancipation  was  the  order  of  the 
day  in  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  and  after  they  had  passed 
the  transition  state,  black  labor  would,  he  believed,  be  more 
profitable  than  before.  "  Slavery  is  a  slow,  tardy,  inactive, 
inert  and  wasteful  system  of  labor.  Black  labor  emanci 
pated  in  all  the  Southern  States  will  eventually  prove  more 
profitable  than  it  ever  was  while  enslaved.  These  broad 

*  To  John  W.  Wright,  Logansport,  Ind. 


OF  ANDREW  JOUNSON.  311 

acres  have  been  worked  long  enougli  by  a  few  lords  and 
great  gangs  of  slaves." 

He  reiterates  his  view  of  negro  freedom  : 

"  Negroes,  when  freed,  have  got  to  work — must  work ;  those  who 
won't  work  will  be  subject  to  vagrant  laws  or  an  apprentice  system, 
till  they  are  educated  to  the  idea  that  freedom  for  anybody  of  color 
simply  means  liberty  to  work  and  to  enjoy  the  productions  of  his 
labor.  Let  the  negro  have  a  fair  chance  and  an  equal  start  in  the 
race  of  life.  The  talk  about  "  nigger  equality"  is  all  humbug.  I 
have  seen  more  of  it  in  the  South  than  I  have  in  the  North.  If  the 
negro,  as  a  free  man,  can  compete  with  the  white,  he  has  a  right  to 
compete  with  him ;  if,  after  a  fair  test,  he  can't,  he  must  give  way  to 
the  white.  In  my  opinion,  freedom  will  not  make  negroes  any 
worse,  and  will  result  in  their  advancement.  I  am  for  an  aristocracy 
of  labor,  of  intelligent,  stimulating,  virtuous  labor ;  of  talent,  of  in 
tellect,  of  merit ;  for  the  elevation  of  each  and  every  man,  white  and 
black,  according  to  his  talent  and  industry." 

This  topic  of  aristocracy  versus  democracy  was  constantly 
forced  into  the  contest  by  the  ungenerous  epithets  used  by 
the  opposition  press,  referring  to  the  early  life  and  occupa 
tion  of  Governor  Johnson.  In  a  speech  at  Logansport,  Ind., 
in  the  early  part  of  OctobeV,  lie  alluded  to  the  subject  thus  : 

"  I  hold  in  my  hand,  from  which  I  wish  to  read  an  extract  or  two, 
for  the  benefit  of  some  old  Democrats  and  young  ones,  too,  a  letter 
written  by  General  Jackson  himself,  in  his  own  hand-writing ;  and, 
in  handling  this  relic,  my  mind  goes  back  to  the  time  of  1832.  When 
it  was  written  and  published  I  was  a  young  man,  or  boy,  at  work  in 
my  shop,  and  heard  it  read.  And  this  memory  of  being  in  my  shop 
calls  to  mind  what  was  said  when  Mr.  Lincoln  was  first  nominated. 
He  was  called  a  rail-splitter,  and  I  saw  to-day  you  were  making  good 
use  of  the  idea.  While  the  butternut  party  was  being  split  to  pieces, 
you  said  the  Union  could  never  be  split.  When  the  recent  nomina 
tions  were  made  at  Baltimore,  the  tory  papers  of  the  country  said  : 

"  They  have  a  rail-splitter  and  a  buffoon  for  the  head  of  the  ticket, 
and  '  upon  the  tail  they  have  a  boorish  tailor.'  The  idea  at  the  bot 
tom  of  all  this  opposition  is,  that  the  man  who  rises  up  from  the 
mass  of  the  people,  who  advocates  the  doctrines  that  man  is  capable 
of  self-government,  has  virtue  and  intelligence  to  govern  himself, 
should  be  repudiated.  I  have  nothing  to  regret  that  my  early  life 


312  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

was  spent  in  the  shop.  I  never  boast  of  it  in  my  canvasses,  but  when 
it  is  brought  up  as  a  reproach,  I  have  met  it  in  the  way  that  it  should 
be  met. 

Governor  Johnson  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  an  elec 
tion  for  President  and  Vice-President,  under  certain  regula 
tions  and  prescribing  the  following  test  oath  : 
Y  "  I  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  henceforth  support  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  defend  it  against  the 
assaults  of  its  enemies  ;  that  I  am  an  active  friend  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States ;  that  I  ardently  desire 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  against  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  ;  that  I .  sincerely  rejoice  in  the  triumph 
of  the  armies  and  navies  of  the  United  States,  and  the  enemy 
of  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  and  in  the  defeat  and 
overthrow  of  the  armies,  navies,  and  of  all  armed  combina 
tions  in  the  interests  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States  ; 
that  I  will  cordially  oppose  all  armistices  or  negotiations 
for  peace  with  rebels  in  arms  until  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  all  laws  and  proclamations  made  in  pur 
suance  thereof  shall  be  established  over  all  the  people  of 
every  State  and  Territory  embraced  within  the  national 
Union,  and  that  I  will  heartily  aid  and  assist  the  loyal  peo 
ple  in  whatever  measures  may  be  adopted  for  the  attainment 
of  those  ends  ;  and  further,  that  I  take  this  oath  freely  and 
voluntarily  and  without  mental  reservation.  So  help  me 

i  God." 
.  X'A  most  emphatic  and  lengthy  protest  was  framed  against 

'  this  proclamation  arid  oath,  and  signed  by  ten  persons  of  as 
many  counties  in  the  State.  The  protest  avowed  that  the 
names  of  the  signers  appended  to  it  had  been  issued  as  can 
didates  for  electors,  and  that  if  chosen  they  would  cast  the 
electoral  vote  of  Tennessee  for  McClellan  and  Pcndleton. 
It  further  stated  that  the  proclamation  was  issued  a  few 
days  after  their  electoral  ticket  had  been  announced.  The 
dreadful  experience  of  the  past  in  Tennessee  undoubtedly 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  313 

warned  Governor  Johnson  that  the  voice  and  destinies  of 
a  brave  and  loyal  people  were  not  to  be  entrusted  to  any 
whose  unconditional  loyalty  would  not  stand  any  test  he 
was  willing  not  only  to  prescribe  but  to  act  up  toj  The 
protest  was  presented  to  President  Lincoln  on  the  15th  of 
October,  and  one  of  the  signers  and  deputation,  Mr.  John 
Lellyet,  published  a  certified  account  of  the  interview  : 

"  I  called  upon  the  President  to-day  and  presented  and  read  to 
him  the  above  protest.  Having  concluded,  Mr.  Lincoln  responded : 

"  '  May  I  inquire  how  long  it  took  you  and  the  New  York  poli 
ticians  to  concoct  that  paper.' 

"  I  replied  it  was  '  concocted'  in  Nashville,  without  communicating 
with  any  but  Tennesseeans.  We  communicated  with  citizens  of 
Tennessee  outside  of  Nashville,  but  not  with  New  York  politicians. 

"  '  I  will  answer,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  emphatically,  '  that  I  expect  to 
let  the  friends  of  George  B.  McClellan  manage  their  side  of  this  con 
test  in  their  own  way ;  and  I  will  manage  my  side  of  it  in  my  way.' 

" '  May  we  ask  an  answer  in  writing,'  I  suggested. 

"  '  Not  now.  Lay  those  papers  down  here.  I  will  give  no  other 
answer  now.  I  may  or  may  not  write  something  about  this  here 
after.  I  understand  this.  I  know  you  intend  to  make  a  point  of 
this.  But  go  ahead.  You  have  my  answer.' 

"  '  Your  answer,  then,  is  that  you  expect  to  let  the  friends  of  Gen 
eral  McClellan  manage  their  side  of  this  contest  in  their  own  way 
and  you  will  manage  your  side  of  it  in  your  way.' 

"'Yes.' 

"  I  then  thanked  the  President  for  his  courtesy  in  giving  us  a  hear 
ing  at  all,  and  took  my  leave." 

In  a  few  days  the  President  found  leisure  to  reply  in 
writing,  as  follows : 

"EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

October  22,  1864. 

"  GENTLEMEN,— On  the  15th  day  of  this  month,  as  I  remember,  a 
printed  paper,  manuscript,  with  a  few  manuscript  interlineations, 
called  a  protest,  with  your  names  appended  thereto,  and  accompa 
nied  by  another  printed  paper  purporting  to  be  a  proclamation  by 
Andrew  Johnson,  Military  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  also  a  nianu- 
14 


314  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

script  paper  purporting  to  be  extracts  from  the  Code  of  Tennessee, 
were  laid  before  me. 

"  The  protest,  proclamation  and  extracts  are  respectively  as  fol 
lows: 

[The  protest,  the  proclamation  of  Governor  Johnson  of 
September  30,  a  list  of  the  counties  in  East,  Middle  and 
West  Tennessee,  and  extracts  from  the  Code,  are  here 
recited.] 

"  At  the  time  these  papers  were  presented,  as  before  stated,  I  had 
never  seen  either  of  them,  nor  heard  of  the  subject  to  which  they 
relate,  except  in  a  general  way  one  day  previously. 

"Up  to  the  present  moment,  nothing  whatever  upon  the  subject 
has  passed  between  Governor  Johnson,  or  any  one  else,  connected 
with  the  proclamation,  and  myself. 

"  Since  receiving  the  papers,  as  I  stated,  I  have  given  the  subject 
such  brief  consideration  as  I  have  been  able  to  do,  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  pressing  public  duties. 

"  My  conclusion  is,  that  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter, 
either  to  sustain  the  plan  as  the  Convention  and  Governor  Johnson 
have  initiated  it,  or  to  revoke  or  modify  it  as  you  demand. 

"  By  the  Constitution  and  laws,  the  President  is  charged  with  no 
duty  in  the  Presidential  elections  in  any  State,  nor  do  I  in  this  case 
perceive  any  military  reason  for  his  interference  in  the  matter. 

"The  movement  set  on  foot  by  the  Convention  and  Governor 
Johnson  does  not,  as  seems  to  be  assumed  by  you,  emanate  from  the 
National  Executive. 

"  In  no  proper  sense  can  it  be  considered  other  than  an  indepen 
dent  movement  of,  at  least,  a  portion  of  the  loyal  people  of  Tennessee. 

"  I  do  not  perceive  in  the  plan  any  menace,  or  violence,  or  coer 
cion  toward  any  one. 

"  Governor  Johnson,  like  any  other  loyal  citizen  of  Tennessee,  has 
the  right  to  favor  any  political  plan  he  chooses;  and  as  Military 
Governor,  it  is  his  duty  to  keep  the  peace  among  and  for  the  loyal 
people  of  the  State. 

"  I  cannot  discern  that  by  this  plan  he  purposes  any  more.  But 
you  object  to  the  plan. 

"  Leaving  it  alone  will  be  your  perfect  security  against  it.  It  is 
not  proposed  to  force  you  into  it. 

"Do  as  you  please,  on  your  own  account,  peaceably  and  loyally, 
and  Governor  Johnson  will  not  molest  you,  but  will  protect  you 
against  violence  as  far  as  in  his  power. 

"  I  presume  that  the  conducting  of  a  Presidential  election  in  Ten- 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNS  ON.  315 

nessee,  in  strict  accordance  with  the  old  Code  of  the  State,  is  not 
now  a  possibility. 

"  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  if  any  election  shall  be  held 
and  any  votes  shall  be  cast  in  the  State  of  Tennessee  for  President 
and  Yice-President  of  the  United  States,  it  will  not  belong  to  the 
military  agents,  nor  yet  to  the  Executive  Department,  but  exclusively 
to  another  department  of  the  Government  to  determine  whether  they 
are  entitled  to  be  counted  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States. 

"  Except  it  be  to  give  protection  against  violence,  I  decline  to  in 
terfere  in  any  way  with  any  Presidential  election. 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

Upon  the  receipt  of  this  the  signers*  withdrew  their 
names  as  McClellan  Electors  for  Tennessee. 

This  attempt  to  waylay  him  in  his  efforts  at  re-organizing 
the  State  on  an  incorruptibly  loyal  basis  gave  him  but  re 
newed  vigor,  and  at  the  torch-light  procession  in  Nashville, 
in  the  next  month,  Governor  Johnson  said  "  it  was  evident 
a  mighty  revolution  was  abroad,  and  that  it  was  breaking 
up  and  casting  down  the  hoary  abomination  which  had  for 
so  many  years  held  our  great  State,  and  its  citizens,  both 
white  and  black,  in  cruel  and  galling  thralldom.  To-night 
every  breeze  rings  with  the  glad  cry  of  Freedom  to  all  man 
kind,  without  respect  to  race  or  complexion.  Proclamations 
have  been  made  from  many  quarters  during  the  progress  of 
this  great  social  revolution.  And  to-night,  in  the  presence 
of  this  vast  throng  of  laborers,  whose  strong  arms  had  con 
tributed  so  much  to  the  wealth  of  this  State,  through  many 
years  of  unpaid  toil,  he  stood  upon  the  steps  of  her  capitol 
and  proclaimed  freedom  to  all  men  in  Tennessee  ! '  The 
task-master's  fetters  and  the  scourge  of  the  overseer  lie 
broken  beneath  the  feet  of  the  ransomed  slaves  forever. 

"  I  have  often  said  to  myself,  as  I  looked  on  this  enthralled 
race, '  Is  there  no  Moses  who  will  arise  and  lead  these  peo- 

*Wm.  B.  Campbell,  Tho's.  A.  R.  Nelson,  Jas.  T.  P.  Carter,  John  Williams, 
A.  Blizzard,  Henry  Cooper,  Bailie  Peyton,  John  Lellyet,  Emerson  Etheridge  and 
John  D.  Ferryman. 


316  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

pie  to  freedom  V  [A  voice,  '  You  shall  be  our  Moses,  Gov 
ernor.']  Yes,  if  no  other  deliverer  will  come  to  you,  I  will 
be  your  Moses,  and  help  to  secure  and  perpetuate  your 
freedom." 

On  the  8th  of  November  Abraham  Lincoln  was  re-elected 
President  and  Andrew  Johnson  elected  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  loyal  people. 

It  was  unmistakably  a  people's  triumph,  and  it  was  not 
to  be  wondered  at  that  in  his  inaugural  address,  delivered 
in  the  Capitol  on  the  4th  of  March,  1865',  Vice-President 
Johnson — who  ever  felt  proud  of  the  class  from  which  he 
sprung,  and  which  had  befriended  him — should  take  occa 
sion  to  declare  himself  in  the  hour  of  his  triumph  a  child  of 
the  masses,  and  apply  with  defiant  pride  to  himself  that 
phrase  which  aristocracies  only  use  to  the  people  in  con 
tempt. 

"  INAUGURAL   ADDRESS. 

*'  SENATORS, — I  am  here  to-day  as  the  chosen  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  and  as  such,  by  constitutional  provision  I  am  made 
the  presiding  officer  of  this  body.  I  therefore  present  myself  here  in 
obedience  to  the  high  behests  of  the  American  people  to  discharge  a 
constitutional  duty,  and  not  presumptuously  to  thrust  mj^self  in  a 
position  so  exalted.  May  I  at  this  moment— it  may  not  be  irrelevant 
to  the  occasion— advert  to  the  workings  of  our  institutions  under  the 
Constitution  which  our  fathers  framed  and  Washington  approved,  as 
exhibited  by  the  position  in  which  I  stand  before  the  American  Sen 
ate,  in  the  sight  of  the  American  people  ?  Deem  me  not  vain  or 
arrogant ;  yet  I  should  be  less  than  man  if  under  such  circumstances 
I  were  not  proud  of  being  an  American  citizen^  for  to-day  one  who 
claims  no  high  descent,  one  who  comes  from  the  ranks  of  the  people, 
stands,  by  the  choice  of  a  free  constituency,  in  the  second  place  of 
this  Government.  There  may  be  those  to  whom  such  things  are  not 
pleasing,  but  those  who  have  labored  for  the  consummation  of  a  free 
Government  will  appreciate  and  cherish  institutions  which  exclude 
none,  however  obscure  his  origin,  from  places  of  trust  and  distinc 
tion.  I  The  people,  in  short,  are  the  source  of  all  power.  You,  Sena 
tors,  you  who  constitute  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  are  but  the  creatures  of  the  American  people ;  your 
exaltation  is  from  them ;  the  power  of  this  Government  consists  in 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  317 

its  nearness  and  approximation  to  the  great  mass  of  the  peoplej 
You,  Mr.  Secretary  Seward,  Mr.  Secretary  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  and  the  others  who  are  your  associates — you  know  that 
you  have  my  respect  and  my  confidence — derive  not  your  greatness 
and  your  power  alone  from  President  Lincoln.  «±Iuinble  as  I  am, 
plebeian  as  I  may  be  deemed,  permit  mo  in  the  presence  of  this  bril 
liant  assemblage  to  enunciate  the  truth  that  Courts  and  Cabinets,  the 
the  President  and  his  advisers,  derive  their  power  and  their  great 
ness  from  the  people.)  A  President  could  not  exist  here  forty-eight 
hours  if  he  were  as  far  removed  from  the  people  as  the  autocrat  of 
Russia  is  separated  from  his  subjects.  Here  the  popular  heart  sus 
tains  President  and  Cabinet  officers ;  the  popular  will  gives  them  all 
their  strength.  Such  an  assertion  of  the  great  principles  of  this 
Government  may  be  considered  out  of  place,  and  I  will  not  consume 
the  time  of  these  intelligent  and  enlightened  people  much  longer ; 
but  I  could  not  be  insensible  to  these  great  truths  when  I,  a  plebeian, 
elected  by  the  people  the  Yice-President  of  the  United  States,  am 
here  to  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  my  duties.  For  those  duties  I 
claim  not  the  aptitude  of  my  respected  predecessor.  Although  I 
have  occupied  a  seat  in  both  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the 
Senate,  I  am  not  learned  in  parliamentary  law,  and  I  shall  be  depend 
ent  on  the  courtesy  of  those  Senators  who  have  become  familiar 
with  the  rules  which  are  requisite  for  the  good  order  of  the  body  and 
the  dispatch  of  its  business.  I  have  only  studied  how  I  may  best 
advance  the  interests  of  my  State  and  of  my  country,  and  not  the 
technical  rules  of  order;  and  if  I  err  I  shall  appeal  to  this  dignified 
body  of  representatives  of  States  for  kindness  and  indulgence. 

"  Before  I  conclude^  this  brief  inaugural  address  in  the  presence  of 
this  audience — andvT,  though  a  plebeian  boy, » am  authorized  by  the 
principles  of  the  Government  under  which  I  live  to  feel  proudly  con 
scious  that  I  am  a  man,  and  grave  dignitaries  are  but  men — before 
the  Supreme  Court,  the  representatives  of  foreign  governments,  Sen 
ators  and  the  people,  desire  to  proclaim  that  Tennessee,  whose  rep 
resentative  I  have  been,  is  free.  She  has  bent  the  tyrant's  rod,  she 
has  broken  the  yoke  of  slavery,  and  to-day  she  stands  redeemed. 
She  waited  not  for  the  exercise  of  power  by  Congress ;  it  was  her 
own  act,  and  she  is  now  as  loyal,  Mr.  Attorney-General,  as  is  the 
State  from  which  you  came.  It  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  that  no  State  can  go  out  of  this  Union ;  and  moreover  Con 
gress  cannot  reject  a  State  from  this  Union.  Thank  God,  Tennessee 
has  never  been  out  of  the  Union !  It  is  true  the  operations  of  her 
government  were  for  a  time  interrupted ;  there  was  an  interregnum ; 
but  she  is  still  in  the  Union,  and  I  am  her  representative.  This  day 


318  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

she  elects  her  Governor  and  her  Legislature,  which  will  be  convened 
on  the  first  Monday  of  April,  and  again  her  Senators  and  Represen 
tatives  will  soon  mingle  with  those  of  her  sister  States ;  and  who 
shall  gainsay  it,  for  the  Constitution  requires  that  to  every  State  shall 
be  guaranteed  a  Republican  form  of  government. 

"I  am  now  prepared  to  take  the  oath  of  office  and  renew  my  alle 
giance  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

This  speech  was  made  the  subject  of  much  severe  censure 
and  animadversion.  Of  course  those  journals  that  had  ridi 
culed  his  early  life  and  struggles,  and  based  invidious  com 
parisons  on  the  facts,  were  loudest  in  denouncing  the  want 
of  dignity  that  admitted  the  Vice-President's  rise  from  the 
ranks  of  toil.  But  it  will  be  remembered  by  readers  of 
these  pages  that  he  said  no  more  as  Vice- President  than  he 
had  said  as  Senator  in  the  Capitol,  in  his  reply  to  the  pro- 
scriptive  principles  of  C.  C.  Clay  and  the  mud-sill  doctrine 
of  Hammond,  and  other  occasions,  'in  one  of  his  arguments 
for  the  Homestead  Bill,  drawing  a  distinction  between  mere 
poor  men  and  idle  vagabonds,  he  denied  that  poverty  was 
a  crime.  The  bill  was  intended  to  aid  such,  and  in  this 
connection  he  said  :  "  If  being  poor  was  a  crime,  and  I  was 
before  you  as  my  judge  upon  trial,  and  the  charge  was  read 
to  me,  and  I  was  asked  to  put  in  my  plea,  ,1  should  have  to 
plead  that  I  was  guilty  ;  that  I  was  a  great  criminal ;  that 
I  had  been  born  a  criminal ;  and  that  I  had  lived  a  criminal 
a  large  portion  of  my  life.  Yes,  I  have  wrestled  with  pov 
erty,  that  gaunt  and  haggard  monster.  I  have  met  it  in  the 
day  and  night.  I  have  felt  his  withering  approach  and  his 
blighting  influence  ;  but  did  I  feel  myself  a  criminal?  No  ; 
I  felt  that  I  was  chastened,  and  that  I  was  an  honest  man, 
and  that  I  would  rescue  myself  from  the  grasp  of  the  mon 
ster.'^  He  did  rescue  himself  from  the  monster,  only  to  find 
a  more  relentless  one  in  the  apologists  of  treason.  The 
manner  of  his  delivery  was  subjected  to  a  not  less  censur 
able  ordeal  than  the  matter  of  which  his  inaugural  was  com 
posed.  The  latter,  however,  may  have  been  premeditated, 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  319 

and  doubtless  was  ;  the  former  has  received  an  explanation 
in  the  developments  since  made  of  an  attempt  to  poison  both 
the  President  and  the  Vice-President  at  the  period  of  the 


inauguration. 


The  thrilling  intelligence  of  the  evacuation  of  Petersburg, 
and  the  entrance  of  the  national  army  under  General  Weit- 
zel  into  Richmond  on  the  morning  of  the  third  of  April,  was 
received  with  indescribable  joy.  "Not  the  fall  of  Rich 
mond,  nor  Wilmington,  nor  Charleston,  nor  Savannah,  nor 
Mobile,  nor  of  all  combined  can  effect  the  issue  of  the  pres 
ent  contest."  So  said  Jefferson  Davis  in  a  message  to  his 
Congress  the  year  previous ;  but  one  of  the  Richmond  jour 
nals  commenting  on  this  boastful  declaration  in  a  vSpirit  of 
novelty,  because  of  common  sense,  said :  "  the  evacuation 
of  Richmond  would  bo  the  loss  of  all  respect  and  author 
ity  toward  the  Confederate  government,  the  disintegra 
tion  of  the  army,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  scheme  of  an 
independent  Southern  Confederacy."  This  was  the  view 
generally  held  in  the  loyal  States,  and  the  fall  of  the  rebel 
capital  was  regarded  as  the  virtual  fall  of  the  Rebellion. 
Hence  the  enthusiasm  which  possessed  the  whole  people  on 
the  intelligence  was  utterly  beyond  description.  The  feel 
ing  of  the  loyal  people  was  for  peace,  a  peace  based  on  vic 
tory  and  the  unmistakable  supremacy  of  the  Union  arms ; 
a  peace  that  should  command  respect  and  give  confidence  to 
the  country.  In  the  fall  of  Richmond  they  beheld  the  prom 
ise  of  such  a  peace,  and  manifestations  of  self-reliant  joy 
were  everywhere  abundant. 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  Richmond  was  cap 
tured  great  rejoicings  were  held  in  Washington,  and  among 
other  distinguished  men  called  on  to  dial  the  popular  feeling 
was  the  Vice-President.  He  addressed  the  excited  and  vast 
assemblage  in  the  following  speech  : 

"  As  I  have  been  introduced  I  will  make  one  or  two  remarks,  for 
I  feel  that  no  one  would  be  justified  in  attempting  to  make  an  ad- 


320  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

dress  on  such  an  occasion,  when  the  excitement  is  justly  at  so  great 
a  height. 

"  We  are  now,  my  friends,  winding  up  a  rebellion — a  great  effort 
that  has  been  made  by  bad  men  to  overthrow  the  Government  of  the 
United  States — a  Government  founded  upon  free  principles,  and  ce 
mented  by  the  best  blood  of  the  Revolution.  You  must  indulge  me 
in  making  one  single  remark  in  connection  with  myself.  At  the 
time  that  the  traitors  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  plotted 
against  the  Government  and  entered  into  a  conspiracy  more  foul, 
more  execrable,  and  more  odious  than  that  of  Cataline  against  the 
Romans,  I  happened  to  be  a  member  of  that  body,  and,  as  to  loy 
alty,  stood  solitary  and  alone  among  the  Senators  from  the  Southern 
States. 

"  I  was  then  and  there  called  upon  to  know  what  I  could  do  with 
such  traitors,  and  I  want  to  repeat  my  reply  here.  I  said,  if  we  had 
an  Andrew  Jackson  he  would  hang  them  as  high  as  Hainan,  but  as 
he  is  no  more,  and  sleeps  in  his  grave  in  his  own  beloved  State, 
where  traitors  and  treason  have  even  insulted  his  tomb  and  the  very 
earth  that  covers  his  remains,  humble  as  I  am,  when  you  ask  me 
what  I  would  do,  my  reply  is,  I  would  arrest  them — I  would  try 
them— I  would  convict  them,  and  I  would  hang  them. 

"  As  humble  as  I  am  and  have  been,  I  have  pursued  but  one,  unde- 
viating  course.  All  that  I  have — life,  limb  and  property — have  been 
put  at  the  disposal  of  the  country  in  this  great  struggle.  I  have 
been  in  camp,  I  have  been  in  the  field,  I  have  been  everywhere  where 
this  great  rebellion  was ;  I  have  pursued  it  until  I  believe  I  can  now 
see  its  termination.  Since  the  world  began,  there  never  has  been  a 
rebellion  of  such  gigantic  proportions,  so  infamous  in  character,  so 
diabolical  in  motive,  so  entirely  disregardful  of  the  laws  of  civilized 
war.  It  has  introduced  the  most  savage  mode  of  warfare  ever  prac 
ticed  up  the  earth. 

"  I  will  repeat  here  a  remark,  for  which  I  have  been  in  no  small 
degree  censured.  What  is  it,  allow  me  to  ask,  that  has  sustained  the 
nation  in  this  great  struggle  ?  The  cry  has  been  you  know,  that  our 
Government  was  not  strong  enough  for  a  time  of  rebellion ;  that  in 
such  a  time  she  would  have  to  contend  against  internal  weakness  as 
internal  foes.  We  have  now  given  the  world  evidence  that  such  is 
not  the  fact ;  and  when  the  rebellion  shall  have  been  crushed  out, 
and  the  nation  shall  once  again  have  settled  down  in  peace,  our 
Government  will  rest  upon  a  more  enduring  basis  than  ever  before. 

"  But,  my  friends,  in  what  has  the  great  strength  of  this  Govern 
ment  consisted.  Has  it  been  in  one-man  power  ?  Has  it  been  in 
some  autocrat,  or  in  some  one  man  who  held  absolute  government  ? 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  321 

No  !  I  thank  God  I  have  it  in  my  power  to  proclaim  the  great  truth, 
that  this  Government  has  derived  its  strength  from  the  American 
people.  They  have  issued  the  edict ;  they  have  exercised  the  power 
that  has  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  and  there  is  not 
another  government  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  that  could  have  with 
stood  the  shock. 

"  We  can  now  congratulate  ourselves  that  we  possess  the  strongest, 
the  freest  and  the  best  Government  the  world  ever  saw.  Thank  God 
that  we  have  lived  through  this  trial,  and  that,  looking  in  your  intel 
ligent  faces  here  to-day,  I  can  announce  to  you  the  great  fact  that 
Petersburg,  the  outpost  to  the  strong  citadel,  has  been  occupied  by 
our  brave  and  gallant  officers  and  our  untiring,  invincible  soldiers. 
And  not  content  with  that,  they  have,  captured  the  citadel  itself— 
the  stronghold  of  traitors.  Richmond  is  ours,  and  is  now  occupied 
by  the  forces  of  the  United  States !  Her  gates  have  been  entered, 
and  the  glorious  stars  and  stripes,  the  emblem  of  Union,  of  power, 
and  of  supremacy,  now  float  over  the  enemy's  capitol ! 

"In  the  language  of  another,  let  that  old  flag  rise  higher  and 
higher,  until  it  meets  the  sun  in  his  coming,  and  let  the  parting  day 
linger  to  play  upon  its  ample  folds.  It  is  the  flag  of  your  country,  it 
is  your  flag,  it  is  my  flag,  and  it  bids  defiance  to  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  and  the  encroachments  of  all  the  powers  combined.  It  is 
not  my  intention  to  make  any  imprudent  remarks  or  allusions,  but 
tiie  hour  will  come  when  those  nations  that  exhibited  toward  us 
such  insolence  and  improper  interference  in  the  midst  of  our  adver 
sity,  and,  as  they  supposed,  of  our  weakness,  will  learn  that  this  is  a 
Government  of  the  people  possessing  power  enough  to  make  itself 
felt  and  respected. 

"  In  the  midst  of  our  rejoicing,  we  must  not  forget  to  drop  a  tear 
for  those  gallant  fellows  who  have  shed  their  blood  that  their  Gov 
ernment  must  triumph.  We  cannot  forget  them  when  we  view  the 
many  bloody  battle-fields  of  the  war,  the  new-made  graves,  our 
maimed  friends  and  relatives,  who  have  left  their  limbs,  as  it  were, 
on  the  enemy's  soil,  and  others  who  have  been  consigned  to  their 
long  narrow  houses,  with  no  winding  sheet  save  their  blankets  satu 
rated  with  their  blood. 

"  One  word  more,  and  I  have  done.  It  is  this :  I  am  in  favor  of 
leniency ;  but,  in  my  opinion,  evil-doers  should  be  punished.  Trea 
son  is  the  highest  crime  known  in  the  catalogue  of  crimes,  and  for 
him  that  is  guilty  of  it— for  him  that  is  willing  to  lift  his  impious 
hand  against  the  authority  of  the  nation— I  would  say  death  is  too 
easy  a  punishment.  My  notion  is  that  treason  must  be  made  odious, 
and  traitors  must  be  punished  and  impoverished,  their  social  power 
21 


322  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

broken,  though  they  must  be  made  to  feel  the  penalty  of  their  crime. 
You,  my  friends,  have  traitors  ID  your  very  midst,  and  treason  needs 
rebuke  and  punishment  here  as  well  as  elsewhere.  It  is  not  the  men 
in  the  field  who  are  the  greatest  traitors.  It  is  the  men  who  have 
encouraged  them  to  imperil  their  lives,  while  they  themselves  havo 
remained  at  home,  expending  their  means  and  exerting  all  their 
power  to  overthrow  the  Government.  Hence  I  say  this :  "  the  halter 
to  intelligent,  influential  traitors."  But  to  the  honest  boy,  to  the 
deluded  man  who  has  been  deceived  into  the  rebel  ranks,  I  would 
extend  leniency ;  I  would  say,  return  to  your  allegiance,  renew  your 
support  to  the  Government,  and  become  a  good  citizen ;  but  the 
leaders  I  would  hang.  I  hold,  too,  that  wealthy  traitors  should  be 
made  to  remunerate  those  men  who  have  suffered  as  a  consequence 
of  their  crime — Union  men  who  have  lost  their  property,  who  have 
been  driven  from  their  homes,  beggars  and  wanderers  among  strang 
ers.  It  is  well  to  talk  about  these  things  here  to-day,  in  addressing 
the  well-informed  persons  who  compose  this  audience.  You  can,  to 
a  very  great  extent,  aid  in  moulding  public  opinion,  and  in  giving  it 
a  proper  direction.  Let  us  commence  the  work.  We  have  put  down 
these  traitors  in  arms,  let  us  put  them  down  in  law,  in  public  judg 
ment,  and  in  the  morals  of  the  world." 

In  company  with  President  Lincoln,  Yice-President  John 
son  visited  Richmond  a  few  days  after  its  fall ;  crowning,  as 
it  were,  by  their  presence  the  military  triumph  of  those 
democratic  sentiments  which  the  popular  will  had  already 
maintained  through  the  ballot-box. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

THE    REBELLION  EXDED-LIXCOLN   ASSASSIXATED-J011XSOX 
PRESIDENT. 

THE  End  of  the  Rebellion— Surrender  of  Lee— Lieut-Gen.  Grant's  Terms- 
Lee's  Acceptance— Great  Rejoicing— Assassination  of  President  Lincoln  — 
Ex-Governor  Farwell's  Precautions  to  Protect  Yice-President  Johnson- 
Visit  to  the  Dying  President— General  Growth  of  Respect  for  Lincoln— The 
Cabinet  Officially  Notify  Vice-President  Johnson— His  Inauguration  as  Pre 
sident  of  the  U.S.— Address  to  the  Cabinet— His  Future  Policy  to  be  Based  on 
His  Past-Solemnity  of  the  Occasion— Historical  Resume  of  the  Action  of 
the  Constitution  Convention  in  Creating  the  Office  of  Vice-President— Plans 
Proposed— Deemed  of  No  Importance— One  of  the  Last  Acts  of  the  Conven 
tion—Wisdom  of  a  Popular  Selection  of  the  Vice-President. 

THE  grand  climax  of  the  Rebellion  was  reached  on  the 
9th  day  of  April,  when  General  Lee  with  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  which  had  been  the  heroic  bulwark  of 
treason,  surrendered  to  Lieutenant-General  U.  S.  Grant. 
The  insurmountable  combinations  of  General  Grant,  power 
fully  aided  by  the  activity  of  Sheridan  in  the  immediate 
locality,  and  by  Sherman  and  Thomas  on  the  South  and 
Southwest,  had  so  completely  throttled  the  rebels  that  light 
ing  was  rendered  hopeless,  as  any  attempt  at  escape  was 
made  impossible.  Lee  was  therefore  compelled  to  accept 
the  generous  terms  offered  by  General  Grant,  The  day, 
Palm  Sunday,  had  a  peculiar  significance  to  the  Christian 
world  in  being  sacred  to  the  glory  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  ; 
and  the  terms  of  the  Union  General  were  commensurately 
magnanimous.  The  terms  and  acceptance  are  embraced  in 
the  following  letters  : 

"  APPOMATTOX  COURT  HOUSE, 

April  9,  1865. 
u  General  R.  E.  LEE,  Commanding  Confederate  States  Army : 

"  In  accordance  with  the  substance  of  my  letter  to  you  of  the  8th 

(S2S) 


324  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

instant,  I  propose  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia  on  the  following  terms,  to  wit : 

"  Rolls  of  all  the  officers  and  men  to  be  made  in  duplicate ;  one 
copy  to  be  given  to  an  officer  designated  by  me,  the  other  to  be  re 
tained  by  such  officers  as  you  may  designate. 

"  The  officers  to  give  their  individual  paroles  not  to  take  arms 
against  the  Government  of  the  United  States  until  properly  exchanged, 
and  each  company  or  regimental  commander  sign  a  like  parole  for 
the  men  of  his  command. 

"  The  arms,  artillery  and  public  property  to  be  parked  and  stacked 
and  turned  over  to  the  officers  appointed  by  me  to  receive  them. 

"  This  will  not  embrace  the  side  arms  of  the  officers,  nor  their  pri 
vate  horses  or  baggage. 

"  This  done,  each  officer  and  man  will  be  allowed  to  return  to  their 
homes,  not  to  be  disturbed  by  United  States  authority  so  long  as  they 
observe  their  parole  and  the  laws  in  force  where  they  may  reside. 
"  Very  respectfully, 

"U.  S.  GRANT,  Lieutenant  General." 


GENERAL   LEE   TO   GENERAL  GRANT. 

THERN 

April  9,  1865. 


HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA,   ) 


"  Lieutenant  General  U.  S.  GRANT, 

Commanding  United  States  Armies : 

"  GENERAL, — I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  containing 
the  terms  of  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  as  proposed 
by  you.  As  they  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  expressed  in 
your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.,  they  are  accepted.  I  will  proceed  to  des 
ignate  the  proper  officers  to  carry  the  stipulations  into  effect. 
"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"R.  LEE,  General." 

The  loyal  States  regarded  this  announcement  as  the  close 
of  actual  hostilities,  and  the  joy  throughout  the  country  was 
earnest,  deep-felt  and  elevated  by  a  spirit  of  magnanimity 
worthy  of  a  great  people.  The  prompt  proclamation  of 
"  Thanks  to  Almighty  God  "  and  to  General  Grant  and  the 
armies  under  him,  issued  by  the  War  Department,  faintly  in 
dicated  popular  action.  A  sublime  feeling  of  fraternity, 
after  four  years  of  war,  possessed  the  people. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  325 

In  the  midst  of  "this  universal  rejoicing  President  Lincoln 
was  shot  by  an  assassin  at  a  theatre  in  Washington,  during 
the  performance,  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  April,  and  died 
the  next  morning.  Almost  at  the  same  moment  the  Pre 
sident  received  his  death  wound,  the  house  of  Secretary 
Seward  was  intruded  into,  the  way  into  his  chamber  forced, 
and  a  desperate  attempt  made  to  assassinate  him  by  an  asso 
ciate  of  the  murderer  of  the  President.  From  the  evidence 
subsequently  elicited,  a  conspiracy  was  brought  to  light 
which  contemplated  the  assassination  of  Vice-President 
Johnson,  the  Secretary  of  War,  Lieutenant-General  Grant, 
the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  and  probably  other 
members  of  the  Government.  The  evidence  is  clear  that 
the  train  was  laid  by  which  the  Vice-President  was  to  have 
fallen  at  the  same  time  with  the  President,  an  effort  to  kill 
both  by  poison  at  the  time  of  the  inauguration  having  failed. 

On  the  night  of  the  assassination  ex-Governor  Farwell  of 
Wisconsin,  then  of  the  United  States  Patent  Office,  was 
among  the  spectators  in  the  theatre.  Simultaneously  with 
the  consternation  at  the  terrible  deed,  the  remembrance  of  a 
reward  offered  in  the  Southern  papers  for  the  killing  of  the 
President,Vice-President  and  members  of  the  Cabinet  flashed 
to  his  mind.  He  immediately  left  the  theatre  and  proceeded 
as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the  room  of  the  Vice- President,  in 
the  Kirkwood  House,  at  which  hotel  the  Governor  was  also 
domiciled.  Rapping  in  vain  for  entrance,  he  said  in  a  loud 
voice,  "  Governor  Johnson,  if  you  are  in  the  room  I  must  see 
you.'7  He  succeeded  in  arousing  the  Vice-President,  and 
having  gained  admission,  he  locked  and  bolted  the  doors, 
rang  for  the  servants,  and  conveyed  the  awful  news,  on 
realizing  which  Mr.  Johnson  evinced  the  greatest  emotion. 
The  sensibilites  of  both  gentlemen  became  overpowered  in 
the  sudden  contemplation  of  the  fearful  facts,  and  found  ex 
pression  only  by  a  spontaneous  warm  embrace  and  a  nervous 
grasping  of  the  hands.  Immediately  on  comprehending  the 


326  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

immense  consequences  of  the  foul  deed,  the  Vice-President 
exhibited  great  coolness  and  presence  of  mind  in  deliberating 
upon  the  best  means  for  meeting  the  emergency.  He  ex 
pressed  no  apprehension  for  his  own  safety,  but  Governor 
Farwell  promptly  caused  a  guard  to  be  placed  at  the  door 
until  the  authorities  took  proper  precautions  of  that  nature. 
Meantime  other  friends,  anxious  for  his  safety,  visited  Mr. 
Johnson,  while  Governor  Farwell  went,  at  the  Vice-Presi 
dent's  request,  to  the  house  where  the  President  was  lying, 
and  to  Secretary  Se ward's,  to  obtain  information  of  their 
condition.  Returning,  he,  with  Major  O'Byrne,  of  the  pro 
vost  guard,  accompanied  the  Vice-President  to  see  Mr.  Din- 
coin,  who  was  still  insensible.  Governor  Farwell  expressed 
the  highest  admiration  of  the  remarkable  presence  of  mind 
and  depth  of  thought  evinced  by  the  Vice-President,  thus 
startled  late  at  night  from  profound  quiet  with  intelligence 
of  such  a  harrowing  and  profoundly  momentous  character. 

The  tremendous  nature  of  the  crime  carried  out  in  the 
assassination  of  the  President,  throws  into  comparative  dis 
ability  any  attempt  to  chronicle  it,  at  the  same  time  that 
the  demise  of  so  prominent  an  official  compels  some  respectful 
notice,  however  brief. 

The  murder  of  President  Lincoln  was  a  terrible  conclusion 
to  the  tragedy  which  had  been  enacting  for  four  years. 
Undoubtedly  the  leading  and  most  equally-balanced  spirit 
defending  the  Republic,  President  Lincoln  just  lived  long 
enough  to  see  his  labors  measurably  successful,  their  prolon 
gation  guaranteed,  and  the  Republic  safe,  when  his  useful 
life  was  cut  short  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  People  who 
had  differed  from  President  Lincoln,  politicians  who  had 
abused  him,  partisans  who  had  denied  his  wisdom,  doubted 
his  motives  and  rebuked  his  efforts,  were  now  lifted  to  the 
level  of  the  nation's  loss  by  the  blow  which  struck  him  down. 
The  high  tone  which  had  characterized  his  utterances  since 
the  surrender  of  General  Lee,  the  thorough  absence  of  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  327 

slightest  approach  to  vindictiveness,  bravado  or  personal  ill 
feeling  against  the  rebels,  lent  an  additional  lustre  to  the 
glory  of  the  day.  The  admirable  qualities  which  in  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  disclosed  themselves  the  more  prominently  as 
the  climax  of  the  war  was  reached,  and  elevated  statemanship 
into  a  paternal  aspect  of  comprehensive  forgiveness,  now, 
stood  forth  in  grand  proportions.  Their  nobility  became 
enlarged  when  contrasted  with  his  unexpected  grave. 

At  an  early  hour  on  the  morning  after  the  assassination, 
the  Cabinet  officially  communicated  with  Vice-President 
Johnson,  informing  him  of  the  sudden  decease  of  President 
Lincoln,  and  requesting  that  his  inauguration  should  take 
place  as  soon  as  possible  : 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  April  15. 

«  SIR, — Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  was  shot 
by  an  assassin  last  evening  at  Ford's  theatre  in  this  city,  and  died  at 
the  hour  of  twenty-two  minutes  after  7  o'clock.  About  the  same 
time  at  which  the  President  was  shot  an  assassin  entered  the  sick- 
chamber  of  the  Hon.  W.  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  and  stabbed 
him  in  several  places  in  the  throat,  neck  and  face,  severely  if  not 
mortally  wounding  him.  Other  members  of  the  Secretary's  family 
were  dangerously  wounded  by  the  assassin  while  making  his  escape. 
By  the  deatk  of  President  Lincoln,  the  office  of  President  has  de 
volved  under  the  Constitution  upon  you.  The  emergency  of  the 
Government  demands  that  you  should  immediately  qualify  accord 
ing  to  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution,  and  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  President  of  the  United  States.  If  you  will  please  make 
known  your  pleasure,  such  arrangements  as  you  deem  proper  will  bo 
made. 

"  Your  obedient  servants, 

HUGH  McCuLLOCH,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War. 

GIDEON  WELLES,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

WILLIAM  DENNISON,  Postmaster  General. 

J.  P.  USHER,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

JAMES  SPEED,  Attorney- General. 
"  To  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  Johnson  requested  that  the   ceremony  should  take 


328  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

place  in  his  rooms  at  the  Kirkwood  House,  at  10  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  Hon.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  was  accordingly  noti 
fied  of  the  fact.  At  the  above-named  hour,  Chief  Justice 
Chase,  Secretary  McCulloch,  Attorney  General  Speed,  F.  P. 
Blair,  Sr.,  Hon.  Montgomery  Blair,  Senators  Foot  of  Ver 
mont,  Yates  of  Illinois,  Ramsay  of  Minnesota,  Stewart  of 
Nevada,  Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  and  General  Farnsworth 
of  Illinois,  assembled  at  the  Vice-President's  hotel,  when 
the  following  oath  was  administered  by  the  Chief  Justice  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

After  receiving  the  oath  and  having  been  declared  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Johnson  remarked : 

"GENTLEMEN, — I  must  be  permitted  to  say  that  I  have 
been  almost  overwhelmed  by  the  announcement  of  the  sad 
event  which  has  so  recently  occurred.  I  feel  incompetent 
to  perform  duties  so  important  and  responsible  as  those 
which  have  been  so  unexpectedly  thrown  upon  me.  As  to 
an  indication  of  any  policy  which  may  be  pursued  by  me  in 
the  administration  of  the  Government,  I  have  to  say  that 
that  must  be  left  for  development  as  the  administration  pro 
gresses.  The  message  or  declaration  must  be  made  by  the 
acts  as  they  transpire.  The  only  assurance  I  can  now  give 
of  the  future  is  reference  to  the  past.  The  course  which  I 
have  taken  in  the  past  in  connection  with  this  rebellion  must 
be  regarded  as  a  guarantee  of  the  future.  My  past  public 
life,  which  has  been  long  and  laborious,  has  been  founded, 
as  I  in  good  conscience  believe,  upon  a  great  principle  of 
right,  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  things.  The  best  ener 
gies  of  my  life  have  been  spent  in  endeavoring  to  establish 
and  perpetuate  the  principles  of  free  government,  and  I  be 
lieve  that  the  Government  in  passing  through  its  present 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  329 

perils  will  settle  down  upon  principles  consonant  with  pop 
ular  rights,  more  permanent  and  enduring  than  heretofore. 
I  must  be  permitted  to  say,  if  I  understand  the  feelings  of 
my  own  heart,  I  have  long  labored  to  ameliorate  and  elevate 
the  condition  of  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people. 
Toil,  and  an  honest  advocacy  of  the  great  principles  of  free 
government,  have  been  my  lot.  The  duties  have  been  mine — 
the  consequences  are  God's.  This  has  been  the  foundation 
of  my  political  creed.  I  feel  that  in  the  end  the  Govern 
ment  will  triumph,  and  that  these  great  principles  will  be 
permanently  established.  In  conclusion,  gentlemen,  let  me 
say  that  I  want  your  encouragement  and  countenance.  I 
shall  ask  and  rely  upon  you  and  others  in  carrying  the  Gov 
ernment  through  its  perils.  I  feel,  in  making  this  request, 
that  it  will  be  heartily  responded  to  by  you  and  all  other 
patriots  and  lovers  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  a  free 
people." 

The  solemnity  of  the  occasion  precluded  more  than  the 
expression  of  those  kind  wishes  which  honest  respect  and 
courtesy  inspired.  All  were  bowed  beneath  the  calamity 
which  elevated  the  Yice-President  to  the  responsibilities  of 
the  executive  office  ;  but  the  solemn  and  dignified  bearing 
of  the  new  President  produced  a  most  gratifying  impression. 
The  first  formal  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  was  held  on  the 
same  day  at  the  Treasury  Department. 

Mr.  Johnson  is  the  third  Vice-President  who  became 
President.  As  the  subject  has  attracted  some  attention 
recently  it  may  be  a  matter  of  interest  to  most  readers  to 
make  a  brief  historical  reference  to  the  views  which  guided 
the  founders  of  the  Constitution  in  creating  an  office,  of  the 
importance  of  which  they  did  not  seem  to  have  had  an  ade 
quate  idea.  It  is  but  natural  to  expect  that  the  Constitution 
should  provide  for  any  exigency  arising  from  the  death  or 
disability  of  the  President ;  but  neither  the  importance  of 
a  Yice-President,  nor  the  mode  of  his  appointment,  seem 


330  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

to  have  impressed  the  leading  members  of  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  as  they  doubtless  would  have  done  had 
they  lived  to  share  the  dangers  and  necessities  of  our  day. 

The  first  section  of  Article  II.  provides  that  in  case  of  the 
removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resig 
nation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Yice-President.  It 
further  declares  that  Congress  can  provide  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation  or  inability  both  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  Yice-President,  by  appointing  an  officer  to  act  as 
President  until  the  disability  be  removed,  or  a  President 
elected.  The  act  of  1792,  simplified  the  matter  very  much 
by  providing  for  vacancies  in  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Pre 
sidency,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  or  in  default  of  one, 
the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  assuming  the 
Executive  office  until  an  election  for  President  is  had. 

In  the  various  plans  proposed  to  the  Constitutional  Con 
vention  by  Edmund  Randolph,  Charles  Pinckney,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  and  William  Paterson,  there  was  no  provision 
whatever  made  for  a  Yice-President.  Neither,  was  such 
an  office  suggested  in  the  resolutions  of  the  Convention  refer 
red  (July  25  and  26, 1787),  to  the  "  Committee  of  Detail"  for 
the  purpose  of  reporting  a  Constitution,  nor  in  the  draft  of 
a  Constitution  reported  by  this  committee,  August  6.  It  was 
only  towards  the  very  close  of  the  labors  which  perfected 
that  great  instrument  that  such  an  office  was  created,  and  it 
appeared  in  the  amended  Constitution  as  adopted,  17th  of 
September,  1787. 

It  had  been  variously  proposed  to  elect  a  President  by 
the  Legislature,  to  have  an  advisory  Council  administrate 
the  Government,  the  duties  to  devolve  on  the  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  or  on  the  President  of  the  Senate — 
the  last  idea  chiefly  prevailing.  Gouverneur  Morris  and 
Madison  objected  to  it,  the  former  proposing  the  Chief  Jus 
tice,  and  the  latter  suggesting  that  the  Council  to  the  Presi- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  331 

dent  should  fill  an  "  occasional  vacancy."  Hugh  William 
son,  of  North  Carolina,  thought  that  Congress  should  provide 
for  "  occasional  vacancies." 

David  Brearley,  of  New  Jersey,  from  a  compromise  com 
mittee  of  eleven,  reported  a  Yice-President,  who  should  be 
''  ex-official  President  of  the  Senate,  except  when  they  sit  to 
try  the  impeachment  of  the  President,  in  which  case  the 
Chief  Justice  shall  preside,  and  excepting  also  when  he  shall 
exercise  the  powers  and  duties  of  President,"  etc.  Elbridge 
Gerry  opposed  this  clause,  and,  also,  the  having  any  Vice- 
President,  arguing  that  they  might  as  well  put  the  President 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  Legislature."  "  The  close  inti 
macy  that  must  subsist  between  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  makes  it  absolutely  improper."  Mr.  Gerry  lived 
long  enough  to  see — as  in  the  case  of  Jefferson  and  Burr — 
that  the  President  and  Vice-President  are  not  always  on 
what  he  deemed  a  too  dangerous  intimacy  Had  he  lived 
longer  he  would  have  seen  that  the  danger  he  feared  might 
arise  from  the  want  of  a  friendly  intimacy,  as  between  Jack 
son  and  Calhoun,  and  from  the  more  political  intrigues  of 
a  later  date.  In  reply  to  Gerry's  dread  of  this  "  close  inti 
macy,"  Gouverneur  Morris  shrewdly  remarked  :  "  The  Vice- 
President,  then,  will  be  the  first  heir-apparent  that  ever 
loved  his  father."  Roger  Sherman  argued  that  the  Vice- 
President  would  be  without  employment  if  he  was  not  Pre 
sident  of  the  Senate,  and  Williamson,  who  had  been  on  the 
special  committee  to  which  was  referred  the  question  of 
how  to  elect  the  President,  said  "  Such  an  officer  as  Vice- 
President  is  not  wanted.  He  was  introduced  merely  for  the 
sake  of  a  valuable  mode  of  election,  which  required  two  to 
be  chosen  at  the  same  time."  xlnd  such  seems  to  have  been 
the  true  reason  for  the  provision,  near  the  close  of  the  session, 
for  such  an  officer. 

It  is  needless  to  discuss  the  utility  of  such  an  officer  at 
this  day.  The  office,  although  comparatively  insignificant  as 


332  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

to  duties,  is  of  very  high  dignity,  and  may  become  of  great 
importance  at  a  crisis  like  the  present.  Hence  the  choice 
of  a  man  for  it  should  never  be  unthinkingly  made.  His  elec 
tion  makes  him  a  national  representative  in  fact,  if  he  were 
not  so  before  in  feeling  ;  and  the  position  is  now  generally 
regarded  as  a  useful  political  balance  between  the  sections, 
there  being  only  one  instance  in  which  the  President  and 
Vice-President  were  both  chosen  from  States  in  the  same 
section — that  of  Andrew  Jackson  of  Tennessee,  and  John 
0.  Calhoun  of  South  Carolina. 

Moreover,  in  the  event  of  its  incumbent  becoming  Pre 
sident,  the  people  feel  a  confidence  in  having  voted  for  him 
through  their  electors.  He  is  the  second  choice  of  the 
people,  made  with  the  view  of  a  contingency  by  which  he 
may  fill  the  place  of  the  first. 

On  the  plan  which  received  greatest  favor  from  the  Con 
vention,  the  President,  in  such  a  crisis  as  that  through  which 
we  have  recently  passed  would  be  only  the  choice  of  the 
Senate,  and  might  not  represent  any  views  save  those  con 
fined  to  the  interests  of  his  own  State  which  sent  him.  In 
the  thorough  representation  of  the  people,  according  to  the 
present  system,  the  republicanism  of  our  institutions  is  illus 
trated  and  vindicated.  It  shows  to  the  world  that  even 
the  pressing  weight  of  such  a  national  calamity  as  has 
befallen  us  does  not,  in  the  words  of  Secretary  McCulloch, 
"affect  in  the  slightest  degree  the  permanence  of  our 
institutions,  or  the  regular  administration  of  our  laws  :  that 
an  event  which  would  have  shaken  any  other  country  to  the 
centre,  docs  not  even  stagger  for  a  moment  a  government 
like  our  own." 

Lord  Brougham  (Political  Philosophy,  vol.  III.)  writing 
on  the  establishment  of  American  Independence,  "the 
new  constitution  upon  the  federal  plan,  and  of  the  repub 
lican  form,"  regarded  these  achievements  as  perhaps  the 
most  important  events  in  the  history  of  our  species  ;  and 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNSON.  333 

used  such  language  as  is  fully  qualified  by  the  events  through 
which  we  are  passing,  in  testifying  to  the  fact  that,  "  con 
trary  to  all  the  predictions  of  statesmen  and  the  theories  of 
speculative  inquirers,  a  great  nation,  when  fully  prepared 
for  the  task,  is  capable  of  self-government ;  in  other 
words,  that  a  purely  republican  form  of  government  can  be 
founded  and  maintained  in  a  country  of  vast  extent,  peopled 
by  millions  of  inhabitants." 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

JOHNSON   AS    PRESIDENT— END  OF  ARMED  REBELLION. 

CANCELS  a  Slave-dealer's  Pardon  —  Conversation  with  the  President  —  Indi 
cations  of  Policy  —  Distinctions  between  the  Leaders  and  Masses  of  the 
South — Treason  the  Highest  Crime — Reply  to  Deputation  of  Citizens  of 
Illinois  —  The  Crime  and  its  Cause  —  Treason  to  be  made  Odious  —  A  Peo 
ple's  Attachment  the  Strongest  National  Defence  —  Reply  to  Christian 
Commission  —  Deputations  from  Societies,  Cities,  and  States  —  Opposed  to 
Monopoly,  but  Supports  the  Aristocracy  of  Talent,  Virtue,  and  Labor  — 
Formal  and  Informal  Interviews  with  Sir  F.  Bruce,  the  British  Ambassa 
dor—Reply  to  Baron  Von  Gerolt  and  the  Diplomatic  Body  —  Address  of 
Southern  Refugees  and  President's  Reply  —  The  Exercise  of  Clemency  — 
The  Aristocracy  of  Treason  —  Proclamation  of  Mourning  — •  Ten  Days'  Re 
trospection —  Capture  and  Death  of  Booth,  the  Assassin  —  Surrender  of  Joe 
Johnston  to  General  Sherman  —  President's  Arduous  Labors  —  Reduction  of 
Army  and  Navy  —  Removal  of  Trade  Restrictions —  Reception  of  the  Swiss 
Delegation  —  Order  for  Military  Commision  to  try  the  Assassins  —  Proc 
lamation  of  Rewards  for  Conspirators  —  Trade  Regulations  —  Orders  on  the 
Restoration  of  Virginia  —  Proclamation  on  the  Close  of  the  Rebellion  and 
Foreign  Hospitality  to  Rebel  Cruisers  —  Audience  and  Reply  to  Colored  Min 
isters— Interview  with  Marquis  de  Montholon,  the  French  Ambassador  — 
Capture  of  Jefferson  Davis — Acknowledged  Failure  of  Secession — A.  II. 
Stephens  a  Prisoner  —  Surrender  of  Dick  Taylor's  Forces  —  The  President 
Declines  a  Present  from  New  York  —  Grand  Review  of  the  Victorious  Veter 
ans  —  Surrender  of  Kirby  Smith's  Forces. 

THUS  have  we  followed  Andrew  Johnson  through  an  early 
career  as  remarkable  as  romantic,  and  a  maturity  of  suc 
cesses,  the  outlines  of  which  are  as  broad  as  they  are  rigidly 
defined — from  his  apprenticeship  to  his  installation  into  the 
Presidency.  My  readers  have  been  presented  with  a  narra 
tive  designed  to  illustrate  the  times  which  moulded  him,  the 
measures  he  desired  to  apply  to  them,  the  men  with  whom 
he  rose  in  prominent  contrast ;  and  to  render  more  intelli 
gently  comprehensive  the  several  public  services  which  have 

(334) 


LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  335 

so  consecutively  won  for  Andrew  Johnson  increased  respon 
sibility  and  confidence.  In  the  concluding  chapters  will  be 
embraced  the  principal  addresses,  proclamations  and  orders 
which  have  emanated  from  President  Johnson.  Already 
familiar  with  his  past,  the  reader  can  thus,  from  the  Presi 
dent's  own  voice  and  pen,  form  some  reasonable  idea  of  the 
policy  destined  to  shape  the  character  of  the  Republic  on 
emerging  from  the  fiery  furnace  of  rebellion  and  devastation 
to  the  benign  influences  of  peace,  industry  and  reorgan 
ization. 

Among  the  first  acts  of  Mr.  Johnson,  on  assuming  the  duties 
of  President,  was  one  which  showed  what  might  be  expected 
of  him  in  the  way  of  pardons,  ;  About  seven  or  eight  years 
ago  a  person  was  tried  in  Boston  on  the  charge  of  slavo- 
dealingj  He  \vas  convicted  and  sentenced  to  twenty  years' 
imprisonment.  He  had  served  out  six  or  seven  years  of  that 
penalty  when  there  was  a  strong  pressure  upon  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  pardon  him.  Several  prominent  politicians  of  Boston 
strenuously  urged  the  use  of  the  pardoning  power.  They 
presented  several  extenuating  facts,  and  finally  Mr.  Lincoln 
consented  to  sign  it.  He  placed  his  signature  to  the  docu 
ment  on  the  day  on  which  he  was  assassinated,  and  sent  it 
to  the  Attorney  General's  office  to  be  attested  and  executed. 
It  arrived  there  too  late  to  be  attended  to  on  that  day,  and 
before  the  office  was  again  opened  Mr.  Lincoln  had  breathed 
his  last.  The  several  Cabinet  Ministers,  as  a  matter  of  form, 
presented  the  unfinished  business  in  their  departments  to 
President  Johnson,  and  among  this  class  was  this  pardon, 
signed,  but  not  executed,  rft  attracted  President  Johnson's 
attention,  and  he  immediately  said,  "  I  must  examine  into 
this."  Upon  making  inquiries  he  had  it  cancelled,  saying 
that  no  person  ever  engaged  in  that  business  would  get  a 
pardon  from  hinuj 

After  having  had  a  long  conversation  with  the  President 
on  subjects  calculated  to  indicate  the  policy  of  his  adminis- 


336  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

tration,  Governor  Stone  of  Iowa,faddressing  a  meeting  of 
citizens  of  that  State  in  Washington,  declared  that  while 
the  President  would  deal  kindly  and  leniently  with  the  mass 
of  the  people  of  the  South,  and  rank  and  file  of  their  armies, 
regarding  them  as  he  did  merely  as  the  victims  and  sufferers 
of  the  rebellion,  he_jnevertlicless  wouW  -be-<5ftt£ful_noi^:ta 
pursue  any  policy  which  would  prevent  the  Government  from 
visiting  condign  punishment  on  the  guilty  authors  of  the 
rebellion./ 

The  President  regarded  it  as  due  to  the  loyal  people  of 
the  country,  and  to  the  memory  of  the  thousands  of  brave 
men  who  had  fallen  in  the  defense  of  the  Union  during  this 
struggle,  and  to  the  claims  of  justice  and  freedom  throughout 
the  world,  that  treason  should  still  be  regarded  as  the  high 
est  crime  under  our  Constitution  and  flag,  and  that  it  should 
be  rendered  infamous  for  all  time  to  come.  While  enter 
taining  these  views,  he  would  endeavor  to  gain  the  confidence 
of  the  deceived  and  betrayed  masses  of  the  Southern  people, 
regarding  them  as  the  proper  material  by  which  to  recon 
struct  the  insurgent  States,  and  restore  them  to  their  proper 
relations  to  the  Government.  He  would  neither  recognize 
nor  hold  official  communication  with  those  who  had  occu- 
pied^pflicial  stations  or  acknowledged  the  sovereignty  of  the 
rebel  government/)  For  four  years  he  had  fought  the  rebel 
government  with  all  the  energy  of  his  character.  He  ex 
pressed  deep  sympathy  with  the  betrayed  and  deluded  masses 
of  the  South,  earnestly  desiring  their  return  to  their  allegi 
ance  to  the  Government  and  the  restoration  of  their  former 
peace  and  prosperity. 

On  the  17th  of  April  the  citizens  of  Illinois  in  Washing 
ton,  who  were  drawn  together  by  the  recent  mournful 
events,  thought  it  not  inappropriate  before  separating  to 
wait  on  the  President,  to  express  their  confidence  in  him  and 
to  pledge  to  him  the  strong  support  of  their  State.  An 
influential  deputation,  composed  of  Governor  Oglesby  of 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  337 

Illinois,  Senator  R.  Yates,  ex-Senator  0.  H.  Browning,  Gen 
eral  J.  N.  Haynie,  General  Gamble,  General  J.  T.°Farns- 
worth,  Hon.  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  Hon.  D.  S.  Phillips,  and  ac 
companied  by  Governor  Pickering  of  Oregon  and  many 
others,  paid  their  respects  at  the  Treasury  Department.  In 
reply  to  Governor  Oglesby's  address,  President  Johnson  said  : 

GENTLEMEN,— I  have  listened  with  profound  emotion  to  the  kind 
words  you  have  addressed  to  me.     The  visit  of  this  large  delegation 
to  speak  to  me,  through  you,  sir,  these  words  of  encouragement,  I 
had  not  anticipated,  in  the  midst  of  the  saddening  circumstances 
which  surround  us;  and  the  immense  responsibility  thrown  upon 
me,^an  expression  of  the  confidence  of  individuals,  and  still  more  of 
an  influential  body  like  that  before  me,  representing  a  great  Com 
monwealth,  cheers  and  strengthens  my  heavily  burdened  mind.     I 
am  at  a  loss  for  words  to  respond.     In  an  hour  like  this  of  deepest 
sorrow,  were  it  possible  to  embody  in  words  the  feelings  of  my  bosom, 
I  could  not  command  my  lips  to  utter  them.     Perhaps  the  best  reply 
I  could  make,  and  the  one  most  readily  appropriate  to  your  kind 
assurances  of  confidence,  would  be  to  receive  them  in  silence.     The 
throbbings  of  my  heart  since  the  sad  catastrophe  which  has  appaled 
us,  cannot  be  reduced  to  words;  and  oppressed  as  I  am  with  the 
new  and  great  responsibility  which  has  devolved  upon  and  saddened 
me  with  grief,  I  can  with  difficulty  respond  to  you  at  all.     But  I 
cannot  permit  such  expressions  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  me  by 
the  people  to  pass  without  acknowledgment.     To  an  individual  like 
myself,  who  has  never  claimed  much,  but  who  has,  it  is  true,  received 
from  a  generous  people  many  marks  of  trust  and  honor,  for  a  long 
time,  an  occasion  like  this,  and  a  manifestation  of  public  feelino-  so 
well-timed,  are  peculiarly  acceptable.     Sprung  from  the  people  my- 
elf,  every  pulsation  of  the  popular  heart  finds  an  immediate  answer 
in  my  own.     By  many  men  in  public  life  such  occasions  are  often 
considered  merely  formal.     To  me  they  are  real.     Your  words  of 
countenance  and  encouragement  sink  deep  in  my  heart ;  and  were  I 
even  a  coward  I  could  not  but  gather  from  them  strength  to  carry 
out  my  convictions  of  the  right.     Thus  feeling,  I  shall  enter  upon 
the  discharge  of  my  great  duty  firmly,  steadfastly,  if  not  with  the 
signal  ability  exhibited  by  my  predecessor,  which  is  still  fresh  in  our 
sorrowing  minds.     Need  I  repeat  that  no  heart  feels  more  sensibly 
than  mine  this  great  affliction.     In  what  I  say  on  this  occasion  I 
shall  indulge  in  no  petty  spirit  of  anger,  no  feeling  of  revenge.     But 
we  have  beheld  a  notable  event  in  the  history  of  mankind     In  the 
22 


338  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

midst  of  the  American  people,  where  every  citizen  is  taught  to  obey 
law  and  observe  the  rules  of  Christian  conduct,  our  Chief  Magistrate, 
the  beloved  of  all  hearts,  has  been  assassinated ;  and  when  we  trace 
this  crime  to  its  cause,  when  we  remember  the  source  whence  the 
assassin  drew  his  inspiration,  and  then  look  at  the  result,  we  stand 
yet  more  astounded  at  this  most  barbarous,  most  diabolical  assassi 
nation.  Such  a  crime  as  the  murder  of  a  great  and  good  man,  hon 
ored  and  revered,  the  beloved  and  the  hope  of  the  people,  springs 
not  alone  from  a  solitary  individual  of  ever  so  desperate  wickedness. 
We  can  trace  its  cause  through  successive  steps,  without  my  enumer 
ating  them  here,  back  to  that  source  which  is  the  spring  of  all  our 
woes.  No  one  can  say  that  if  the  perpetrator  of  this  fiendish  deed 
be  arrested,  he  should  not  undergo  the  extremest  penalty  the  law 
knows  for  crime ;  none  will  say  that  mercy  should  interpose.  But 
is  he  alone  guilty  ?  Here,  gentlemen,  you  perhaps  expect  me  to  pre 
sent  some  indication  of  my  future  policy.  f~0ne  thing  I  will  say. 
Every  era  teaches  its  lesson.  The  times  we  live  in  are  not  without 
instruction.  The  American  people  must  be  taught — if  they  do  not 
already  feel — that  treason  is  a  crime  and  must  be  punished ;  that  the 
Government  will  not  always  bear  with  its  enemies ,  that  it  is  strong 
not  only  to  protect,  but  to  punish.  When  we  turn  to  the  criminal 
code  and  examine  the  catalogue  of  crimes,  we  there  find  arson  laid 
down  as  a  crime  with  its  appropriate  penalty ;  we  find  there  theft 
and  robbery  and  murder,  given  as  crimes ;  and  there,  too,  we  find 
the  last  and  highest  of  crimes — treason.  With  other  and  inferior 
offenses  our  people  are  familiar ;  but  in  our  peaceful  history  treason 
has  been  almost  unknown.  The  people  must  understand  that  it  is 
the  blackest  of  crimes,  and  will  be  surely  punished.  I  make  this 
allusion,  not  to  excite  the  already  exasperated  feelings  of  the  public, 
but  to  point  out  the  principles  of  public  justice  which  should  guide 
our  action  at  this  particular  juncture,  and  which  accord  with  sound 
public  morals.  Let  it  be  engraven  ooi-a¥CP^-beftrt_iJiat-treason  is  a 
crim^-and  iaaitp^^  While  we  are  appaled, 

overwhelmed  at  the  fall  of  one  man  in  our  midst  by  the  hand  of  a 
traitor,  shall  we  allow  men — I  care  not  by  what  weapons — to  attempt 
the  life  of  the  State  with  impunity  ?  While  we  strain  our  minds  to 
comprehend  the  enormity  of  this  assassination,  shall  we  allow  the 
nation  to  be  assassinated  ? 

"  I  speak  in  no  spirit  of  unkindness.  ff  leave  the  events  of  the  fu 
ture  to  be  disposed  of  as  they  arise,  regarding  myself  as  the  humble 
instrument  of  the  American  people.i  In  this,  as  in  all  things,  justice 
and  judgment  shall  be  determined  by  them.  I  do  not  harbor  bitter 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  339 

or  revengeful  feelings  toward  any.     In  general  terms,  I  would  say 
that  public  morals  and  public  opinion  should  be  established  upon  the 
sure  and  inflexible  principles  of  justice.     When  the  question  of  exer- 
ismg  inercy  conies  before  me,  it  will  be  considered  calmly,  judicially 
remembering  that  I  am  the  Executive  of  the  nation.     I  know  that 
men  love  to  have  their  names  spoken  of  in  connection  with  acts  of 
•cy,  and  how  easy  it  is  to  yield  to  this  impulse.     But  we  must  not 
forget  that  what  may  be  mercy  to  the  individual,  is  cruelty  to  the 
ite.    In  the  exercise  of  mercy,  there  should  be  no  doubt  left  that 
the  high  prerogative  is  not  used  to  roliere  a  few  at  the  expense  of 
the  many.     Be  assured  I  shall  never  forget  that  I  am  not  to  consult 
ray  own  feelings  alone,  but  to  give  an  account  to  the  whole  people 
to  my  future  course  I  will  now  make  no  professions,  no 
.  have  been  connected  somewhat  actively  with  public 
ira,  and  to  the  history  of  my  past  public  acts,  which  is  familiar 
bo  you,  I  refer  for  those  principles  which  have  governed  me  h-reto- 
fore,  and  will  guide  me  hereafter.     In  general  I  will  say  I  have  lono- 
for  the  amelioration  and  elevation  of -the  great  mass  of  man° 
nnd.    My  opinions  as  to  the  nature  of  popular  government  have  long 
sen  cherished,  and,  constitutocl  as  I  am,  it  is  now  too  late  in  life  for 
me  to  change  them.     I  believe  that  government  was  made  for  man 
not  man  for  government.     This  struggle  of  the  people  ao-ainst  the 
most  gigantic  rebellion  the  world  ever  saw,  has  demonstrated  that 
3  attachment  of  the  people  to  their  Government  is  the  strongest 
national  defense  human  wisdom  can  devise.     So  long  a«  man  feels 
toe  interests  of  the  Government  are  his  interests,  so  lono-  as  the 
public  heart  turns  in  the  right  direction,  and  the  people  understand 
and  appreciate  the  theory  of  our  Government,  and  love  liberty  our 
Constitution  will  be  transmitted  unimpaired.     If  the  time  ever  comes 
when  the  people  shall  fail,  the  Government  will  fail  and  we  shall 
to  be  one  of  the  nations  of  the  earth.     After  bavin"  preserved 
rm  of  free  government,  and  shown  its  power  to  maintain  its 
existence  through  the  vicissitudes  of  nearly  a  century,  it  may  be  that 
it  was  necessary  for  us  to  pass  through  this  last  ordeal  of  intestine 
to  prove  that  this  Government  will  not  perish  from  internal 
3ss,  but  will  stand  to  defend  itself  against  all  foes,  and  punish 
reason.     In  the  dealings  of  an  inscrutable  Providence,  and  by  the 
operation  of  the  Constitution,  I  have  been  thrown  unexpectedly  into 
this  position^    My  past  life,  especially  my  course  during  the  present 
unholy  rebellion,  is  before  you.     I  have  no  principles  to  retract      I 
lely  any  one  to  point  to  any  of  my  public  acts  at  variance  with  the 
fixed  principles  which  have  guided  me  through  life.     I  have  no  pro- 
>ns  to  offer.     Professions  and  promises  would  be  worth  nothing 


340  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

at  this  time.  ISTo  one  can  foresee  the  circumstances  that  will  hereafter 
arise.  Had  any  man  gifted  with  prescience,  four  years  ago,  uttered 
and  written  down  in  advance  the  events  of  this  period,  the  story 
would  have  seemed  more  marvelous  than  any  thing  in  the  '  Arabian 
Nights.'  rl  shall  not  attempt  to  anticipate  the  future.  As  events 
occur,  and  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to  act,  I  shall  dispose  of  each 
;  ,3  it  arises,  deferring  any  declaration  or  message  until  it  can  be  writ 
ten  paragraph  by  paragraph  in  the  light  of  events  as  they  transpire."} 

During  the  delivery  of  these  significant  remarks,  the 
President  was  frequently  interrupted  by  expressions  of  ap 
proval.  On  the  same  day  he  was  addressed  by  a  large 
delegation  of  the  Christian  Commission,  through  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Borden,  of  Albany,  who  believed,  in  the  words  of  the 
Address,  that  God  had  sent  President  Lincoln  "  as  Moses, 
to  lead  the  people,  and  his  successor,  as  Joshua,  to  give  them 
a  land  of  promise."  The  President  reiterated  the  views 
expressed  to  the  Illinois  delegation,  which  were  received 
with  equal  warmth  and  many  hearty  responses  of  "  Amen." 

Deputations  from  loyal  societies,  cities  and  States 
crowded  into  Washington,  and  surrounded  the  President. 
After  his  accession  to  office,  a  praiseworthy  anxiety  in 
spired  all  loyal  men  and  municipalities  to  strengthen  him  in 
this  hour  of  awful  trial  to  the  nation.  The  President's 
policy  was  also  a  subject  of  daily-widening  consideration  : 
hence  the  national  capital  became  a  common  centre  for 
all  desiring  either  to  offer  support,  or  elicit  intelligence. 
Prominent  amid  the  many  groups  desiring  to  do  both  were 
the  Ohio  deputation,  headed  by  Governor  Brough  ;  the  In 
diana  deputation,  supporting  Governor  0.  P.  Morton  ;  the 
New  Jersey  delegation,  under  the  lead  of  Governor  Parker  ; 
Massachusetts,  represented  by  Governor  Andrew,  Ex-Gov 
ernor  Clifford,  Ex-Lieutenant  Governor  Brown,  John  Pier- 
pout,  the  poet,  and  numerous  others  ;  two  delegations  from 
Maine — one  under  the  Ex-Vicc-President  Hannibal  Hamlin, 
the  other  having  Hon.  J.  II.  Rice,  Representative  in 
Congress  as  spokesman ;  New  York,  represented  by  Sen- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  341 

ator  Harris,  Hon.  Preston  King,  and  several  Committees, 
including   the   Union    League,   John    Jay   and    Jonathan 
Sturges  leading  the  deputation  ;  the  Citizens'  Committee, 
with  Moses  Taylor  as  Chairman,  Samuel  Sloan  as  Secretary, 
and  such  merchants  and  millionaires  as  William  B.  Astor, 
A.  T.  Stewart  and  Moses  H.  Grinnell  on  it ;  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  with  Hiram  Walbridge  as  spokesman  ;  two 
deputations  from  Pennsylvania,  one  bearing  a  letter  from 
Governor  Curtin,  and  the  other  headed  by  Ex-Secretary-of- 
War  Cameron  and  Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  Representative 
in  Congress.     Besides  these,  and  such  as  these,  there  were 
deputations  from  the  Departments  and  numbers  of  Generals 
and  Admirals  and  distinguished  officers  of  both  the  Army 
and  Navy.     The  latter  did  not  shape  their  courtesies  into 
any  oratorical  form.     The  sentiments  expressed  in  the  ad 
dresses  presented  by  Governors,  Senators  and  the  numerous 
delegations  were  naturally  of  a  similar  character,  and  only 
rivaled  each  other  in  their  loftiness  and  fervor  of  expres 
sion.     The  point  and  force  of  the  President's  many  replies, 
also  similar  in  all  leading  features  to  those  alluded  to  above, 
captivated  and  strengthened  all  who  had  the  pleasure  of  an 
interview,   and  brought    hope   and    strong  sense    of  reli 
ability  to  the  masses  which  they  reached  through  the  public 
journals. 

Some  of  these  addresses  derive  additional  interest  from 
some  special  point  made  by  the  President,  or  the  character 
of  the  delegates  addressed,  and  indicate  the  propriety  of 
more  special  notice.  Addressing  one  of  the  Pennsylvania!! 
deputations,  he  said  : 

"  It  is  the  work  of  freemen  to  put  down  monopolies.  You  have 
seen  the  attempt  made  by  the  monopoly  of  slavery  to  put  down  the 
free  Government;  but  the  making  of  the  attempt,  thereby  to  control 
and  destroy  the  Government,  you  have  seen  the  Government  put 
down  the  monopoly  and  destroy  the  institution.  Institutions  of  any 
kind  must  be  subordinate  to  the  Government,  or  the  Government 
cannot  stand.  I  do  not  care  whether  it  be  North  or  South.  A  Gov- 


342  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

eminent  based  upon  popular  judgment  must  be  paramount  to  afc 
institutions  that  spring  up  under  that  Government ;  and  if,  when 
they  attempt  to  control  the  Government,  the  Government  don't  put 
them  down,  they  will  put  it  down.  Hence,  the  main  portion  of  my 
efforts  has  been  devoted  to  the  opposition  of  them.  Hence,  I 
have  ever  opposed  aristocracy — opposed  it  in  any  shape.  But 
there  is  a  kind  of  suffrage  that  has  always,  that  always  will,  com 
mand  my  respect  and  approbation — the  aristocracy  of  talent,  the 
aristocracy  of  virtue,  the  aristocracy  of  merit,  or  an  aristocracy  rest 
ing  upon  worth,  the  aristocracy  of  labor,  resting  upon  honest  in 
dustry,  developing  the  industrial  resources  of  the  country — this 
commands  my  respect  and  admiration,  my  support  in  life." 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  25th  April,  the  diplomatique 
corps  called  upon  the  President.  Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  the 
new  Ambassador  from  Great  Britain,  with  his  attaches,  ar 
rived  a  few  moments  before  the  other  ministers,  presented 
liis  credentials,  and  enjoyed  an  interview  of  a  very  cordial 
and  pleasant  nature.  The  British  Ambassador  made  the 
following  remarks  on  the  occasion  : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT, — It  is  with  deep  and  sincere  concern  that  I  have 
to  accompany  my  first  official  act  with  expressions  of  condolence. 
On  Saturday  last  the  ceremony  that  takes  place  to-day  was  to  have 
been  performed,  but  the  gracious  intentions  of  the  late  lamented 
President  were  frustrated  by  events  which  have  plunged  this  coun 
try  into  consternation  and  affliction,  and  which  will  call  forth  in 
Great  Britain  feelings  of  horror  as  well  as  profound  sympathy  for 
the  victims.  It  becomes,  therefore,  my  painful  duty,  sir,  to  present 
the  letter  from  my  Sovereign,  of  which  I  arn  bearer  to  you  as  Pre 
sident  of  the  United  States,  and  it  is  with  pleasure  that  I  convey  the 
assurances  of  regard  and  goodwill  which  her  Majesty  entertains 
toward  you,  sir,  as  President  of  the  United  States.  I  am  further 
directed  to  express  her  Majesty's  friendly  disposition  toward  the 
great  nation  of  which  you  are  the  Chief  Magistrate,  her  hearty 
good  wishes  for  its  peace,  prosperity  and  welfare.  Her  Majesty  has 
nothing  more  at  heart  than  to  cultivate  those  relations  of  amity 
and  good  understanding  which  have  so  long  and  so  happily  ex 
isted  between  the  two  kindred  nations  of  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain ;  and  it  is  in  this  spirit  that  I  am  directed  to  per 
form  the  duties  of  the  important  and  honorable  post  confided  to 
rne.  Permit  me,  sir,  to  say  that  it  shall  be  the  object  of  my  earnest 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  343 

endeavors  to  carry  out  my  instructions  faithfully  in  that  respect ;  and 
express  the  hope,  sir,  that  you  will  favorably  consider  my  attempts 
to  meet  your  approbation,  and  to  give  effect  to  the  friendly  inten 
tions  of  the  Queen  and  her  Majesty's  Government.  I  have  the  honor, 
sir,  to  place  in  your  hands  the  letter  of  credence  confided  to  me  by 
her  Majesty." 

To  which  the  President  replied  : 

"  SIR  FREDERICK  A.  W.  BRUCE, — The  cordial  and  friendly  senti 
ments  which  you  have  expressed  on  the  part  of  Her  Britannic 
Majesty  give  me  great  pleasure.  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  by  the  extended  and  varied  forms  of  commerce  between 
them,  the  contiguity  of  portions  of  their  possessions,  and  the  simi 
larity  of  their  language  and  laws,  are  drawn  into  contrast  and  inti 
mate  intercourse  at  the  same  time.  They  are  from  the  same  causes 
exposed  to  frequent  occasions  of  misunderstanding  only  to  be  averted 
by  mutual  forbearance.  So  eagerly  are  the  people  of  the  two  coun 
tries  engaged  throughout  almost  the  whole  world  in  the  pursuit  of 
similar  commercial  enterprizes,  accompanied  by  natural  rivalries  and 
jealousies,  that  at  first  sight  it  would  almost  seem  that  the  two 
Governments  must  be  enemies,  or  at  best,  cold  and  calculating 
friend?.  So  devoted  are  the  two  nations  throughout  all  their  do 
main,  and  even  in  their  most  remote  territorial  and  colonial  pos 
sessions  to  the  principles  of  civil  rights  and  constitutional  liberty, 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  superficial  observer,  might  erroneously 
count  upon  a  continual  concert  of  action  and  sympathy,  amounting 
to  an  alliance  between  them.  Each  is  charged  with  the  development 
of  the  progress  and  liberty  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  American 
race.  Each,  in  its  sphere,  is  subject  to  difficulties  and  trials  not 
participated  in  by  the  other.  The  interests  of  civilization  and  of 
humanity  require  that  the  two  should  be  friends.  I  have  always 
known  and  accepted  it  as  a  fact  honorable  to  both  countries  that 
the  Queen  of  England  is  a  sincere  and  honest  well-wisher  to  the 
United  States.  I  have  been  equally  frank  and  explicit  in  the 
opinion  that  the  friendship  of  the  United  States  towards  Great 
Britain  is  enjoined  by  all  the  considerations  of  interest  and  of  sen 
timent  affecting  the  character  of  both.  You  will,  therefore,  be  ac 
cepted  as  a  minister  friendly  and  well  disposed  to  the  maintenance 
of  peace  and  the  honor  of  both  countries.  You  will  find  myself 
and  all  my  associates  acting  in  accordance  with  the  same  enlightened 
policy  and  consistent  sentiments  ;  and  so  I  am  sure  that  it  will  not 
occur  in  your  case  that  either  yourself  or  this  Government  will  ever 


344  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

have  cause  to  regret  that  such  an  important  relationship  existed  at 
such  a  crisis." 

A  correspondent  gives  a  racy  account  of  the  informal  con 
versation  which  took  place  on  the  occasion  of  the  formal 
presentation ;  and  a  report  of  the  one  may  fitly  accom 
pany  an  account  of  the  other  :  "  The  new  Minister  made  his 
appearance  with  all  his  stars  and  decorations  on,  presented 
his  credentials,  and  formally  read  his  speech.  Mr.  Johnson, 
after  welcoming  to  the  Capitol  a  representative  of  Great 
Britain,  remarked  that  he  was  not  much  used  to  the  diplo 
matic  formalities  customary  on  such  occasions,  adding,  '  that 
two  great  nations  ought  to  conduct  their  relations  very  much 
as  two  neighbors  who  sincerely  desire  peace  and  good  fel 
lowship  between  themselves  would  do,  and  that  the  less 
mere  formality  about  it  the  better/  4I  assure  you,  Mr. 
President/  interrupted  Sir  Frederick,  pointing  to  his  uniform 
and  decorations,  '  that  I  should  feel  very  much  more  at  ease 
without  these  things  than  with  them.'  The  remark  was  so 
consonant  to  American  prejudice  against '  fuss  and  feathers/ 
that  the  President  and  Minister  became  friends  at  once,  and 
sat  down  for  a  chat.  Sir  Frederick  asked  about  Sherman. 
President  Johnson  explained  the  position.  '  What  chance 
is  there  for  Mr.  Davis  then  ?'  asked  Sir  Frederick.  '  Oh  !  a 
small  particle  still :  doubtless  his  escape  across  the  country/ 
said  the  President.  '  Well/  replied  the  Minister,  in  an  in 
quiring  tone, '  I  should  think  that  Mr.  Davis  and  a  few  mem 
bers  of  his  cabinet  would  probably  find  it  well  to  start  pretty 
soon  ?'  '  If  they  know  what  is  for  their  own  interest/  re 
sponded  the  President,  rather  grimly,  '  they  had  better  lose 
no  time  about  it.  The  time  has  come/  he  added,  '  when 
traitors  must  be  taught  they  are  criminals.  The  country 
has  clearly  made  up  its  mind  on  that  point,  and  it  can  find 
no  more  earnest  agent  of  its  will  than  myself.'  There  was 
then  a  renewal  of  the  mutual  promise  to  talk  over  any  diffi 
culties  that  might  arise  between  Great  Britain  and  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  345 

United  States  like  two  neighbors  sincerely  desirous  of  good 
terms  with  each  other,  and  so  the  interview  ended." 

The  other  representatives  of  the  foreign  nations  arrived 
escorted  by  Wm.  Hunter,  Esq.,  Acting  Secretary  of  State, 
walking  arm  in  arm  with  Baron  Von  Gerolt  the  Prussian 
Minister,  Dean  of  the  Diplomatic  body.  On  this  occasion 
the  Governments  of  Russia,  France,  Austria,  Prussia,  Spain, 
Denmark,  Sweden,  the  Hanscatic  Republic,  Belgium,  Brazil, 
Mexico,  Costa  Rica,  Chile  and  Peru  were  represented.  The 
Ministers  were  mostly  attended  by  their  secretaries  and  at 
taches,  all  arrayed  in  full  court  dress,  and  most  of  the  num 
ber  wearing  the  badge  of  mourning  on  the  left  arm. 

Baron  Von  Gerolt  delivered  the  following  address  of 
condolence,  sympathy  and  international  respect : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT, — The  representatives  of  foreign  nations  have 
assembled  here  to  express  to  your  Excellency  their  feelings  at  the 
deplorable  events  of  which  they  have  been  witness,  to  say  how  sin 
cerely  they  share  the  national  mourning  for  the  cruel  fate  of  the  late 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  how  deeply  they  sympathize  with 
the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  great  afflic 
tion.  With  equal  sincerity  we  tender  to  you,  Mr.  President,  our  best 
wishes  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
your  personal  health  and  happiness.  May  we  be  allowed  also,  Mr. 
President,  to  give  utterance  on  this  occasion,  to  our  sincerest  hopes 
for  an  early  re-establishment  of  peace  in  this  great  country,  and  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  friendly  relations  between  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  and  the  Governments  which  we  represent." 

To  which  the  President  replied  : 

"  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  DIPLOMATIC  BODY,— I  heartily  thank  you, 
on  behalf  of  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
sympathy  which  you  have  so  feelingly  expressed  upon  the  mournful 
events  to  which  you  refer.  The  good  wishes  also  which  you  so  kindly 
offer  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  and  for  my 
personal  health  and  happiness,  are  gratefully  received.  Your  hopes 
for  the  early  restoration  of  peace  in  this  country  are  cordially  recip 
rocated  by  me.  You  may  be  assured  that  I  shall  leave  nothing 
undone  towards  preserving  those  relations  of  friendship  which  now 
fortunately  exist  between  the  United  States  and  all  foreign  powers.'' 
15* 


346  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SEE  VICES 


the  24th  a  large  number  of  refugees  from  the  insurreo 
tionary  States  called  upon  President  Johnson.  The  Presi 
dent  was  profoundly  moved  by  this  demonstration  on  the 
part  of  those  who,  like  himself,  had  personally  experienced 
the  atrocity  of  the  rebellion,  and  suffered  every  tiling  save 
death,  and  sometimes  worse  than  death  for  their  loyalty  to 
the  Constitution  and  the  integrity  of  the  nation. 

The  refugees,  through  Judge  Underwood  of  Virginia, 
addressed  the  President  as  follows  : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT,  —  The  gentlemen  who  come  with  me  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  are  for  the  most  part 
exiles  from  the  South—  exiles  for  their  devotion  to  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution,  in  defiadce  of  threats  and  persecution  of  the  slave- 
holding  aristocracy.  Your  recent  utterances  have  stirred  our  spirits 
like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  and  encouraged  the  hope  that  we  may 
ere  long  in  safety  visit  our  desolated  farms,  and  rebuild  our  houses  in 
the  sunny  South.  We  have  no  feelings  but  those  of  kindness  far  the 
common  people  of  our  section—  even  for  those  who,  by  physical  or 
moral  compulsion,  or  by  gross  deception,  have  been  arrayed  in  arms 
against  the  Government.  We  would  not  say,  with  Joshua  of  old, 
'  Every  one  who  rebels  shall  be  put  to  death  ;'  but  woe  to  the  wicked 
leaders  who,  though  baffled,  are  neither  humbled  nor  subdued  ;  whose 
arrogance  and  treason  are  as  dangerous  to  us  and  to  the  country  as 
ever.  AVe  thank  you  for  declaring  that  these  great  criminals  must  be 
punisliecL/  The  Great  Author  of  nature  and  providence  decrees  that 
those  who  sow  the  wind  shall  reap  the  whirlwind.  *""\Ve  know  that 
we  cannot  go  home  in  safety  while  traitors,  whose  hands  are  still 
dripping  with  the  warm  blood  of  our  martyred  brothers,  remain 
defiant  and  unpunished.  It  is  folly  to  give  sugar  plums  to  tigers  and 
hyenas.  It  is  more  than  folly  to  talk  of  clemency  and  mercy  to  these 
worse  than  Catalines,  for  clemency  and  mercy  to  them  is  cruelty  and 
murder  to  the  innocent  and  unborn.  j|  If  General  Jackson  had  pun 
ished  the  treason  of  Calhoun  we  should  not  have  witnessed  this  re 
bellion.  If  the  guilty  leaders  of  this  rebellion  shall  be  properly  pun 
ished  our  children's  children  will  not  be  compelled  to  look  upon 
another  like  it  for  generations.  By  the  blood  of  our  martyred  Pres 
ident,  by  the  agonies  of  our  starved  and  mutilated  prisoners,  by  the 
tens  of  thousands  slain  in  battle,  and  the  desolations  of  home  and 
country,  and  all  the  waste  of  life  and  treasure  for  the  last  four  years 
with  no  feelings  of  revenge,  but  in  sincerest  sorrow,  we  pray  that 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  347 

your  administration  may  be  both  a  terror  to  evil-doers  and  a  protec 
tion  to  all  who  pursue  the  paths  of  peace.  And  while  we  mourn  and 
lament  our  great  and  good  and  murdered  Chief,  too  kind  and  too 
indulgent,  we  fear,  for  these  stormy  times,  we  thank  God  for  the 
belief  that,  knowing  the  character  of  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  as 
you  do,  you  will  so  deal  with  them  that  our  whole  country  will  be 
an  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  every  creed  and  every  clime — the 
home  of  peace,  freedom,  industry,  education  and  religion— a  light 
and  an  example  to  the  nations  of  the  whole  earth,  down  a  long,  bright 
beneficent  future." 

I  The  President  then  made  the  following  reply  : 

"It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  on  this  occasion  to  say  that  my 
sympathies  and  impulses  in  connection  with  this  nefarious  rebellion 
beat  in  unison  with  yoursj  Those  who  have  passed  through  this 
bitter  ordeal,  and  who  participated  in  it  to  a  great  extent,  are  more 
competent,  as  I  think,  to  judge  and  determine  the  true  policy  which 
should  be  pursued.  I  have  but  little  to  sa}7  on  this  question  in  re 
sponse  to  what  has  been  said.  It  enunciates  and  expresses  my  own 
feelings  to  the  fullest  extent ;  and  in  much  better  language  than  I 
can  at  the  present  moment  summon  to  my  aid.  The  most  I  can  say 
is  that,  entering  upon  the  duties  that  have  devolved  upon  me  under 
circumstances  that  are  perilous  and  responsible,  and  being  thrown 
into  the  position  I  now  occupy  unexpectedly,  in  consequence  of  the 
sad  event,  the  heinous  assassination  which  has  taken  place — in  view 
of  all  that  is  before  me  and  the  circumstances  that  surround  me — I 
cannot  but  feel  that  your  encouragement  and  kindness  are  peculiarly 
acceptable  and  appropriate. '  I  do  not  think  that  you,  who  have  been 
familiar  with  my  course— you  who  are  from  the  South — deem  it 
necessary  for  me  to  make  any  professions  as  to  the  future  on  this  occa 
sion,  nor  to  express  what  my  course  will  be  upon  questions  that  may 
arise.  If  my  past  life  is  no  indication  of  what  my  future  will  be,  niy 
professions  were  both  worthless  and  empty ;  and  in  returning  you 
my  sincere  thanks  for  this  encouragement  and  sympathy,  I  can  only 
reiterate  what  I  have  said  before,  and,  in  part,  what  has  just  been 
read.  As  far  as  clemency  and  mercy  are  concerned,  and  the  proper 
exercise  of  the  pardoning  power,  I  think  I  understand  the  nature  and 
character  of  the  latter.  In  the  exercise__of_5leniency  and  mercy  that 
pardoniug_jpower  should  be  exercised  with  caution.  I  do  not  give 
utterance  to  my  opinions  on  this  point  in  any  spirit  of  revenge  or 
unkind  feelings.  Mercy  and  clemency  have  been  pretty  large  ingre 
dients  in  my  compound,  having  been  the  Executive  of  a  State,  and 


348  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

thereby  placed  in  a  position  in  which  it  was  necessary  to  exercise 
clemency  and  mercy.     I  have  been  charged  with  going  too  far,  being 
too  lenient,  and  have  become  satisfied  that  mercy  without  justice  is 
a  crime,  and  that  when  mercy  and  clemency  are  exercised  by  the  Ex 
ecutive  it  should  always  be  done  in  view  of  justice,  and  in  that  man 
ner  alone  is  properly  exercised  that  great  prerogative,  j  The  time  has 
come,  as  you  who  have  had  to  drink  this  bitter  cup  are  fully  aware, 
when  the  American  people  should  be  made  to  understand  the  true 
nature  of  crime.     Of  crime  generally,  our  people  have  a  high  under 
standing,  as  well  as  of  the  necessity  for  its  punishment ;  but  in  the 
catalogue  of  crimes  there  is  one,  and  that  the  highest  known  to  the 
law  and  the  Constitution,  of  which,  since  the  days  of  Jefferson  and 
Aaron  Burr,  they  have  become  oblivious.    That  is — treason.    Indeed, 
one  who  has  become  distinguished  in  treason,  and  in  this  rebellion, 
said  that  '  when  traitors  become  numerous  enough  treason  becomes 
respectable,  and  to  become  a  traitor  was  to  constitute  a  portion  of 
the  aristocracy  of  the  country.'     God  protect  the  people  against  such 
an  aristocracy.     Yes,  the  time  has  come  when  the  people  should  be 
taught  to  understand  the  length  and  breadth,  the  depth  and  height, 
of  treason.     An  individual  occupying  the  highest  position  among  us 
was  lifted  to  that  position  by  the  free  offering  of  the  American  peo 
ple—the  highest  position  on  the  habitable  globe.     This  man  we  have 
seen,  revered  and  loved — one  who,  if  he  erred  at  all,  erred  ever  on  the 
side  of  clemency  and  mercy  —that  man  we  have  seen  treason  strike, 
through  a  fitting  instrument,  and  we  have  beheld  him  foil  like  a 
bright  star  from  its  sphere.    Now,  there  is  none  but  would  say,  if  the 
question  came  up,  what  should  be  clone  with  the  individual  who 
assassinated  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  ? — he  is  but  a  man — 
one  man,  after  all ;  but  if  asked  what  should  be  done  with  the  assas 
sin,  what  should  be  the  penalty,  the  forfeit  exacted  ?     I  know  what 
response  dwells  in  every  bosom.     It  is,  that  he  should  pay  the  forfeit 
with  his  life.     And  hence  we  see  there  are  times  when  mercy  and 
clemency,  without  justice,  become  a  crime.     The  one  should  temper 
the  other,  and  bring  about  that  proper  mean.     And  if  we  would  say 
this  when  the  case  was  the  simple  murder  of  one  man  by  his  fellow 
man,  what  should  we  say  when  asked  what  shall  be  done  with  him 
or  them  or  those  who  have  raised  impious  hands  to  take  away  the 
life  of  a  nation  composed  of  thirty  millions  of  people  ?    What  would 
be  the  reply  to  that  question  ?    But  while  in  mercy  we  remember 
justice,  in  the  language  that  has  been  uttered jTsay,  justice  towards 
the  leaders,  the  conscious  leaders ;  but  I  also  say  amnesty,  concilia 
tion,  clemency  and  mercy  to  the  thousands  of  our  countrymen  whom 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  349 

you  and  I  know  have  been  deceived  or  driven  into  this  infernal  rebel 
lion^/ And  so  I  return  to  where  I  started  from,  and  again  repeat, 
that  it  is  time  our  people  were  taught  to  know  that  treason  is  a 
crime,  not  a  mere  political  diiference,  not  a  mere  contest  between  two 
parties,  in  which  one  succeeded  and  the  other  has  simply  failed. 
They  must  know  it  is  treason ;  for  if  they  had  succeeded  the  life  of 
the  nation  would  have  been  reft  from  it — the  Union  would  have  been 
destroyed.  Surely  the  Constitution  sufficiently  defines  treason.  It 
consists  in  levying  war  against  the  United  States,  and  in  giving  their 
enemies  aid  and  comfort.  With  this  definition  it  requires  the  exer 
cise  of  no  great  acumen  to  ascertain  who  are  traitors.  It  requires  no 
great  perception  to  tell  us  who  have  levied  war  against  the  United 
States ;  nor  does  it  require  any  great  stretch  of  reasoning  to  ascertain 
who  has  given  aid  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States ;  and  when 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  does  ascertain  who  are  the  con 
scious  and  intelligent  traitors,  the  penalty  and  the  forfeit  should  be 
paid.  I  know  how  to  appreciate  the  condition  of  being  driven  from 
one's  home.  I  can  sympathize  with  him  whose  all  has  been  taken 
from  him — with  him  who  has  been  denied  the  place  that  gave  his 
children  birth.  But  let  us,  withal,  in  the  restoration  of  true  govern 
ment,  proceed  temperately  and  dispassionately,  and  hope  and  pray 
that  the  time  will  come,  as  I  believe,  when  all  can  return  and  remain 
at  our  homes,  and  treason  and  traitors  be  driven  from  our  land ; 
when  again  law  and  order  shall  reign,  and  the  banner  of  our  country 
be  unfurled  over  every  inch  of  territory  within  the  area  of  the  United 
States.  In  conclusion,  let  me  thank  you  most  profoundly  for  this 
encouragement  and  manifestation  of  your  regard  and  respect,  and 
assure  you  that  I  can  give  no  greater  assurance  regarding  the  settle 
ment  of  this  question  than  that  I  intend  to  discharge  my  duty,  and 
in  that  way  which  shall,  in  the  earliest  possible  hour,  bring  back 
peace  to  our  distracted  country.  And  I  hope  the  time  is  not  far  dis 
tant  when  our  people  can  all  return  to  their  homes  and  firesides,  and 
resume  their  various  avocations." 

On  the  25th,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation,  desig 
nating  the  25th  of  May,  subsequently  changed  to  the  1st  of 
June,  as  a  day  of  humiliation  and  mourning  and  solemn 
service  to  Almighty  God,  "  in  memory  of  the  good  man  who 
had  been  removed." 

From  the  midnight  when  Governor  Farwell  aroused  Mr. 
Johnson,  to  the  date  of  this  proclamation,  the  country  had 


350  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

undergone,  without  doubt,  the  greatest  series  of  excitements 
to  which  it  or  any  other  had  ever  been  subjected.  Incidents 
followed  each  other  so  rapidly  that  the  mind  became  almost 
morbidly  nervous  from  over  exertion.  The  dissemination 
of  the  news  of  the  murder  coming  in  the  midst  of  triumphal 
celebrations  every  where  ;  the  thousands  pouring  into 
Washington,  and  the  thousand  rumors  pouring  out  of  it ; 
the  meetings  of  condolence  like  a  universal  wail  for  the 
dead  President ;  the  meetings  of  confidence  expressing  a 
general  reliance  on  the  live  one ;  the  obsequies,  gathering 
strength  of  woe  from  city  to  city  ;  the  hunt  after  Jefferson 
Davis  and  "  cabinet ;"  the  chase  after  the  assassin  Booth 
and  his  accomplices ;  the  anxiously-looked  for  bulletins 
touching  the  futile  butchery  of  Secretary  Seward  ;  the 
raising  of  the  old  flag  on  Fort  Sumter  ;  the  capture  of  Mo 
bile  by  General  Canby  and  Commodore  Thatcher  ;  the 
groundless  fears  that  General  Sherman  had  compromised 
his  own  and  the  national  glory  in  his  armistice  with  the 
rebel  general  Joe  Johnston  ;  the  announcement  from  the 
War  Department  that "  the  murder  was  organized  in  Canada 
and  approved  in  Richmond  ;"  these  and  other  facts  and  ru 
mors  combined  to  create  and  keep  excited  an  amount  of 
popular  pride,  passion  and  patriotism,  sorrow,  hate  and 
vengeance,  humiliation,  horror  and  hope,  that  to  a  very 
great  extent  interfered  with  business  over  the  whole  country, 
and  fixed  the  eyes  of  all  on  the  action  of  the  Government. 
Men  who  lived  through  those  days,  especially  in  Wash 
ington  or  New  York,  underwent  mental  experiences  and 
developments  of  feeling  which  can  never  be  forgotten, 
The  anxious  and  tumultuous  nature  of  the  public  mind  re 
ceived  a  definite  direction  by  the  news  that  Booth  and 
Harrold  were  tracked,  the  latter  caught  and  the  former  shot 
on  the  morning  of  April  26  ;  and  the  following  announce 
ment  gave  a  refreshing  turn  to  public  sentiment : 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  351 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,    ) 
April  28,  1865—3  p.  M.  f 

"  Major-Gcneral  Dix,  New  York,— A  dispatch  from  General  Grant, 
dated  at  Raleigh,  10  A.  M.,  April  26,  just  received  by  this  depart 
ment,  states  that '  Johnston  surrendered  the  forces  in  his  command, 
embracing  all  from  here  to  Chattahoochee,  to  General  Sherman,  on 
the  basis  agreed  upon  between  Lee  and  myself  for  the  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia.' 

"EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War" 

Johnston's  was  the  last  remaining  military  organization  of 
any  account  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi. 

Throughout  the  period  thus  briefly  and  inadequately  indi 
cated,  President  Johnson  had  full  necessity  for  all  the  re 
sources  of  his  physical  and  mental  strength.  The  state  of 
affairs  demanded  all  his  thoughts  ;  the  deputations  and  public 
men  all  his  presence.  By  arduous  labor  he  satisfied  both,  and 
was  not  less  remarkable  for  the  self-reliant  courage  displayed 
by  his  frequent  and  unattended  appearance  in  public.  The 
Secretary  of  War  had  ordered  a  guard  of  soldiers  for  the 
protection  of  the  President's  temporary  residence,  but  the 
President  felt  no  danger,  or  if  he  felt,  faced  it  with  his 
usual  determination.  A  friend  meeting  him  soon  after  his 
inauguration,  and  while  the  air  was  clouded  with  threats 
and  rumors  of  treasonable  plots,  said,  "  Mr.  President,  is  it 
wise  for  you  thus  to  jeopardise  yourself?"  He  replied, "  Yes, 
I  have  already  been  shot  at  twice,  you  remember,  without 
injury.  Threatened  men  live  long." 

The  President's  old  doctrine  of  retrenchment  in  Govern 
ment  outlay  was  put  into  practice  as  soon  as  public  safety 
warranted.  Under  direction  of  the  War  Department  and 
Lieutenant-General  Grant,  the  military  reduction  amounted 
to  something  like  one  million  per  day.  Similar  measures 
of  reduction,  commenced  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher, 
were  favorably  urged  in  the  Navy  Department.  With  re 
trenchment  in  our  expenses,  the  President  desired  to  open 
up  all  available  channels  of  commerce  in  the  insurrectionary 
States. 


352  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


REMOVAL   OF   TRADE   RESTRICTIONS. 

"  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON, 
"  April  29,  1865. 

"Being  desirous  to  relievo  all  loyal  citizens  and  well-disposed 
persons  residing  in  tlie  insurrectionary  States  from  unnecessary  com 
mercial  restrictions,  and  to  encourage  them  to  return  to  peaceful 
pursuits,  it  is  hereby  ordered : 

"  First — That  all  restrictions  upon  internal,  domestic  and  coast 
wise  commercial  intercourse  be  discontinued  in  such  part  of  the 
States  of  Tennessee,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Missisippi,  and  so  much  of  Louisiana  as 
lies  east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  as  shall  be  embraced  within  the  lines 
of  the  national  military  occupation,  excepting  only  such  restrictions 
as  are  imposed  by  the  acts  of  Congress,  and  regulations  in  pursuance 
thereof  prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  approved 
by  the  President,  and  excepting  also  from  the  effect  of  this  order 
the  following  articles,  contraband  of  war,  to  wit :  Arms,  ammunition 
and  all  articles  from  which  ammunition  is  manufactured ;  gray  uni 
forms  and  cloth,  locomotives,  cars,  railroad  iron  and  machinery  for 
operating  railroads ;  telegraph  wires,  insulators  and  instruments  for 
operating  telegraph  lines. 

"  Second— All  existing  military  and  naval  orders  in  any  manner 
restricting  internal,  domestic  and  coastwise  commercial  intercourse 
and  trade  with  or  in  the  localities  above  named  be  and  the  same  are 
hereby  revoked,  and  that  no  military  or  naval  officer  in  any  man 
ner  interrupt  or  interfere  with  the  same,  or  with  any  boats  or  other 
vessels  engaged  therein  under  proper  authority  pursuant  to  the 
regulations  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 

A  delegation  of  the  Swiss  residents  of  Washington,  Bal 
timore,  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  waited  on  President 
Johnson  on  the  1st  May.  The  delegation  was  attended 
by  Colonel  Lecompte,  of  the  Swiss  army,  who  accompanied 
General  McClellan  during  the  Peninsula  campaign,  and 
was  also  with  General  Grant  at  the  capture  of  Richmond, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  for  the  Swiss  Government  such 
military  information  as  the  two  campaigns  affordcdv  The 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  353 

Swiss  Consul-General,  Mr.  Hitz,  expressed  the  sentiments 
of  the  delegation  in  the  following  address  : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT,— Your  Excellency,  no  doubt,  will  readily  ap 
preciate  why  it  is  that  the  citizens  of  Switzerland  residing  in  the 
United  States  were  unable  to  remain  passive  spectators  of  the  im 
portant  events  and  tragic  occurrences  they  have  witnessed  transpire 
during  the  past  month.  They  now  desire  me  to  express  to  you  pub 
licly  the  intense  feelings  of  sympathy  which  have  been  engendered 
in  their  hearts.  Like  all  loyal  Americans,  my  countrymen  rejoice 
over  the  recent  brilliant  successes  of  your  arms — successes  which, 
having  been  planned  with  marked  ability,  in  a  few  days  gave  the 
deathstroke  to  the  most  formidable  and  unjustifiable  rebellion  which 
history  bears  record  of.  Our  joy,  like  yours,  has  been  marred  by 
horror  at  the  odiousness  of  a  crime  unheard  of  in  the  annals  of  re 
publics.  Well  can  it  be  said  that  in  the  death  of  the  late  lamented 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  your  country  was  robbed  of  a  dear 
father,  and  thus  added  another,  and  the  most  precious,  to  the  long 
list  of  sacrifices  which  it  has  been  called  on  to  make  during  the  late 
troublous  times.  But  the  Swiss,  as  republicans,  are  proud  to  bear 
witness  to  the  fact  that  the  great  republic  of  the  United  States, 
owing  to  the  wisdom  of  her  institutions  and  to  the  energy  of  her 
people,  shows  at  the  present  moment  to  the  world  her  ability  to  pass 
unscathed  through  the  severest  calamities,  to  overcome  the  most 
manifold  trials,  and  defy  as  well  the  openly  planned  attacks  of 
anarchy,  as  also  the  secret  conspiracies  of  assassins.  A  profound  and 
general  mourning  extends  over  the  land,  but  devoid  of  those  politi 
cal  convulsions  which  would  infallibly  follow  such  events  in  many 
other  countries.  The  whole  nation  is  afflicted,  but  remains  un 
moved  and  vigilant,  the  law  inflexible,  yet  scarcely  ceased  not  an 
instant  to  reign  supreme,  and  the  great  work  which  is  being  per 
formed  continues  uninterrupted.  May  your  republic  always  over 
come  in  like  manner  such  other  trials  as  God  in  His  inscrutable 
providence  may  yet  have  in  store  for  you.  May  the  noble  victim 
whom  we  all  mourn — the  greatest  of  the  struggle — also  be  its  last, 
and  may  his  tomb  become  the  seal  to  the  restoration  of  the  Union 
on  a  more  solid  basis  than  ever  before.  The  time  is  near,  and  we 
can  already  hail  with  joy  the  national  greatness  which  shall  succeed 
all  your  trials  so  fruitful  in  results.  The  faith  in  the  final  triumph 
of  right  and  justice — faith  in  the  right  of  liberty  and  republican  in 
stitutions — will  every  where  be  strengthened.  We  cannot  terminate 
without  asking  your  Excellency  to  accept,  also,  the  expression  of 
23 


354  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

our  entire  confidence  in  your  ability  so  to  administer  your  Govern 
ment  as  to  fulfill  its  important  mission  at  home  as  well  as  abroad. 
Your  past  public  life,  already  reaffirmed  by  the  wisdom  of  your  acts 
as  Chief  Magistrate,  is  a  sure  guarantee  that  the  task  which  so  un 
expectedly  devolved  upon  you  has  fallen  into  good  hands." 

REPLY   OF   THE   PRESIDENT. 

The  reply  of  the  President  was  read  by  Mr.  Hunter,  the 
Acting  Secretary  of  State,  as  follows  : 

"MR.  CONSUL  GENERAL  HITZ, — I  thank  you  for  the  sympathy 
which  you  have  expressed  on  behalf  of  your  countrymen,  for  our 
recent  bereavement,  and  for  your  congratulations  upon  the  success 
of  our  arms.  We  can  have  no  distrust  of  the  heartiness  of  these 
feelings.  Switzerland  herself  has  had  her  trials,  and  has  been  called 
on  to  endure  sacrifices.  She  has,  however,  triumphed  over  all,  and 
her  heroism,  patience  and  self-denial  have  had  and  will  continue  to 
have  the  effect  of  strengthening  similar  qualities  in  the  people  of 
other  countries.  The  good  wishes  which  you  offer  to  me  personally, 
and  your  confidence  in  my  administration,  are  generous  and  gratify 
ing.  Trusting  that  results  may  justify  this  kindness,  I  will  add 
that  in  the  United  States  citizens  of  the  Swiss  Confederation  are 
always  welcome  either  as  guests  or  as  members  of  the  family.  My 
own  home,  Eastern  Tennessee,  whose  inhabitants  are  distinguished 
by  that  love  of  freedom  which  is  so  characteristic  of  the  Swiss  of 
the  Old  World,  is  proud  to  be  known  as  the  Switzerland  of 
America." 

MILITARY   COMMISSION   FOR   THE   TRIAL   OF   THE   ASSASSINS. 

"  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON  CITY,    ) 
Nay  1,  1865.  \ 

"  Whereas,  the  Attorney-General  of  the  United  States  hath  given 
his  opinion : 

"  '  That  the  persons  implicated  in  the  murder  of  the  late  President, 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  Hon.  Wil 
liam  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  an  alleged  conspiracy  to 
assassinate  other  officers  of  the  Federal  Government  at  Washington 
city,  and  their  aiders  and  abettors,  are  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of, 
and  legally  triable  before,  a  military  commission  :' 

"It  is  ordered:  1st,  That  the  Assistant  Adjutant-General  detail 
nine  competent  military  officers  to  serve  as  a  commission  for  the  trial 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  355 

of  said  parties,  and  that  the  Judge  Advocate-General  proceed  to  pre 
fer  charges  against  said  parties  for  the  alleged  offenses,  and  bring 
them  to  trial  before  said  military  commission  ;  that  said  trial  or  trials 
be  conducted  by  the  said  Judge  Advocate-General,  and,  as  recorder 
thereof,  in  person,  aided  by  such  assistant  or  special  judge  advocates 
as  he  may  designate,  and  that  said  trials  be  conducted  with  all  dili 
gence  consistent  with  the  ends  of  justice :  the  said  commission  to  sit 
without  regard  to  hours. 

"  3d.  That  Brevet  Major-General  Hartranft  be  assigned  to  duty  as 
special  Provost-Marshal-General  for  the  purposes  of  said  trial  and 
attendance  upon  said  commission  and  the  execution  of  its  mandates. 

"  3d.  That  the  said  commission  establish  such  order  or  rules  of 
proceeding  as  may  avoid  unnecessary  delay  and  conduce  to  the  ends 
of  justice. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 
"  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,         ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  6,  1865.    \ 

[Official  copy.] 

"W.  A.  NICHOLS,  Assistant  Adjutant- General." 

The  following  proclamation  was  issued  after  the  unani 
mous  decision  of  a  Cabinet  meeting,  and  in  pursuance  of  the 
decision  of  the  proper  legal  authority  : 

PROCLAMATION  :   REWARDS   FOR    THE    CONSPIRATORS. 

"  Whereas,  It  appears  from  evidence  in  the  Bureau  of  Military 
Justice  that  the  atrocious  murder  of  the  late  President,  Abraham 
Lincoln,  and  the  attempted  assassination  of  the  Hon.  W.  H.  Seward, 
Secretary  of  State,  were  incited,  concerted,  and  procured  by  and  be 
tween  Jefferson  Davis,  late  of  Richmond,  Ya.,  and  Jacob  Thompson, 
Clement  C.  Clay,  Beverly  Tucker,  George  N.  Sanders,  W.  C.  Cleary, 
and  other  rebels  and  traitors  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  harbored  in  Canada ;  now,  therefore,  to  the  end  that  justice 
may  be  done,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do 
offer  and  promise  for  the  arrest  of  said  persons,  or  either  of  them, 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  so  that  they  can  be  brought 
to  trial,  the  following  rewards :  One  hundred  thousand  dollars  for 
the  arrest  of  Jefferson  Davis ;  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  the 
arrest  of  Clement  C.  Clay;  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  for  the 
arrest  of  Jacob  Thompson,  late  of  Mississippi ;  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  for  the  arrest  of  George  N.  Sanders ;  twenty-five  thousand 


356  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

dollars  for  the  arrest  of  Beverly  Tucker,  and  ten  thousand  dollars  for 
the  arrest  of  William  C.  Cleary,  late  clerk  of  Clement  C.  Clay. 

"  The  Provost-Marshal-General  of  the  United  States  is  directed  to 
cause  a  description  of  said  persons,  with  notice  cf  the  above  rewards, 
to  be  published. 

u  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand, 
[L.  B.]  and  caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be 

affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  the  second  day  of  May,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five,  and 
of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  eighty- 
ninth. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 
"By  the  President  : 

"  W.  HUNTER,  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

The  Trade  regulations  were  the  subject  of  grave  consid 
eration.  The  President's  proclamation  of  the  1st  indicated 
his  desire  to  throw  open  the  Southern  States  to  the  benefits 
and  blessings  of  unrestricted  commerce.  The  Act  of  Con 
gress  of  July,  1864,  however,  was  a  barrier  to  his  purposes. 
The  Act  could  not  be  overruled  by  any  Presidential  action. 
It  must  wait  to  be  repealed  ;  but  the  cumbersome  and  har 
assing  system  instituted  by  ex-Secretary  Fessenden,  under 
the  Act,  might  be  modified  or  abrogated  in  favor  of  such 
rules  as  would  materially  lessen  and  loosen  the  fetters  on 
trade.  To  further  the  President's  views  the  following  rules 
and  regulations  were  adopted  and  promulgated  : 

"  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  May  9,  1865. 

"  With  a  view  of  carrying  out  the  purposes  of  the  Executive,  as 
expressed  in  his  Executive  Order,  bearing  date  of  April  29,  1865, 
'  To  relieve  all  loyal  citizens  and  well-disposed  persons  residing  in 
insurrectionary  States  from  unnecessary  commercial  restrictions,  and 
to  encourage  them  to  return  to  peaceful  pursuits,  the  following  regu 
lations  are  prescribed,  and  will  hereafter  govern  commercial  inter 
course  between  the  States  of  Tennessee,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Louisi 
ana  east  of  the  Mississippi  river,  heretofore  declared  in  insurrection, 
and  the  loyal  States : 

"  First. — All  commercial  transactions  under  these  regulations  shall 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSOK  357 

be  conducted  under  the  supervision  of  officers  of  customs  and  others 
acting  as  officers  of  customs. 

"  Second. — PROHIBITED  ARTICLES. — The  following  articles  are  pro 
hibited,  and  none  such  will  be  allowed  to  be  transported  to  or  within 
any  State  heretofore  declared  in  insurrection,  except  on  Government 
account,  viz :  Arms,  ammunition,  all  articles  from  which  ammunition 
is  manufactured,  gray  uniforms  and  cloth,  locomotives,  cars,  railroad 
iron,  and  machinery  for  operating  railroads,  telegraph  wires,  insula 
tors,  and  instruments  for  operating  telegraph  lines. 

"  Third.—  AMOUNTS  OF  PRODUCTS  ALLOWED  AND  PLACES  TO 
WHICH  SUCH  MAY  BE  TRANSPORTED. — It  having  been  determined 
and  agreed  upon  by  the  proper  officers  of  the  War  and  Treasury  De 
partments,  in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  section  nine  of  the 
act  of  July  2,  1864,  that  the  amount  of  goods  required  to  supply  the 
necessities  of  the  loyal  persons  residing  in  the  insurrectionary  States, 
within  the  military  lines  of  the  United  States  forces,  shall  be  an 
amount  equal  to  the  aggregate  of  the  applications  therefor,  and  that 
the  places  to  which  such  goods  may  be  taken  shall  be  all  places  in 
such  lines  that  may  be  named  in  the  several  applications  for  trans 
portation  thereto,  it  is  therefore  directed  that  clearance  shall  be 
granted,  on  application  by  any  loyal  citizen,  for  all  goods  not  pro 
hibited,  in  such  amounts  and  to  such  places  which,  under  the  reve 
nue  and  collection  laws  of  the  United  States,  have  been  created  ports 
of  entry  and  delivery  in  coastwise  trade,  as  the  applicant  may  de 
sire. 

"  Fourth. — CLEARANCE. — Before  any  vessel  shall  be  cleared  for  any 
port  within  the  insurrectionary  States,  or  from  one  port  to  another 
therein,  or  from  any  such  ports  to  a  port  in  the  loyal  States,  the  mas 
ter  of  every  such  vessel  shall  present  to  the  proper  officer  of  customs 
a  manifest  of  her  cargo,  which  manifest  shall  set  forth  the  character 
of  the  merchandise  composing  said  cargo,  and,  if  showing  no  pro 
hibited  articles,  shall  be  certified  by  such  officer  of  customs. 

"Fifth. — ARRIVAL  AND  DISCHARGE  OF  CARGO  IN  AN  INSURREC 
TIONARY  STATE. — On  the  arrival  of  any  such  vessel  at  the  port  of 
destination,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  master  thereof  forthwith  to 
present  to  the  proper  officer  of  the  customs  the  certified  manifest  of 
her  cargo,  whereupon  the  officer  shall  cause  the  vessel  to  be  dis 
charged  under  his  general  supervision,  and  if  the  cargo  is  found  to 
correspond  with  the  manifest  a  certificate  to  that  effect  shall  be  given 
to  the  master.  If  there  shall  be  found  any  prohibited  articles  they 
shall  be  seized  and  held  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  the  officer  shall  forthwith  report  to  the  Department  all 


358  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  facts  of  the  case ;  and  any  such  vessel  arriving  from  any  foreign 
port,  or  from  any  domestic  port,  without  a  proper  clearance,  or  with 
contraband  articles,  shall,  with  the  cargo,  be  seized  and  held  as  sub 
ject  to  confiscation  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

"  Sixth. — LADING  WITHIN  AND  DEPARTURE  FROM  AN  INSURREC 
TIONARY  STATE. — Vessels  in  ports  within  an  insurrectionary  State 
not  declared  open  to  the  commerce  of  the  world  shall  be  laden  under 
the  supervision  of  the  proper  officer  of  this  Department,  whose  duty 
it  shall  be  to  require  before  any  articles  are  allowed  to  be  shipped 
satisfactory  evidence  that  upon  all  merchandise  the  taxes  and  fees 
required  by  law  and  these  regulations  have  been  paid,  or  secured  to 
be  paid,  which  fact,  with  the  amount  so  paid,  shall  be  certified  upon 
the  manifest.  No  clearance  shall  be  granted.  If  upon  any  article  so 
shipped  the  fees  and  internal  revenue  taxes  or  either  shall  only  have 
been  secured  to  be  paid,  such  facts  shall  be  noted  upon  the  manifest, 
and  the  proper  officer  at  the  port  of  destination  of  such  vessel  shall 
hold  the  goods  till  all  such  taxes  and  fees  shall  be  paid  according  to 
law  and  these  regulations. 

"Seventh. — SUPPLY  STORES. — Persons  desiring  to  keep  a  supply 
store  at  any  place  within  an  insurrectionary  State  shall  make  applica 
tion  therefor  to  the  nearest  officer  of  the  Treasury  Department,  which 
application  shall  set  forth  that  the  applicant  is  loyal  to  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States ;  and  upon  being  convinced  of  such  loyalty 
a  license  for  such  supply  store  shall  forthwith  be  granted,  and  the 
person  to  whom  the  license  is  given  shall  be  authorized  to  purchase 
goods  at  any  other  supply  store  within  the  insurrectionary  States,  or 
at  such  other  point  as  he  may  select.  The  party  receiving  such  license 
shall  pay  therefor  the  license  fee  prescribed  by  the  Internal  Revenue 
law. 

"  Eighth. — EXEMPTED  ARTICLES. — All  articles  of  local  production 
and  consumption,  such  as  fruits,  butter,  ice,  eggs,  meat,  wood,  coal, 
etc.,  may,  without  fee  or  restriction,  be  freely  transported  and  sold  at 
8uch  points,  in  an  insurrectionary  State  as  the  owner  may  desire. 

"  Ninth.  —  SHIPMENT  OF  PRODUCE  OF  AN  INSURRECTIONARY 
STATE.— All  cotton  not  produced  by  persons  with  their  own  labor  or 
with  the  labor  of  freedmen  or  others  employed  and  paid  by  them 
must,  before  shipment  to  any  port  or  place  in  a  loyal  State,  be  sold 
to  and  resold  by  an  officer  of  the  Government  especially  appointed 
for  the  purpose  under  regulations  prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  approved  by  the  President ;  and  before  allowing  any 
cotton  or  other  product  to  be  shipped,  or  granting  clearance  for  any 
vessel,  the  proper  customs  officer  or  other  persons  acting  as  such  must 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  359 

require  from  the  purchasing  agent  or  the  internal  revenue  officer  a 
certificate  that  the  cotton  proposed  to  be  shipped  has  been  resold  by 
him,  or  that  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the  value  thereof  has  been  paid 
to  such  purchasing  agent  in  money,  and  that  the  cotton  is  thereby 
free  from  further  fee  or  tax.  If  the  cotton  proposed  to  be  shipped  is 
claimed  and  proved  to  be  the  product  of  a  person's  own  labor,  or  of 
freedmen  or  others  employed  and  paid  by  them,  the  officer  will  re 
quire  that  the  shipping  fee  of  three  cents  per  pound  shall  be  paid  or 
secured  to  be  paid  thereon.  If  any  product  other  than  cotton  is 
offered  for  shipment  the  certificate  of  the  internal  revenue  officer  that 
all  internal  taxes  due  thereon  have  been  collected  and  paid  must  be 
produced  prior  to  such  products  being  shipped  or  cleared,  and  if 
there  is  no  internal  revenue  officer  then  such  taxes  shall  be  collected 
by  the  customs  officer,  or  he  shall  cause  the  same  to  be  secured  to  be 
paid,  provided  in  these  regulations. 

"  Tenth. — INLAND  TRANSPORTATION. — The  provisions  of  these  reg 
ulations,  necessarily  modified,  shall  be  considered  applicable  to  all 
shipments  inland  to  or  within  the  insurrectionary  States  by  any 
means  of  transportation  whatsoever. 

"  Efaenth. — CHARGES. — Goods  not  prohibited  may  be  transported 
to  insurrectionary  States  free.  The  charges  upon  all  products  ship 
ped  or  transported  from  an  insurrectionary  State,  other  than  upon 
cotton,  shall  be  the  charges  prescribed  by  the  internal  revenue  laws. 
Upon  cotton,  other  than  that  purchased  and  resold  by  the  Govern 
ment,  three  cents  per  pound,  which  must  be  credited  by  the  officer 
collecting  as  follows,  viz :  Two  cents  per  pound  as  the  shipping  fee. 
All  cotton  purchased  and  resold  by  the  Government  shall  be  allowed 
to  be  transported  free  from  all  fees  and  taxes  whatsoever. 

"  Twelfth. — RECORDS  TO  BE  KEPT. — Full  and  complete  accounts 
and  records  must  be  kept  by  all  officers  acting  under  these  regula 
tions  of  their  transactions  under  them,  in  such  manner  and  form  as 
shall  be  prescribed  by  the  Commissioner  of  Customs. 

"  Thirteenth. — LOYALTY  A  REQUISITE. —No  goods  shall  be  sold  in 
an  insurrectionajy  State  by  or  to,  nor  any  transportation  held  with? 
any  person  or  persons  not  loyal  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  Proof  of  loyalty  must  be  the  taking  and  subscribing  the  fol 
lowing  oath  or  evidence,  to  be  filed,  that  it,  or  one  similar  in  purport 

and  meaning  has  been  taken,  viz  :  I,  ,  do  solemnly  swear,  in 

presence  of  Almighty  God,  that  I  will  henceforth  faithfully  support, 
protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  all 
laws  made  in  pursuance  thereto. 

"Fourteenth. — FORMER   REGULATIONS  REVOKED. — These  regula- 


360  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

tions  shall  take  effect  and  be  in  force  on  and  after  the  10th  day  of 
May,  1865,  and  shall  supersede  all  other  regulations  and  circulars 
heretofore  prescribed  by  the  Treasury  Department  concerning  com 
mercial  intercourse  between  loyal  and  insurrectionary  States,  all  of 
which  are  hereby  rescinded  and  annulled. 

"  HUGH  McCULLOCH,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury:'' 

APPROVED   BY   THE   PRESIDENT. 

"EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON,  May  9,  1865. 
"  The  foregoing  rules  and  regulations  concerning  commercial  inter 
course  with  and  in  States  and  parts  of  States  declared  in  insurrection, 
prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  conformity  with  the 
acts  of  Congress  relating  thereto,  having  been  seen  and  considered 

by  me,  are  hereby  approved. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 

Under  the  same  date,  the  following  important  Executive 
orders  were  issued  on 

THE  RESTORATION   OP   VIRGINIA. 

"  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON  CITY,   ) 
May  9,  1865.  f 

"  ORDERED— First :  That  all  acts  and  proceedings  of  the  political, 
military  and  civil  organizations  which  have  been  in  a  state  of  insur 
rection  and  rebellion  within  the  State  of  Virginia  against  the  author 
ity  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  of  which  Jefferson  Davis, 
John  Letcher  and  William  Smith  were  late  the  respective  chiefs,  are 
declared  null  and  void.  All  persons  who  shall  exercise,  claim,  pre 
tend,  or  attempt  to  exercise  any  political,  military  or  civil  power, 
authority,  jurisdiction,  or  right,  by,  through,  or  under  Jefferson 
Davis,  late  of  the  City  of  Richmond,  and  his  confederates,  or  under 
John  Letcher  or  William  Smith  and  their  confederates,  or  under  any 
pretended  political,  military,  or  civil  commission  or  authority  issued 
by  them  or  either  of  them  since  the  17th  day  of  April,  1851,  shall 
be  deemed  and  taken  as  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  and 
shall  be  dealt  with  accordingly. 

"  See-on d That  the  Secretary  of  State  proceed  to  put  in  force  all 

laws  of  the  United  States,  the  administration  whereof  belongs  to  the 
Department  of  State,  applicable  to  the  geographical  limits  aforesaid. 

«  Third— Thai  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  proceed,  without  delay, 
to  nominate  for  appointment  assessors  of  taxes  and  collectors  of  cus- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  361 

toms  and  internal  revenue,  and  such  other  officers  of  the  Treasury 
Department  as  are  authorized  by  law,  and  shall  put  in  execution  the 
revenue  laws  of  the  United  States  within  the  geographical  limits 
aforesaid.  In  making  appointments,  the  preference  shall  be  given  to 
qualified  loyal  persons  residing  within  the  districts  where  their  re 
spective  duties  are  to  be  performed.  But  if  suitable  persons  shall 
not  be  found  residents  of  the  districts,  then  persons  residing  in 
other  States  or  districts  shall  be  appointed. 

"Fourth — That  the  Postmaster-General  shall  proceed  to  establish 
Post-offices  and  post  routes,  and  put  into  execution  the  postal  laws 
of  the  United  States,  within  the  said  States,  giving  to  loyal  residents 
the  preference  of  appointment ;  but  if  suitable  persons  are  not  found, 
then  to  appoint  agents,  etc.,  from  other  States. 

"  Fifth— That  the  District  Judge  of  said  district  proceed  to  hold 
courts  within  said  State,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the 
acts  of  Congress.  The  Attorney-General  will  instruct  the  proper 
officers  to  libel,  and  bring  to  judgment,  confiscation,  and  sale,  prop 
erty  subject  to  confiscation,  and  enforce  the  administration  of  justice 
within  said  State,  in  all  matters  civil  and  criminal  within  the  cog 
nizances  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts. 

"  Sixth — That  the  Secretary  of  War  assign  such  Assistant  Provost- 
Marshal-General,  and  such  Provost-Marshals  in  each  district  of  said 
State  as  he  may  deem  necessary. 

"  Seventh— The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  will  take  possession  of  all 
public  property  belonging  to  the  Navy  Department  within  said 
geographical  limits,  and  put  in  operation  all  acts  of  Congress  in  re 
lation  to  naval  affairs  having  application  to  the  said  State. 

"  Eighth — The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  will  also  put  in  force  the 
laws  relating  to  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 

"  Ninth — That  to  carry  into  effect  the  guarantee  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  of  a  Republican  form  of  government,  and  afford  the  advan 
tage  and  security  of  domestic  laws,  as  well  as  to  complete  the 
re-establishment  of  the  authority  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  full  and  complete  restoration  of  peace  within  the  limits 
aforesaid,  Francis  H.  Pierpont,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Virginia, 
will  be  aided  by  the  Federal  Government,  so  far  as  may  be  necessary, 
in  the  lawful  measures  which  he  may  take  for  the  extension  and  ad 
ministration  of  the  State  Government  throughout  the  geographical 
limits  of  said  State. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
P          -,  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed, 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
"  By  the  President  : 

"  W.  HUNTER,  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 
16 


362  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

On  the  next  day  the  President  issued  his  Proclamation, 
announcing  the  virtual  close  of  the  rebellion,  and  declaring 
that  the  vessels  of  all  foreign  Governments  extending  hos 
pitality  to  insurgent  cruisers  will  be  refused  hospitality  in 
all  ports  of  the  United  States. 

PROCLAMATION. — CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 

"  Whereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States,  by  his  proclama 
tion  of  the  nineteenth  day  of  April,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-one,  did  declare  certain  States  therein  mentioned  in  insurrec 
tion  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States: 

"And  whereas  armed  resistance  to  the  authority  of  this  Govern 
ment,  in  the  said  insurrectionary  States  may  be  regarded  as  virtually 
at  an  end,  and  the  persons  by  whom  that  resistance,  as  well  as  the 
operations  of  insurgent  cruisers,  were  directed,  are  fugitives  or  cap 
tives  : 

"  And  whereas  it  is  understood  that  some  of  those  cruisers  are  still 
infesting  the  high  seas,  and  others  are  preparing  to  capture,  burn, 
and  destroy  vessels  of  the  United  States : 

u  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known,  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  hereby  enjoin  all  naval,  military,  and 
civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  diligently  to  endeavor,  by  all 
lawful  means,  to  arrest  the  said  cruisers,  and  to  bring  them  into 
a  port  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  they  may  be  prevented 
from  committing  further  depredations  on  commerce,  and  that  the 
persons  on  board  of  them  may  no  longer  enjoy  impunity  for  their 
crimes. 

"  And  I  further  proclaim  and  declare,  that  if,  after  a  reasonable 
time  shall  have  elapsed  for  this  proclamation  to  become  known  in 
the  ports  of  nations  claiming  to  have  been  neutrals,  the  said  insur 
gent  cruisers,  and  the  persons  on  board  of  them,  shall  continue  to 
receive  hospitality  in  the  said  ports,  this  Government  will  deem 
itself  justified  in  refusing  hospitality  to  the  public  vessels  of  such 
nations  in  ports  of  the  United  States,  and  in  adopting  such  other 
measures  as  may  be  deemed  advisable  toward  vindicating  the 
national  sovereignty. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  tenth  day  of  May,  in  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  363 

year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five,  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  tlie  eighty-ninth. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  By  the  President  : 
"  W.  HUNTER,  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

On  the  llth  May,  the  President  admitted  to  audience  a 
number  of  colored  pastors  and  others,  who  were  introduced 
by  Rev.  E.  Turner,  President  of  the  National  Theological 
Institute  for  colored  ministers.  Mr.  Turner  addressed  the 
President,  and  presented  a  copy  of  resolutions,  expressing, 
among  other  things,  their  gratitude  for  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation. 

In  reply,  President  Johnson  thought  it  almost  unnecessary 
to  repeat  what  his  views  and  course  had  been  in  relation  to 
the  colored  man.  It  was  known  that  he  was  born  and  raised 
in  a  slave  State,  and  had  owned  slaves  ;  but  had  never  sold 
one.  They  were  now  all  free.  Referring  to  the  difference 
in  the  responsibility  which  persons  who  reside  in  the  slave 
States  have  to  take  on  the  subject  of  emancipation  from 
those  who  reside  out  of  them,  he  said  it  was  very  easy  for 
men  who  live  beyond  their  borders,  to  get  up  a  sympathy 
and  talk  about  the  condition  of  colored  persons  when  they 
knew  nothing  about  it.  Their  great  sympathy  was  not 
reduced  to  practice.  It  was  known  that  there  were  men  in 
the  South,  notwithstanding  the  two  classes  once  occupied 
the  position  of  master  and  servant,  who  felt  a  deep  interest 
in  their  welfare,  and  did  mucli  to  ameliorate  the  condition 
of  the  freedmen.  He  repeated  that  it  would  be  unnecessary 
for  him  to  make  a  profession  of  what  he  had  done  on  the 
subject  of  emancipation,  for  which  he  had  met  with  taunts, 
frowns  and  jibes,  and  incurred  all  kinds  of  dangers  to  pro 
perty,  life  and  limb.  He  claimed  no  merit  for  this,  because 
he  was  only  carrying  out  the  principles  he  always  enter 
tained,  namely  that  man  could  not  hold  property  in  man. 
He  was  the  first  who  stood  in  a  slave  community  and  an- 


364  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

nounced  the  fact  that  the  slaves  of  the  State  of  Tennessee 
had  as  much  right  to  be  free  as  those  who  claimed  them  as 
their  property.  When  the  tyrant's  rod  is  bent,  and  the 
yoke  broken,  the  passing  from  one  extreme  to  the  other,  from 
bondage  to  freedom,  is  difficult,  and  in  this  transition  state 
some  think  they  have  nothing  to  do  but  fall  back  upon  the 
Government  for  support  in  order  that  they  may  be  taken 
care  of  in  idleness  and  debauchery.  There  was  an  idea 
which  those  whom  he  addressed  ought  to  inculcate,  namely, 
that  freedom  simply  means  liberty  to  work  and  to  enjoy  the 
product  of  a  man's  own  toil,  and  how  much  he  may  put  into 
his  stomach  and  on  his  back.  He  meant  this  in  its  most 
extensive  sense.  Gentlemen  in  Congress  and  people  of  the 
North  and  South  talk  about  Brigham  Young  and  debauchery 
of  various  kinds  existing  among  the  Mormons,  but  it  was 
known  that  four  millions  of  people  within  the  limits  of  the 
South  have  always  been  in  open  and  notorious  concubinage. 
The  correction  of  these  things  is  necessary  in  commencing  a 
reform  in  the  social  condition,  and  in  this  there  must  be  a 
force  of  example.  He  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure 
their  protection  and  ameliorate  their  condition.  He  trusted 
in  God  the  time  may  come  when  all  the  colored  people  may 
be  gathered  together  in  one  country  best  adapted  to  their 
condition,  if  it  should  appear  that  they  could  not  get  along 
well  together  with  the  whites.  He  expressed  the  hope  that 
the  efforts  for  their  social  and  moral  improvement  would  be 
successful,  and  in  this  he  promised  his  co-operation  ;  and  in 
conclusion  he  thanked  his  audience  for  their  manifestations 
of  kindness  and  the  evidences  of  their  friendship. 

On  the  13th  May  the  new  French  Minister  (Marquis  de 
Montholon)  was  presented  to  President  Johnson,  when  the 
following  official  courtesies  were  exchanged.  The  Marquis 
said : 

"  Mr.  President, — I  have  the  honor  to  place  in  your  hand  the  letter 
of  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  which  accredits  me  in  the  character 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  365 

of  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  near  yom 
Excellency.  If  I  seek  for  what  may  have  determined  his  Imperial 
Majesty  to  give  me  this  distinguished  mark  of  his  confidence,  I  can 
attribute  it  only  to  the  recollection  of  the  ties  which  already  attach 
me  to  this  country.  The  personal  relations  which  I  have  previously 
contracted  in  it  during  a  long  sojourn,  and  the  sympathies  of  which 
I  am  proud  to  have  received  numerous  proofs,  have  made  me  ap 
pear,  without  doubt,  better  prepared  than  another  to  serve  as  the 
interpreter  of  the  sentiment  which  animates  the  Imperial  Govern 
ment  towards  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States.  In 
fact,  glorious  traditions,  the  importance  whereof  we  maintain  with 
pride,  do  not  permit  that  France  should  ever  be  indifferent  to  the 
destinies  of  this  great  republic.  Immense  interests,  which  every 
day  develop  themselves  more  fully,  will  draw  together  more  and 
more  closely  this  noble  and  ancient  alliance.  I  am  happy  to  bring, 
rather  on  a  solemn  occasion,  the  loyal  and  frank  expression  of  the 
wishes  which  the  Emperor,  niy  august  sovereign,  forms  for  the  com 
plete  restoration  of  peace  and  concord  on  the  continent  of  America. 
The  whole  of  France  participates  in  the  same  thought,  and  will 
always  view  with  satisfaction  the  consolidation  of  the  prosperity 
and  greatness  of  the  United  States.  Animated  by  the  sentiments 
of  deep  sympathy  with  the  American  Union,  their  Imperial  Majesties 
and  France  share  equally  with  the  whole  nation  in  the  grief  which 
the  most  atrocious  of  crimes  has  just  plunged  the  Government  and 
people  of  the  United  States.'' 

The  President  replied  : 

"  M.  Le  Marquis  de  Montholon, — I  cannot  forbear  to  welcome  as 
the  diplomatic  representative  of  France  a  gentleman  who  claims  to 
be  strongly  attached  to  the  United  States  by  those  ties  incident  to 
family  connection  and  long  previous  official  residence  in  this  coun 
try,  to  which  you  so  gracefully  allude.  The  intimacy  with  the 
the  head  of  your  own  Government,  which  has  resulted  from  well- 
known  antecedents,  cannot  fail  to  impart,  perhaps,  universal  con 
fidence  to  your  representations  in  respect  to  his  purposes  and  policy 
with  reference  to  the  United  States.  The  people  of  this  country 
have  a  traditional  regard  for  France,  which  was  originally  so  deeply 
planted,  and  has  been  so  universally  and  warmly  cherished  that  it 
must  continue  to  furnish  and  expand,  unless  it  should  be  checked 
by  events  most  uncommon,  and  not  to  be  anticipated  by  ordinary 
foresight,  I  trust  that  the  result  of  your  mission  will  be  to  strength 
en  and  perpetuate  the  good  understanding  between  our  two  Gov- 


366  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

ernments,  and  that  perfect  peace  may  be  restored  on  the  American 
continent  pursuant  to  these  wishes  of  your  Sovereign  to  which  you 
refer.  I  oifer  you  my  hearty  thanks  for  the  sympathy  which  you 
express  in  behalf  of  their  Imperial  Majesties,  for  the  recent  tragical 
events  in  this  metropolis." 

On  the  13th  also  a  dispatch  was  received  at  the  War 
Department  from  Brevet  Major-General  J.  H.  Wilson,  dated 
Macon,  Ga.,  May  12th,  11  A.  M.,  reporting  that  at  daylight 
of  the  10th  instant  Colonel  Pritcbard,  commanding  Fourth 
Michigan  cavalry,  surprised  and  captured  Jeff.  Davis  and 
family,  with  J.  EL  Reagan,  "  Postmaster-General,"  and  others. 
A  later  dispatch  from  the  same  officer  gives  the  incidents 
following  the  surprise  : 

"  The  captors  report  that  he  hastily  put  on  one  of  his  wife's  dresses 
and  started  for  the  woods,  closely  followed  by  our  men,  who  at  first 
thought  him  a  woman,  but  seeing  his  boots  while  he  was  running, 
they  suspected  his  sex  at  once.  The  race  was  a  short  one,  and  the 
rebel  President  was  soon  brought  to  bay.  He  brandished  a  bowie 
knife  and  showed  signs  of  battle,  but  yielded  promptly  to  the  per 
suasions  of  Colt's  revolvers  without  compelling  the  men  to  fire.  He 
expressed  great  indignation  at  the  energy  with  which  he  was  pur 
sued,  saying  that  he  had  believed  our  Government  were  too  magnani 
mous  to  hunt  down  women  and  children.  Mrs.  Davis  remarked  to 
Colonel  Harden,  after  the  excitement  was  over,  that  the  men  had  bet 
ter  not  provoke  the  President,  or  '  he  might  hurt  some  of  'em.'  Eea- 
gan  behaves  himself  with  dignity  and  resignation.  The  party,  evi 
dently,-  were  making  for  the  coast. 

"J.  H.  WILSON,  Brevet  Major-General." 

General  Wilson  had  previously,  by  dispatch  of  the  8th, 
announced  the  surrender  of  the  rebel  General  Dick  Taylor. 
Prominent  civil  and  military  leaders  of  the  rebellion  were 
being  captured  or  surrendered  themselves  at  various  points — 
among  them  A.  H.  Stephens,  Vice-President  of  the  "  Con 
federacy  " — acknowledging  the  utter  failure  of  their  attempt 
at  secession.  The  War  Department  issued  an  order  declar 
ing  that  all  the  forces  of  the  enemy  east  of  the  Mississippi 
river  having  been  duly  surrendered,  under  agreements  of 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  367 

parole  and  disbandment,  and  there  being  no  authorized 
troops  of  the  enemy  east  of  the  Mississippi  river,  all  persons 
found  in  arms  against  the  United  States,  or  who  committed 
acts  of  hostility  against  it  east  of  the  Mississippi  river,  from 
and  after  June  1st,  would  be  regarded  as  guerrillas  and  pun 
ished  with  death.  Major-General  Philip  H.  Sheridan  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  all  the  troops  west  of  the  Mis 
sissippi.  The  work  of  reconstruction  therefore  presented 
itself  with  still  greater  force  on  the  Administration,*  and 
will  be  mainly  illustrated  by  the  following  documents  : 

OPENING   OF   TRADE — BELLIGERENT   RIGHTS   DISAVOWED. 

"  Whereas,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President,  of  the  llth  day 
cf  April  last,  certain  ports  of  the  United  States  therein  specified, 
which  had  previously  been  subject  to  blockade,  were,  for  objects  of 
public  safety,  declared,  in  conformity  with  previous  special  legisla 
tion  of  Congress,  to  be  closed  against  foreign  commerce  during  the 
national  will,  to  be  thereafter  expressed  and  made  known  by  the 
President :  ' 

"  And  whereas,  events  and  circumstances  have  since  occurred  which, 
in  my  judgment,  render  it  expedient  to  remove  that  restriction,  ex 
cept  as  to  the  ports  of  Galveston,  La  Salle,  Brazos  de  Santiago,  Point 
Isabel  and  Brownsville,  in  the  State  of  Texas : 

•  "  Now,  therefore,  be  it  know,  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  declare  that  the  ports  aforesaid, 
not  excepted  as  above,  shall  be  open  to  foreign  commerce  from  and 
after  the  1st  day  of  July  next ;  that  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
said  ports  may  from  that  time  be  carried  on  subject  to  the  laws  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  pursuance  of  such  regulations  as  may  be 
prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  If,  however,  any  vessel 
from  a  foreign  port  shall  enter  any  of  the  before-named  excepted 
ports  in  the  State  of  Texas,  she  will  continue  to  be  held  liable  to  the 
penalties  prescribed  by  the  act  of  Congress,  approved  on  the  13th 
day  of  July,  1861,  and  the  persons  on  board  of  her  to  such  penalties 
as  may  be  incurred  pursuant  to  the  laws  of  war  for  trading  or  at 
tempting  to  trade  with  an  enemy. 

"  And  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  do  hereby  declare  and  make  known  that  the  United  States 

*  On  the  15th  the  Hon.  Mr.  Usher,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  retired  and  was 
succeeded  by  Hou.  James  Harlan,  formerly  United  States  Senator  from  Iowa. 


368  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

of  America  do  henceforth  disavow  to  all  persons  trading  or  attempt 
ing  to  trade  in  any  of  the  United  States  in  violation  of  the  laws 
thereof,  all  pretense  of  belligerent  rights  and  privileges ;  and  I  give 
notice,  from  the  date  of  this  proclamation,  all  such  offenders  will  be 
held  and  dealt  with  as  pirates. 

"  It  is  also  ordered  that  all  restrictions  upon  trade  heretofore  im 
posed  in  the  territory  of  the  United  States  east  of  the  Mississippi 
river,  save  those  relating  to  contraband  of  war,  to  the  reservation  of 
the  rights  of  the  United  States,  to  property  purchased  in  the  territory 
of  an  enemy,  and  to  the  twenty-five  per  cent,  upon  purchases  of  cot 
ton,  are  removed.  All  provisions  of  the  Internal  Revenue  law  will 
be  carried  into  effect  under  the  proper  officer. 
"  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 
"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  twenty-second  day  of  May,  in 

the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five, 

and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  the 

eighty-ninth. 
"  By  the  President :  "  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

W.  HUNTEH,  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

On  the  22d  of  May  President  Johnson  declined  to  receive 
a  fine  carriage,  span  of  horses,  and  suitable  equipments  from 
a  number  of  prominent  citizens  of  New  York,  having-  ever 
held  it  to  be  the  duty  of  those  occupying  high  official  posi 
tions  to  decline  such  offerings.  On  the  23d  the  grand  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  under  Major-General  Meade,  and  Major- 
General  Sheridan's  invincible  cavalry,  were  reviewed  by  the 
President,  attended  by  the  Cabinet,  Generals  Grant  and 
Sherman,  the  diplomatic  corps  and  a  vast  multitude  of  spec 
tators  from  all  parts  of  the  United  States.  On  the  next  day 
General  Sherman's  command,  the  Armies  of  Tennessee  and 
Georgia,  were  reviewed  amid  equal  demonstrations  of  en 
thusiasm  and  delight.  On  both  days  the  paths  of  the  favorite 
and  successful  generals  were  strewn  with  flowers,  and  the 
soldiers  welcomed  with  boundless  joy.  President  Johnson, 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  Generals  Grant,  Sherman  and 
Meade  were  frequently  compelled  to  rise  and  bow  their 
acknowledgments. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  369 

The  President  removed  his  office  to  the  White  House  on 
the  25th,  where  he  received  a  visit  from  Secretary  Seward, 
supported  by  two  servants  and  accompanied  by  his  daugh 
ters. 

A  dispatch  from  General  Canby,  dated  New  Orleans, 
May  26,  announcing  the  conclusion  of  "  arrangements  for 
the  surrender  "  of  Kirby  Smith's  forces  in  the  Trans-Missis 
sippi  having  been  received,  the  President  issued  the  follow 
ing  order  : 

"  WASHINGTON,  Saturday,  May  27. 

"  The  following  order  has  just  been  issued  from  the  War  Depart 
ment: 

"  That  in  all  cases  of  sentences  by  military  tribunals  of  imprison 
ment  during  the  war,  the  sentence  be  remitted,  and  that  the  prisoners 
be  discharged. 

"  The  Adjutant-General  will  issue  immediately  the  necessary  in 
structions  to  carry  this  order  into  effect. 
"  By  order  of  the  President. 

(Signed)  EDWIN"  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  TFar." 
24 


CHAPTER    XXII. 


RECONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES. 

AMNESTY  Proclamation  —  Reconstruction  Policy —  The  President  and  the  Sim- 
day-school  Children  —  Provisional  Governors  for  North  Carolina  and  Mis 
sissippi—Further  Removal  of  Trade  Restrictions  —  A  Deputation  of  Col 
ored  Men  from  Virginia  —  Provisional  Governors  for  Georgia,  Texas  and 
Alabama  —  All  Trade  Restrictions  removed  —  Interesting  Interview  of 
South  Carolinians  with  the  President  —  Plain  Talk  —  Negro  Suffrage  :  who 
would  control  the  Negro  vote?  —  Position  and  Desires  of  South  Carolina  — 
The  Twenty-thousand  Dollar  Clause  in  the  Amnesty  Proclamation  —  Pro 
visional  Governor  for  South  Carolina  —  Ill-health  of  the  President  —  Get- 
tysburgh  Letter  —  Approves  the  Sentences  on  the  Assassination  Conspira 
tors —  Virginia  Merchants  wish  the  Twenty-thousand  Dollar  Exceptions 
removed;  the  President's'Views  on  the  subject  —  Provisional  Governor  for 
Florida  —  Interview  with  Couth  Carolina  Delegation;  Governor  Perry's 
account  to  Governor  Brownlow  —  Attorney-General's  Opinion  on  Legality 
of  the  Military  Tribunal  —  Secretary  of  Interior's  Decision  on  Homestead 
Law  —  Appointments  to  the  Port  of  New  York— Interview  with  Pardon- 
seekers  —  Conclusion. 

ALL  organized  means  of  military  resistance  to  the  supre 
macy  of  the  United  States  Government  flag  were  now  ter 
minated  ;  and  President  Johnson  immediately  followed  up 
the  announcement  by  two  most  important  documents  on 
the  29th_o|_May — the  Amnesty  Proclamation  and  the  Pro 
clamation  appointing  a  Provisional  Government  for  the 
State  of  North  Carolina  ;  and  indicating  the  reconstruction 
or  restoration  policy  to  be  pursued  by  him  towards  the 
lately  insurgent  States. 

AMNESTY. 

Proclamation  ~by  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
"  Whereas,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  on  the  eighth  day 
of  December,  A.  D.  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  on  the 
(370) 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  371 

twenty-sixth  day  of  March,  A.  D.  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty-four, 
did,  with  the  object  to  suppress  the  existing  rebellion,  to  induce  all 
persons  to  return  to  their  loyalty  and  to  restore  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  issue  proclamations  offering  amnesty  and  pardon  to 
certain  persons  who  had,  directly  or  by  implication,  participated  in 
the  said  rebellion ;  and 

"  Whereas  many  persons,  who  had  so  engaged  in  said  rebellion, 
have  since  the  issuance  of  said  proclamation  failed  or  neglected  to 
take  the  benefits  offered  thereby ;  and 

"  Whereas,  many  persons,  who  have  been  justly  deprived  of  all 
claim  to  amnesty  and  pardon  thereunder  by  reason  of  their  partici 
pation,  directly  or  by  implication,  in  said  rebellion  and  continued 
hostility  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  since  the  date  of 
said  proclamation,  now  desire  to  apply  for  and  obtain  amnesty  and 
pardon ; 

"  To  the  end,  therefore,  that  the  authority  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  may  be  restored,  and  that  peace,  order  and  freedom 
may  be  established,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  proclaim  and  declare  that  I  hereby  grant  to  all  persons 
who  have  directly  or  indirectly  participated  in  the  existing  rebellion, 
except  as  hereinafter  excepted,  amnesty  and  pardon,  with  restora 
tion  of  all  rights  of  property,  except  as  to  slaves,  and  except  in  cases 
where  legal  proceedings,  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States  pro 
viding  for  the  confiscation  of  property  of  persons  engaged  in  rebel 
lion,  have  been  instituted,  but  on  the  condition,  nevertheless,  that 
every  such  person  shall  take  and  subscribe  the  following  oath  or 
affirmation,  and  thenceforward  keep  and  maintain  said  oath  invio 
late,  and  which  oath  shall  be  registered  for  permanent  preservation, 
and  shall  be  of  the  tenor  and  effect  following,  to  wit : 

"I  -  — ,  do  solemnly  swear  or  affirm,  in  presence  of  Almighty 

God,  that  I  will  henceforth  faithfully  support  and  defend  the  consti 
tution  of  the  United  States  and  the  Union  of  the  States  thereunder, 
and  that  I  will,  in  like  manner,  abide  by  and  faithfully  support  all 
laws  and  proclamations  which  have  been  made  during  the  existing 
rebellion  with  reference  to  the  emancipationof  slaves.  So  help  me  God. 

"  The  following  classes  of  persons  are  excepted  from  the  benefits 
of  this  proclamation : 

"  First — All  who  are,  or  shall  have  been,  pretende<3y»GLLor  diplo 
matic  officers  or  otherwise,  domestic  or  foreign  agents  of  the  pre 
tended  Confederate  government. 

"  Second— All  who  left  judicial jsjtations  under  the  United  States 
to  aid  the  rebellion. 


372  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

*-#  Third — All  who  have  been  military  or  naval  officers  of  said  pre 
tended  Confederate  government  above  the  rank  of  colonel  in  the 
army  or  lieutenant  in  the  navy. 

"  Fourth — All  who  left  seats  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
to  aid  the  rebellion. 

"  Fifth—All  who  resigned  or  tendered  resignations  of  their  com 
missions  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  United  States  to  evade  duty  in 
resisting  the  rebellion. 

"  Sixth — All  who  have  engaged  in  any  way  in  treating  otherwise 
than  lawfully  as  prisoners  of  war  persons  found  in  the  United  States 
service,  as  officers,  soldiers,  seamen,  or  in  other  capacities. 

"Seventh — All  persons  who  have  been  or  are  absentees  from  the 
United  States  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  rebellion. 

"  Eighth — All  military  and  naval  officers  in  the  rebel  service  who 
were  educated  by  the  Government  in  the  Military  Academy  at  West 
Point,  or  the  United  States  Naval  Academy. 

"  Ninth — All  persons  who  held  the  pretended  offices  of  Governors 
of  States  in  insurrection  against  the  United  States. 

"  Tenth — All  persons  who  left  their  homes  within  the  jurisdiction 
and  protection  of  the  United  States,  and  passed  beyond  the  Federal 
military  lines  into  the  so-called  Confederate  States  for  the  purpose 
of  aiding  the  rebellion. 

"Eleventh — All  persons  who  have  been  engaged,  in  the  destruction 
of  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  upon  the  high  seas,  and  all  per 
sons  who  have  made  raids  into  the  United  States  from  Canada,  or 
been  engaged  in  destroying  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  upon 
lakes  and  rivers  that  separate  the  British  provinces  from  the  United 
States. 

"  Twelfth — All  persons  who,  at  the  time  when  they  seek  to  obtain 
the  benefits  hereof  by  taking  the  oath  herein  prescribed,  are  in  mili 
tary,  naval  or  civil  confinement  or  custody,  or  under  bonds  of  the 
civil,  military  or  naval  authorities  of  agents  of  the  United  States,  as 
prisoners  of  war,  or  persons  detained  for  offences  of  any  kind  either 
before  or  after  conviction. 

"  Thirteenth — All  persons  who  have  voluntarily  participated  in 
said  rebellion,  and  the  estimated  value  of  whose  taxable  property  is 
over  twenty  thousand  dollars. 

"  Fourteenth — All  persons  who  have  taken  the  oath  of  amnesty  as 
prescribed  in  the  President's  proclamation  of  December  eight,  A.  D. 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five,  or  an  oath  of  allegiance 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  373 

to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  since  the  date  of  said  pro 
clamation,  and  who  hare  not  thenceforward  kept  and  maintained  the 
same  inviolate : 

"  Provided  that  special  application  may  be  made  to  the  President 
for  pardon  by  any  person  belonging  to  the  excepted  classes,  and 
such  clemency  will  be  liberally  extended  as  may  be  consistent  with 
the  facts  of  the  case  and  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  Secretary  of  State  will  establish  rules  and  regulations  for  ad 
ministering  and  recording  the  said  amnesty  oath  so  as  to  insure  its 
benefit  to  the  people,  and  guard  the  Government  against  fraud. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  "Washington,  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  May, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five, 
and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-ninth. 

"ANDKEW  JOHNSON.       \ 

"By  the  President  : 

"  WM.  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State." 

NORTH   CAROLINA — RECONSTRUCTION. 
Proclamation  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"  Whereas,  The  fourth  section  of  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  declares  that  the  United  States  shall 
guarantee  to  every  State  in  the  Union  a  republican  form  of  Govern 
ment,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against  invasion  and  domestic 
violence ;  and 

"  Whereas,  The  President  of  the  United  States  is  by  the  Constitu 
tion  made  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  as  well  as 
chief  executive  officer  of  the  United  States,  and  is  bound  by  solemn 
oath  faithfully  to  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed  ;  and 

"  Whereas,  The  rebellion,  which  has  been  waged  by  a  portion  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  against  the  properly  constituted 
authorities  of  the  Government  thereof  in  the  most  violent  and  re 
volting  form,  but  whose  organized  and  armed  forces  have  now  been 
almost  entirely  overcome,  has  in  its  revolutionary  progress  deprived 
the  people  of  the  State  of  North  Carolina  of  all  civil  government ; 
and 

"  Whereas,  It  becomes  necessary  and  proper  to  carry  out  and  en 
force  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  to  the  people  of  North 
Carolina  in  securing  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  republican  form  of 
Government 


374  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  Now,  therefore,  in  obedience  to  the  high  and  solemn  duties  im 
posed  upon  me  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  the  loyal  people  of  said  State  to  organize  a  State 
Government,  whereby  justice  may  be  established,  domestic  tranquility 
insured,  and  loyal  citizens  protected  in  all  their  rights  of  life,  liberty 
and  property,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  do  hereby  appoint  William  W.  Hoi  den  provisional  Governor 
of  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  whose  duty  it  shall  be,  at  the  ear 
liest  practical  period,  to  prescribe  such  rules  and  regulations  as  may 
be  necessary  and  proper  for  convening  a  convention  composed  of 
delegates  to  be  chosen  by  that  portion  of  the  people  of  said  State 
who  are  loyal  to  the  United  States,  and  no  others,  for  the  purpose 
of  altering  or  amending  the  Constitution  thereof,  and  with  authority 
to  exercise  within  the  limits  of  said  State  all  the  powers  necessary 
and  proper  to  enable  such  loyal  people  of  the  State  of  North  Caro 
lina  to  restore  said  State  to  its  constitutional  relations  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  to  present  such  a  republican  form  of  State  Govern 
ment  as  will  entitle  the  State  to  the  guarantee  of  the  United  States 
therefor,  and  its  people  to  the  protection  of  the  United  States 
against  invasion,  insurrection  and  domestic  violence  :  Provided  that 
in  any  election  that  may  be  hereafter  held  for  choosing  delegates  to 
any  State  convention,  as  aforesaid,  no  person  shall  be  qualified  as  an 
elector,  or  shall  be  eligible  as  a  member  of  such  convention,  unless 
he  shall  have  previously  taken  and  subscribed  to  the  oath  or  amnesty 
as  set  forth  in  the  President's  proclamation  of  May  29,  1865,  and  is 
a  voter  qualified  as  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
State  of  North  Carolina  in  force  immediately  before  the  20th  day  of 
May,  A.  D.  1861,  the  date  of  the  so-called  ordinance  of  secession ; 
and  the  said  convention,  when  convened,  or  the  Legislature  that  may 
be  thereafter  assembled,  will  prescribe  the  qualifications  of  electors 
and  the  eligibility  of  persons  to  hold  office  under  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  State — a  power  the  people  of  the  several  States 
composing  the  Federal  Union  have  rightfully  exercised  from  the 
origin  of  the  Government  to  the  present  time.  And  I  do  hereby 
direct : 

"First — That  the  military  commander  of  the  department,  and  all 
officers  and  persons  in  the  military  and  naval  service,  aid  and  assist 
the  said  Provisional  Governor  in  carrying  into  effect  this  proclama 
tion;  and  they  are  enjoined  to  abstain  from  in  any  way  hindering, 
impeding  or  discouraging  the  loyal  people  from  the  organization  of 
a  State  Government  as  herein  authorized. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  375 

"  Second— That  the  Secretary  of  State  proceed  to  put  in  force  all 
laws  of  the  Urited  States,  the  administration  whereof  belongs  to 
the  State  Department,  applicable  to  the  geographical  limits  aforesaid. 

"  Third— That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  proceed  to  nominate 
for  appointment  assessors  of  taxes  and  collectors  of  customs  and  in 
ternal  revenue,  and  such  other  officers  of  the  Treasury  Department 
as  are  authorized  by  law,  and  put  in  execution  the  revenue  laws  of 
the  United  States  within  the  geographical  limits  aforesaid. 

uln  making  the  appointments  the  preference  shall  be  given  to 
qualified  loyal  persons  residing  within  the  districts  where  the  re 
spective  duties  are  to  be  performed  ;  but  if  suitable  residents  of  the 
district  shall  not  be  found,  then  persons  residing  in  other  States  or 
districts  shall  be  appointed. 

"Fourth— That  the  Postmaster  General  proceed  to  establish  post 
routes  and  put  into  execution  the  postal  laws  of  the  United  States 
within  the  said  State,  giving  to  loyal  residents  the  preference  of  ap 
pointment;  but  if  suitable  residents  are  not  found,  then  appoint 
agents  from  other  States. 

"Fifth— Thai  the  District  Judge  for  the  Judicial  District  in  which 
North  Carolina  is  included  proceed  to  hold  courts  within  said  State, 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  Congress. 

"  The  Attorney  General  will  instruct  the  proper  officers  to  libel  and 
bring  to  judgment,  confiscation  and  sale,  property  subject  to  confis 
cation,  and  enforce  the  administration  of  justice  within  said  State 
in  all  matters  within  the  cognizance  and  jurisdiction  of  the  federal 
courts. 

"  Sixths-Thai  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  take  possession  of  all 
public  property  belonging  to  the  Navy  Department  within  said 
geographical  limits,  and  put  in  operation  all  acts  of  Congress  in  re 
lation  to  naval  affairs  having  application  to  said  State. 

"Seventh— That  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  put  in  force  the  laws 
relating  to  the  Interior  Department  applicable  to  the  geographical 
limits  aforesaid. 
•'  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  twenty-ninth  day  of  May,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-ninth!  I 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  By  the  President : 

"  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State." 


376  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

The  same  day  on  which  these  most  important  documents 
were  promulgated  the  President  made  an  address  which  is 
in  beautiful  contrast,  though  auxiliary  to  his  more  pointedly 
political  and  diplomatic  expressions  of  thought.  Although 
spoken  to  children,  it  cannot  be  omitted  from  the  record  of 
the  man,  much  less  the  President.  On  that  day  the  twenty- 
fifth  anniversary  of  the  Washington  City  Sunday  School 
Union  was  celebrated.  Five  thousand  children  and  seven 
hundred  teachers  and  school  officers  having  assembled  at  an 
early  hour  in  Lafayette  Square,  marched  past  the  residence 
of  President  Johnson.  The  President  appeared  and  was 
greeted  by  the  children,  who  while  marching  by  sang  a  pa 
triotic  hymn.  The  National  Intelligencer,  describing  the 
scene,  says  :  "  The  President  was  frequently  cheered,  and 
was  the  recipient  of  a  large  number  of  bouquets,  which  were 
thrown  into  his  hat  until  it  was  so  full  that  a  basket  was 
brought  forth  to  contain  the  floral  gifts.  After  the  children 
had  marched  past  the  residence  of  the  President,  they 
marched  down  Fifteenth-street,  and  thence  to  the  Executive 
Mansion,  where,  after  they  had  assembled,  the  President 
took  position  in  front  of  the  outside  railing  and  delivered 
an  address.  Just  before  he  began  to  speak,  a  number  of 
little  girls  were  placed  upon  the  stand  beside  and  all  around 
him,  and  he  seemed  much  pleased  to  be  surrounded  by  the 
children." 

"  The  President  said,  if  be  understood  the  design  of  the  exhibition, 
it  was  intended,  in  part,  to  show  how  many  children  are  collected  to 
gether  in  good  schools.  This  was  their  annual  celebration,  and  they 
had  come  by  what  was  generally  known  as  the  Executive  Mansion  in 
order,  he  supposed,  to  manifest  their  regard  for  the  chief  executive 
officer  of  the  nation.  And  this  respect  was  offered  now  to  one  who 
knew  well  how  to  appreciate  the  condition  of  poor  or  obscure  chil 
dren.  He  had  always  opposed  the  idea  of  treating  persons  beyond 
their  due,  and  what  they  justly  merited,  and  he  would  lay  that  down 
as  a  general  proposition  in  his  address  to  the  little  boys  and  girls 
who  had  done  him  the  honor  to  call  upon  him.  He  was  opposed  to 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  377 

deifying  or  canonizing  anything  that  is  mortal;  but  there  should 
always  be  a  just  and  proper  respect  and  appreciation  of  true  merit, 
whether  it  belongs  to  the  Christian,  the  statesman,  or  the  philan 
thropist.  This  was  the  foundation  of  his  creed:  that  all  things 
should  be  done  with  the  approval  of  Him  who  controls  the  events 
and  destinies  of  the  world.  To  these  children— he  might  say  his 
little  sons  and  daughters — he  would  say  he  desired  them  to  appre 
ciate  the  difference  between  merit  and  demerit,  and  he  would  address 
his  remarks  to  those  who  were  in  better,  as  well  as  to  those  who 
were  in  humbler  circumstances.  To  those  who  had  superior  advan 
tages  he  would  say,  do  not  become  foolish  and  silly  because  your 
parents  can  afford  to  dress  you  a  little  better,  or  to  educate  you  bet 
ter.  They  should  feel  and  know  that  their  parents  and  teachers  can 
not  of  themselves  educate  them.  No  one  ever  would  be  educated 
unless  he  educated  himself.  Whether  you  have  superior  advantages 
or  not,  you  must  educate  yourselves.  Parents,  teachers  and  advan 
tages  given  are  simply  the  means  placed  in  your  hands  from  which 
you  must  mould  and  shape  your  own  course  through  life.  But  never 
feel  that  you  are  superior  to  your  more  humble  companions  and  com 
rades.  Instead  of  trying  to  humble  them  and  make  their  condition 
lower,  your  pride  should  be  to  elevate  them  to  the  standard  you 
occupy.  Sometimes  one  may  come  in  rags  and  begrimed  with  dirt ; 
but  beneath  the  rags  and  the  dirt  a  jewel  may  be  found  as  bright  as 
any  yet  discovered,  and  the  humble  individual  may  develop  that 
which  would  prove  as  bright  an  ornament  as  the  jewels  of  any 
crowned  head.  All  should  understand  this,  and  that  even  those 
who  have  no  means  can  at  least  make  an  effort  to  be  good  and  great. 
In  this  matter  he  (the  speaker)  was  an  agrarian — such  an  agrarian  as 
would  elevate  and  estimate  all  in  proportion  to  their  virtue  and 
merit.  Intrinsic  merit  should  be  the  base  upon  which  all  should 
stand.  He  would  pull  none  down,  but  would  elevate  all — level  up 
wards,  not  level  downwards.  His  notion  had  always  been  that  the 
great  mass  of  the  American  people  could  be  elevated.  If  all  will  be 
elevated,  we  may  become  the  greatest  and  most  exalted  nation  on 
the  earth. 

"  My  little  daughters  and  sons,  give  me  your  attention  while  I  say, 
honestly  and  truly,  that  if  I  could  inform  you  of  something,  and  put 
that  into  immediate  effect,  which  would  tend  to  the  elevation  of  you 
all,  I  would  be  prouder  of  it  than  to  be  President  forty  times.  Here 
is  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  yonder  is  the  Capitol  of  a  great  na 
tion,  and  you  look  to  those  who  make  and  execute  the  laws  as  per 
sons  sublime  and  grand.  But  just  think  for  a  moment.  You  are 
the  crop  behind  us.  All  those  buildings,  and  all  of  this  Government, 


378  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

will  one  day  pass  under  your  control  and  become  your  property,  and 
you  will  have  to  put  in  force  and  control  the  principles  of  govern 
ment,  of  religion  and  humanity.  And  let  all  boys  consider — every 
mother's  son  of  them — [laughter]— that  each  one  is  born  a  candi 
date  for  the  Presidency.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Why  not,  then, 
commence  at  once  to  educate  yourselves  for  the  Presidency  ?  And 
he  would  say  to  the  little  girls,  that  while  they  could  not  be  Presi 
dents,  they  are  born  candidates  for  the  wives  of  Presidents.  [Laugh 
ter.]  While  each  little  boy  may  feel  he  is  a  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dency,  each  little  girl  may  feel  she  is  a  candidate  for  a  President's 
wife ;  and  each  should  commence  at  once  to  qualify  himself  and  her 
self  morally,  intellectually  and  socially  for  such  high  positions. 
While  upon  this  subject  he  would  say  that  teachers  occupy  most 
responsible  positions.  It  is  the  teacher  who  fashions,  to  a  great  de 
gree,  the  mind  of  the  child,  and,  consequently,  the  great  importance 
of  having  good  teachers,  especially  for  the  very  young,  in  order  to 
instil  into  their  minds  the  foundation  of  a  good  education. 

"  With  regard  to  religion,  the  speaker  said  the  time  had  come 
when  the  first  inquiry  should  be  whether  one  is  a  good  man  or  a 
good  woman.  If  they  are  good  it  matters  little  to  what  sect  or 
church  they  belong.  There  can  be  no  greatness  without  goodness  ; 
and  all  should  remember  with  Pope,  that 

'  Honor  and  fame  from  no  condition  rise ; 
Act  well  your  part — there  all  the  honor  lies.' 

"  Under  institutions  such  as  ours,  he  who  performs  his  part  well, 
performs  all  his  obligations,  will  sooner  or  later  be  properly  estimated 
and  rewarded  by  his  friends,  his  neighbors,  and  the  nation. 

"  In  looking  upon  the  children,  and  upon  the  grown  persons,  too, 
the  speaker  said  he  could  not  but  think  of  the  heavy  task  and  respon 
sibility  devolving  upon  those  who  rear  children,  and  especially  upon 
the  mothers.  The  speaker  then  eloquently  referred  to  the  ancient 
Roman  mothers,  who  ever  took  pride  in  infusing  proper  ideas  into 
the  minds  of  those  who  afterwards  became  distinguished  in  life.  So, 
with  them,  each  mother  of  to-day  should  feel  that  her  children  are 
her  greatest  jewels.  They  should  be  reared  with  a  view  to  future 
usefulness ;  for  much  depends  upon  how  they  are  educated  in  youth. 
The  daughters  should  be  raised  to  fit  them  for  the  high  and  exalted 
duties  of  wives  and  mothers.  And  much  in  this  world  depends  upon 
woman.  Her  mind  properly  prepared  and  cultivated,  she  has  an 
almost  omnipotent  power.  Drop,  then,  into  the  minds  of  your 
daughters  germs  that  will  expand  and  grow,  and  fit  them  to  occupy 
any  position  to  which  they  may  be  called  in  life. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  379 

"  When  we  look  at  these  boys  and  girls — at  the  banners  which 
they  carry — at  the  flag,  with  stripes  and  stars  upon  them,  which  they 
bear  aloft ;  when  we  look  upon  the  brave  men  and  gallant  officers 
around  us,  and  remember  what  they  have  been  contending  for — we 
feel  that  we  can  best  preserve  this  Government  if  we  rear  up  our 
people  properly,  and  make  this,  as  we  can,  the  most  intelligent  por 
tion  of  God's  habitable  globe.  The  stars  and  stripes  is  not  pn  un 
meaning  symbol  when  we  look  back  through  the  din  of  battle  and 
see  what  it  has  cost  to  perpetuate  this  Government ;  and  should  we 
not,  then,  use  eveiy  effort  to  bring  up  properly  these  children,  whose 
cause  has  been  sustained  by  strong  arms  on  the  field  of  battle  ?  It- 
was  but  the  other  day,  when  the  stern  voices  of  our  commanders 
were  heard  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  when  men  were  bravely 
rushing  to  death,  that  the  goddess  of  liberty  made  a  glorious  fight 
and  in  thunder  tones  proclaimed  victory.  Victory  has  perched  upon 
our  standard,  and  the  speaker  said  he  trusted  the  children's  little 
song  of  victory  would  be  heard  far  up  above ;  and  that  the  angels, 
standing  upon  the  battlements  of  Heaven,  would  take  up  the  tune 
and  make  a  response. 

"Then,  my  little  sons  and  little  daughters  (said  the  President, 
talking  as  a  father  to  his  children),  let  me  say  to  you,  educate  your 
selves  ;  be  industrious  and  persevering ;  store  your  minds  with  all 
that  is  good ;  put  all  things  worthy  of  preservation  in  your  brain, 
and  your  intellects  will  expand  and  grow.  And,  in  conclusion,  I 
say  again,  may  your  little  song  of  victory  be  heard  in  heaven.  God 
bless  you." 

The  President  then  attempted  to  enter  the  presidential 
mansion,  but  was  intercepted  in  the  carriageway  by  the 
ladies  and  gentlemen  who  had  collected  there,  and  who  in 
sisted  upon  shaking  him  by  the  hand.  The  President,  com 
plying  in  a  most  good-natured  manner,  held  a  sort  of  im 
promptu  levee. 

On  the  13th  of  June  the  President  issued  a  proclamation 
appointing  Hon.  William  M.  Shark ey  Provisional  Governor 
of  Mississippi,  and  containing  similar  instructions  and  pro 
visions  as  the  above.  He  also,  on  the  same  day,  issued  the 
following  proclamation,  supplementary  to  those  already  is 
sued  respecting  the  more  perfect  and  further  removal  of 
trade  restrictions  : 


380  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  Whereas,  By  my  proclamation  of  tlie  29th  of  April,  1865,  all 
restrictions  upon  internal,  domestic  and  commercial  intercourse,  with 
certain  exceptions  therein  specified  and  set  forth,  were  removed  in 
such  parts  of  the  States  of  Tennessee,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  so 
much  of  Louisiana  as  lies  east  of  the  Mississippi  river  as  shall  be  em 
braced  within  the  lines  of  the  national  military  occupation ;  and 
whereas,  by  my  proclamation  of  the  22d  of  May,  1835,  for  reasons 
therein  given,  it  was  declared  that  certain  ports  of  the  United  States 
which  had  been  previously  closed  against  foreign  commerce  should, 
with  certain  specified  exceptions,  be  reopened  to  such  commerce  on 
and  after  the  first  day  of  July  next,  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  pursuance  of  such  regulations  as  might  be  prescribed 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and,  whereas,  I  am  satisfactorily 
informed  that  dangerous  combinations  against  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  no  longer  exist  within  the  State  of  Tennessee ;  that 
the  insurrection  heretofore  existing  within  the  said  State  has  been 
suppressed ;  that  within  the  boundaries  thereof  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  is  undisputed ;  and  that  such  officers  of  the  United 
States  as  have  been  duly  commissioned  are  in  the  undisturbed  exer 
cise  of  their  official  functions  ; 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  declare  that  all  restrictions  upon  in 
ternal  domestic  and  coastwise  intercourse  and  trade,  and  upon  the 
removal  of  products  of  States  heretofore  declared  in  insurrection — 
reserving  and  excepting  only  those  relating  to  contraband  of  war 
as  hereinafter  recited,  and  also  those  which  relate  to  the  reservation 
of  rights  of  the  United  States  to  property  purchased  in  the  territory 
of  an  enemy,  heretofore  imposed  in  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
east  of  the  Mississippi  river — are  annulled ;  and  I  do  hereby  direct 
that  they  be  forthwith  removed,  and  that  on  and  after  the  first  day 
of  July  next  all  restrictions  upon  foreign  commerce  with  said  ports, 
with  the  exception  and  reservation  aforesaid,  be  removed,  and  that 
the  commerce  of  said  States  shall  be  conducted  under  the  supervi 
sion  of  the  regularly-appointed  officers  of  the  customs  provided  by 
law ;  and  such  officers  of  the  customs  shall  receive  any  captured  and 
abandoned  property  that  may  be  turned  over  to  them  under  the  law 
by  the  military  or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  dispose  of 
auch  property  as  shall  be  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  The  following  articles,  contraband  of  war,  are  excepted  from  the 
effect  of  this  proclamation— arms,  ammunition,  all  articles  from  which 
ammunition  is  made,  and  gray  uniforms  and  cloth. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  381 

"  And  I  hereby  also  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  insurrection,  so 
far  as  it  relates  to  and  within  the  State  of  Tennessee  and  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  said  State  of  Tennessee,  as  reorganized  and  constituted 
under  their  recently-adopted  constitution  and  reorganization,  and 
accepted  by  them,  is  suppressed ;  and  therefore  also,  that  all  disa 
bilities  and  disqualifications  attached  to  said  State  and  the  inhabit 
ants  thereof,  consequent  upon  any  proclamation  issued  by  virtue  of 
the  fifth  section  of  the  act  entitled,  *  An  act  further  to  provide  for 
collection  of  duties  upon  imports  and  for  other  purposes,'  approved 
the  13th  day  of  July,  1861,  are  removed.  But  nothing  herein  con 
tained  shall  be  considered  or  construed  as  in  anywise  changing  or 
impairing  any  of  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  for*  treason  heretofore 
incurred  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  the  pro 
visions,  restrictions  or  disabilities  set  forth  in  my  proclamation 
bearing  date  the  29th  day  of  May,  1865,  or  as  impairing  existing 
regulations  for  the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  and  the  exercise 
of  military  law  in  cases  where  it  shall  be  necessary  for  the  general 
public  safety  and  welfare  during  the  existing  insurrection ;  nor  shall 
this  proclamation  aifect  or  in  any  way  impair  any  laws  heretofore 
passed  by  Congress  and  duly  approved  by  the  President,  or  any 
proclamation  or  orders  issued  by  him  during  the  aforesaid  insurrec 
tion  abolishing  slavery,  whether  of  person  or  property  ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  all  such  laws  and  proclamations  heretofore  made  or  issued 
are  expressly  saved  and  declared  to  be  in  full  force  and  virtue. 
"  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

<4  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  thirteenth  day  of  June,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five, 
and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  the  eighty-ninth. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSOK 

" By  the  President: 

"  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State." 

On  the  16th  of  June  a  deputation  of  colored  men  from 
Richmond,  Va.,  called  on  the  President  to  state,  in  accordance 
with  resolutions  passed  at  a  meeting  in  the  former  city,  the 
grievances  under  which  the  colored  people  of  Virginia  were 
suffering,  owing  to  the  collision  of  civil  and  military  au 
thority.  The  address  was  quite  lengthy,  but  was  listened 
to  throughout  with  great  attention.  At  the  conclusion  the 


382  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

President  called  for  one  of  the  city  papers,  and  read  to 
them  the  dismissal  of  Mayo  from  office  as  Mayor  of  Rich 
mond,  and  then  said  : 

"  While  you  are  in  this  state  of  transition,  there  are  many  things 
which  we  might  prefer  to  be  different — that  we  should  like  altered 
— that  yet  must  be  submitted  to  till  they  can  be  remedied.  What 
ever  can  be  done,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  will  be  done  most  cheer 
fully.  I  haye  no  set  speech  to  make  to  you.  If  my  past  has  not 
been  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  my  future  course  on  this  subject,  my 
professions  now  would  be  none.  I  will  endorse  this  document  '  a 
series  of  depositions  to  prove  arrests  by  Mayo  and  provost  guards,' 
to  Major  General  Howard,  and  you  can  take  it  to  him  yourselves. 
Why  did  you  not  apply  to  General  Halleck  ? 

"  To  this  one  of  the  delegates  answered  that  they  had  applied  to 
General  Patrick,  but  he  had  told  them  he  was  acting  under  orders, 
and  did  not  wish  to  be  dictated  to.  They  had  applied  to  Governor 
Pierpont  and  he  had  sent  for  Mayo  and  deposed  him  the  next 
morning. 

"  The  President  then  remarked  that  Governor  Pierpont  was  there 
without  any  law  to  guide  him,  and  he  should  adapt  himself  to  the 
necessities  of  the  occasion." 

On  the  same  day  the  President  sent  the  following  reply  to 
an  address  from  the  Congregational  Council  at  Boston  : 

"WASHINGTON,  June  19. 

uTo  Governor  W.  A.  BUCKINGHAM,  Moderator  of  tlie  National  Council 
of  Congregational  Churches,  Boston : 

"  I  received  with  profound  thanks  the  dispatch  of  your  council. 
In  the  arduous  and  embarrassing  duties  devolved  upon  me,  I  feel  the 
need  and  co-operation  and  sympathy  of  the  people,  and  of  the  assist 
ance  of  the  Great  Ruler  of  the  Universe.  These  duties  I  shall  en 
deavor  to  discharge  honestly,  and  to  the  best  of  my  judgment,  with 
the  conviction  that  the  best  interests  of  civil  and  religious  liberty 
throughout  the  world  will  be  preserved  and  promoted  by  the  success 
and  permanency  of  our  country.  Let  us  all  labor  to  that  end,  and 
that  mission,  upon  which  the  people  have  been  sent  among  the  na 
tions  of  the  world,  will  be  accomplished. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 

June  17th  President  Johnson  issued  two  proclamations 
furthering  the  work  of  reconstruction  in  .the  States  of 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  383 

Georgia  and  Texas  ;  and  on  the  21st  of  June  a  similar  in 
strument  for  the  benefit  of  the  State  of  Alabama  ;  by  these 
proclamations,  which  were  of  similar  interest,  scope  and 
instructions  as  those  issued  in  the  cases  of  North  Carolina 
and  Mississippi,  Hon.  James  Johnson  of  Georgia,  Hon.  An 
drew  J.  Hamilton  of  Texas,  and  Hon.  Lewis  E.  Parsons  of 
Alabama,  were  appointed  provisional  Governors  of  their 
respective  States. 

ALL   TRADE   RESTRICTIONS  REMOVED. 

Proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United  /States  of  America. 

"  Whereas,  it  has  been  the  desire  of  the  general  Government  of  the 
United  States  to  restore  unrestricted  commercial  intercourse  between 
and  in  the  several  States  as  soon  as  the  same  could  be  safely  done  in 
view  of  resistance  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States  by  combina 
tions  of  armed  insurgents ;  and,  whereas,  that  desire  has  been  shown 
in  my  proclamations  of  the  29th  of  April,  1865,  the  13th  of  June, 
1865 ;  and  whereas,  it  now  seems  expedient  and  proper  to  remove 
the  restrictions  upon  internal,  domestic  and  coastwise  trade  and 
commercial  intercourse  between  and  within  the  States  and  Territo 
ries  west  of  the  Mississippi  river : 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  declare  that  all  restrictions  upon 
internal,  domestic  and  coastwise  intercourse  and  trade,  and  upon  the 
purchase  and  removal  of  products  of  States  and  parts  of  States  and 
Territories  heretofore  declared  in  insurrection,  lying  west  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  river  (excepting  only  those  relating  to  property  heretofore 
purchased  by  the  agents  or  captured  by  and  surrendered  to  the  forces 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  transportation  thereto  or  therein  on 
private  account  of  arms,  ammunition,  all  articles  from  which  ammu 
nition  is  made,  gray  uniform  and  gray  cloth),  are  annulled ;  and  I  do 
hereby  direct  that  they  be  forthwith  removed,  and  also  that  the  com 
merce  of  such  States  and  parts  of  States  shall  be  conducted  under 
the  supervision  of  the  regularly  appointed  officers  of  the  customs, 
who  shall  receive  any  captured  or  abandoned  property  that  may  be 
turned  over  to  them  under  the  law  by  the  military  or  naval  forces  of 
the  United  States  and  dispose  of  the  same  in  accordance  with  the 
instructions  on  the  subject  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
"  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 


384  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  24th  day  of  June,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1865,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
the  eighty-ninth. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  By  the  President : 

W.  HUNTER,  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

On  the  evening  of  the  24tlHthe  President  gave  audience 
to  a  delegation  from  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  composed 
of  Messrs.  Judge  Frost,  Isaac  E.  Holmes,  Geo.  W.  Williams, 
W.  H.  Gillet,  J.  A.  Sternmeyer,  Frederick  Richards,  Wm. 
Whaley,  Jas.  H.  Taylor,  R.  H.  Gill  and  Joseph  A.  Yates. 
The  interview  was  of  great  interest  and  importance  : 

"  The  PRESIDENT  said  that  it  was  his  intention  to  talk  plainly,  so 
there  might  be  no  misunderstanding.  Therefore  it  were  "better  they 
should  look  each  other  full  in  the  face  and  not  imitate  the  ancient 
augurs,  who,  when  they  me£  one  another,  could  smile  at  their  success 
in  deceiving  the  people.  FHe  said  if  this  Union  was  to  be  preserved 
it  must  be  on  the  principle  of  fraternity,  both  the  Northern  and 
Southern  States  maintaining  certain  relations  to  the  Government.  A 
State  cannot  go  out  of  the  Union,  and  therefore,  none  of  them  having 
gone  out,  we  must  deal  with  the  question  of  restoration,  and  not  re 
construction.  He  suspected  that  he  was  a  better  State  rights  man 
than  some  of  those  now  present.^ 

"Mr.  HOLMES — You  always  so  claimed  to  be.  (Laughter.) 
"  The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  he  always  thought  that  slavery  could 
not  be  sustained  outside  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  whenever  the  experiment  was  made  it  would  be  lost. 
Whether  it  could  or  could  not,  he  was  for  the  Union,  and  if  slavery 
set  itself  up  to  control  the  Government,  the  Government  must  triumph 
and  slavery  perish.  The  institution  of  slavery  made  the  issue,  and 
we  might  as  well  meet  it  like  wise  and  patriotic  and  honest  men* 
All  institutions  must  be  subordinate  to  the  Government,  and  slavery 
has  given  way.  He  could  not  if  he  would  remand  it  to  its  former 
status.  He  knew  that  some  whom  he  now  addressed  looked  upon 
him  as  a  great  people's  man  and  a  radical.  But,  however  unpleasant 
it  might  be  to  them,  he  had  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  before  and 
after  he  entered  public  life  he  was  opposed  to  monopolies  and  per 
petuities  and  entails.  For  this  he  used  to  be  denounced  as  a  dema 
gogue.  We  had  a  monopoly  South  in  slaves.  Pfhough  he  had  bought 
and  held  slaves,  he  had  never  sold  one.  From  Magna  Charta  we  had 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  S85 

derived  our  idea  of  freedom  of  speech,  liberty  of  the  press  and  un 
reasonable  searches,  and  that  private  property  should  not  be  taken 
for  public  uses  without  just  compensation.  He  had  these  notions 
fixed  in  his  mind,  and  was  therefore  opposed  to  class  legislation,  1 
Being  providentially  brought  to  his  present  condition,  he  intended 
to  exert  the  power  and  influence  of  the  Government  so  as  to  place  in 
power  the  popular  heart  of  this  nation.  He  proceeded  on  the  prin 
ciple  that  the  great  masses  are  not  the  mushrooms  about  a  stump, 
which  wet  weather  supplies.  He  believed  that  this  nation  was  sent 
on  a  great  mission — to  afford  an  example  of  freedom  and  substantial 
happiness  to  all  the  Powers  of  the  earth.  The  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  in  speaking  of  persons  to  be  chosen  as  Representatives 
in  Congress,  says  that  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  quali 
fications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the 
State  Legislature.  Here  we  find  a  resting  place.  This  was  the  point 
at  which  the  rebellion  commenced.  All  the  States  were  in  the  Unioji, 
moving  in  harmony ;  but  a  portion  of  them  rebelled,  and  to  some 
extent  suspended  and  paralyzed  the  operations  of  their  governments. 
There  is  a  constitutional  obligation  resting  upon  the  United  States 
Government  to  put  down  rebellion,  suppress  insurrection  and  to  repel 
invasion.  The  slaves  went  into  the  war  as  slaves,  and  came  out  free 
men  of  color.  The  friction_pf  the  rebellion  has  rubbed  out  the  nature 
and  character  of  slavery.  I  The  loyal  men  who  were  compelled  to  bow 
and  submit  to  the  rebellion  should,  now  that  the  rebellion  is  ended, 
stand  equal  to  loyal  men  everywhere^  Hence  the  wish  of  restoration 
and  the  trying  to  get  back  the  States  to  the  point  at  which  they 
formerly  moved  in  perfect  harmony.  He  did  not  intend  to  serve  any 
particular  clique  or  interest.  He  would  say  to  the  delegation  that 
slavery  is  gone  as  an  institution.  There  was  no  hope  that  the  people 
of  South  Carolina  could  be  admitted  into  the  Senate  or  the  House  of 
Representatives  until  they  had  afforded  evidence  by  their  conduct 
of  this  truth.  The  policy,  now  that  the  rebellion  is  suppressed,  is 
not  to  restore  the  State  government  through  military  rule,  but  by  the 
people.  While  the  war  has  emancipated  slaves,  it  has  emancipated 
a  larger  number  of  white  men.  He  would  talk  plain,  as  the  delega 
tion  had  said  that  was  what  they  desired.  He  could  go  to  men  who 
had  owned  fifty  or  a  hundred  slaves,  and  who  did  not  care  as  much 
for  the  poor  white  man  as  they  did  for  the  negro.  Those  who  own 
the  land  have  the  capital  to  employ  help,  and  therefore  some  of  our 
Northern  friends  are  deceived  when  they,  living  afar  off,  think  they 
can  exercise  a  greater  control  over  the  freedmen  than  the  Southern 
men  who  have  been  reared  where  the  institution  has  prevailed. 
Now  he  did  not  want  the  late  slaveholders  to  control  the  negro  votes 
25 


386  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

against  white  men. '  Let  each  State  judge  of  the  depository  of  its  own 
political  power.  He  was  for  emancipation.  He  was  for  emanci 
pating  the  white  man  as  well  as  the  black.JJ 

"  Mr.  HOLMES  asked — Is  not  that  altogether  accomplished  ? 

"  The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  he  did  not  think  the  question  fully 
settled.  The  question  as  to  whether  the  black  man  shall  be  engrafted 
in  the  Constitution  will  be  settled  as  we  go  along.  He  would  not 
disguise  the  fact  that  while  he  had  been  persecuted  and  denounced 
at  the  South  as  a  traitor,  he  loved  the  great  mass  of  the  Southern 
people.  He  opposed  the  rebellion  at  its  breaking  out,  and  fought  it 
everywhere,  and  now  wanted  the  principles  of  the  Government  car 
ried  out  and  maintained. 

"  Mr.  HOLMES  interrupted  by  saying :  We  want  to  get  back  to  the 
same  position  as  you  describe,  as  we  are  without  law,  no  courts  are 
open,  and  you  have  the  power  to  assist  us. 

"  The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  the  Government  cannot  go  on  unless 
it  is  based  on  right.  The  people  of  South  Carolina  must  have  a  con 
vention,  and  amend  their  Constitution  by  abolishing  slavery,  and 
this  must  be  done  in  good  faith,  and  the  convention  or  Legislature 
must  adopt  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  which  prohibits  and  excludes  slavery  everywhere. 

"  One  of  the  delegates  said,  *  We  are  most  anxious  for  civil  rule, 
for  we  have  had  more  than  enough  of  military  despotism.' 

The  PRESIDENT,  resuming,  said  that  as  the  Executive  he  could 
only  take  the  initiatory  steps  to  enable  them  to  do  the  things  which 
it  was  incumbent  upon  them  to  perform. 

"Another  of  the  delegates  remarked  that  it  was  assumed  in  some 
parts  of  this  country  that  in  consequence  of  the  rebellion  the 
Southern  States  had  forfeited  their  rights  as  members  of  the  con 
federacy,  and  that  if  restored  it  could  only  be  on  certain  conditions, 
one  of  which  was  that  slavery  shall  be  abolished.  This  could  be 
done  only  through  a  convention. 

"  The  PRESIDENT  repeated  that  the  friction  of  the  rebellion  had 
rubbed  slavery  out,  but  it  would  be  better  so  to  declare  by  law.  As 
one  of  the  delegates  had  just  remarked  that  the  constitution  of  South 
Carolina  did  not  establish  slavery,  it  were  better  to  insert  a  clause 
antagonistic  to  slavery. 

"  Judge  FROST  said,  substantially :  The  object  of  our  prayer  is 
the  appointment  of  a  Governor.  The  State  of  South  Carolina  will 
accept  these  conditions  in  order  that  law  and  order  may  be  restored, 
and  that  enterprise  and  industry  may  be  directed  to  useful  ends. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNS  ON.  -  387 

We  desire  restoration  as  soon  as  possible.  It  is  the  part  of  wisdom 
to  make  the  best  of  circumstances.  Certain  delusions  have  been 
dispelled  by  the  Revolution  ;  among  them,  that  slavery  is  an  element 
of  political  strength  and  moral  power.  It  is  very  certain  that  tho 
Old  notion  respecting  State  rights,  in  the  maintenance  of  which  those 
who  made  the  rebellion  in  South  Carolina  erred,  has  ceased  to  exist. 
Another  delusion,  viz.,  that  cotton  is  king,  has  likewise  vanished  in 
mist.  We  are  to  come  back  with  these  notions  dispelled  and  with 
a  new  system  of  labor.  The  people  of  South  Carolina  will  cordially 
co-operate  with  the  Government  in  making  that  labor  effective  and 
elevating  the  negro  as  much  as  they  can.  It  is,  however,  more  a 
work  of  time  than  the  labor  of  enthusiasm  and  fanaticism.  The 
people  of  the  South  have  the  largest  interest  in  the  question.  We 
are  willing  to  co-operate  for  selfish,  if  for  no  higher  motives.  We 
have  taken  the  liberty,  encouraged  by  your  kindness,  to  throw  out 
suggestions  by  which  the  policy  of  the  Government  will  be  most 
surely  and  effectually  subserved.  I  repeat  that  the  new  system  of 
labor  is  to  be  inaugurated  by  sober,  sound  and  discreet  judgment. 
The  negroes  are  ignorant.  Their  minds  are  much  inflamed  with 
liberty.  They  are  apt  to  confound  liberty  with  license.  There 
great  idea  is,  I  fear,  that  freedom  consists  of  exemption  from  work. 
We  will  take  in  good  faith  and  carry  out  your  intentions  with  zeal, 
and  hope  for  the  best ;  and  none  will  rejoice  more  than  the  people 
of  the  South  if  emancipation  proves  successful.  Freedom  to  the 
slave  is  freedom  to  the  master,  provided  you  can  supply  a  motive 
for  industry.  The  people  of  South  Carolina,  from  their  fidelity  to 
honor,  have  submitted  to  great  sacrifices  ;  they  endured  all.  We  are 
defeated  and  conquered  by  the  North,  who  are  too  strong  tor  us. 
The  same  good  faith  which  animated  them  in  the  contest  will  not 
be  found  wanting  in  their  pledge  of  loyal  support  to  the  Govern 
ment.  There  may  grow  out  of  this  blessings  which  you  have  not 
foreseen,  and  some  pleasing  rays  now  illumine  the  horizon.  I  sup 
pose  the  oath  of  allegiance  will  be  taken  with  as  much  unanimity 
in  South  Carolina  as  anywhere  else,  and  we  will  submit  to  the  con 
dition  of  things  which  Providence  has  assigned,  and  endeavor  to 
believe 

'All  discords  harmony  not  understood, 
And  partial  evil  universal  good.' 

We  cheerfully  accept  the  measures  recommended,  and  would  thank 
you  to  nominate,  at  your  convenience,  a  Governor  to  carry  out  the 
wishes  you  have  expressed. 


388  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

/"President  JOHNSON  asked  the  delegation  to  submit  whom  they 
would  prefer  to  have  as  Provisional  Governor. 

"  To  this  they  replied  they  had  a  list  of  five  men,  viz. :  Aiken, 
McClahany,  Boyce,  Colonel  Manning,  late  Governor,  and  B.  F.  Perry. 
All  of  them  were  spoken  of  as  good  men,  but  who  had  been  more 
or  less  involved  in  the  rebellion.  Mr.  Perry  was  a ..District  Jtidge  in 
the  Confederacy  until  a  few  weeks  before  it  collapsed,  and  is  said  to 
have  always  been  a  good  Union  man  and  a  gentleman  of  strict  in 
tegrity.  The  people  certainly  would  respect  him,  and  he  could  not 
fail  to  be  acceptable.] 

"  The  PRESIDENT  said  he  knew  Benjamin  Perry  well,  having 
served  with  him  in  Congress.  There  was  no  spirit  of  vengeance  or 
vindictiveness  on  the  pail  of  the  Government,  whose  only  desire 
was  to  restore  the  relations  which  formerly  existed.  He  was  not 
now  prepared  to  give  them  an  answer  as  to  whom  he  should  appoint. 
But  at  the  Cabinet  meeting  next  Tuesday  he  would  repeat  the  sub 
stance  of  this  interview,  with  a  hope  to  the  restoration  which  the 
gentlemen  present  earnestly  desired. 

"  The  delegates  seemed  to  be  much  pleased  with  the  proceedings, 
and  lingered  for  some  time  to  individually  converse  with  the 
President." 

Owing  to  the  ill-health  of  President  Johnson,  who  was 
overpowered  by  overwork,  this  Cabinet  meeting  was  not 
held.  The  usual  reception  of  visitors  had  also,  by  the  advice 
of  his  physician,  to  be  dispensed  with,  and  the  rush  of  office- 
seekers  and  political  soothsayers  kept  back  several  days. 
fOn  the  1st  of  July,  however,  the  President  appointed  Hon. 
Benjamin  F.  Perry  provisional  Governor  of  South  Carolina, 
by  a  proclamation  similar  to  the  others  ;  and  on  the  3d  he 
sent  the  following  characteristic  epistle,  regretting  that  he 
could  not  participate  in  the  celebration  of  the  Fourth,  and 
in  the  ceremonies  of  laying  the  corner-stone  of  the  soldier's 
monument  on  the  battle-field  of  Gettysburg  : 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  3,  1865. 
"  D.  WILLIS,   Chairman  of  Committee  of  Arrangements,  Gettysburg 

Monument  Association. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  promised  myself  the  pleasure  of  participating 
in  person  in  the  proceedings  of  to-morrow.  That  pleasure  I  amr  by 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  389 

indisposition,  reluctantly  compelled  to  forego.  I  should  have  been 
pleased,  standing  on  that  twice  consecrated  spot,  to  share  with  you 
your  joy  at  the  return  of  peace;  to  greet  with  you  the  surviving  he 
roes  of  the  war,  who  .come  back  with  light  hearts,  though  heavily 
laden  with  honors,  and  with  you  to  drop  grateful  tears  to  the  mem 
ory  of  those  that  will  never  return.  Unable  to  do  so  in  person,  I  can 
only  send  you  my  greetings,  and  assure  you  of  my  full  sympathy 
with  the  purpose  and  spirit  of  your  exercise  to-morrow.  Of  all  the 
anniversaries  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  none  has  been 
more  important  and  significant  than  that  upon  which  you  assemble. 
Four  years  of  struggle  for  our  nation's  life  have  been  crowned  with 
success;  armed  treason  is  swept  from  the  land;  our  ports  are  re 
opened  ;  our  relations  with  other  nations  are  of  the  most  satisfactory 
character;  our  internal  commerce  is  free;  our  soldiers  and  sailors 
resume  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  civil  life ;  our  flag  floats  on  every 
breeze,  and  the  only  barrier  to  our  national  progress — human  slavery 
— is  forever  at  an  end.  Let  us  trust  that  each  recurring  Fourth  of 
July  shall  find  our  nation  stronger  in  number,  stronger  in  wealth, 
stronger  in  the  harmony  of  the  citizens,  stronger  in  its  devotion  to 
nationality  and  freedom.  As  I  have  often  said,  I  believe  that  God 
sent  this  people  on  a  mission  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
that  when  he  founded  our  nation,  he  founded  it  in  perpetuity.  That 
faith  sustained  me  through  the  struggle  that  is  passed — it  sustains 
me  now  that  new  duties  are  devolved  upon  me  and  new  dangers 
threaten  us.  I  feel  that  whatever  the  means  He  uses,  the  Almighty 
is  determined  to  preserve  us  as  a  people.  And  since  I  have  seen  the 
love  our  fellow-citizens  bear  their  country,  and  the  sacrifices  they 
have  made  for  it,  my  abiding  strength  has  been  stronger  than  ever 
that  a  government  of  the  people  is  the  strongest  as  well  as  the  best 
of  governments."  In  your  joy  to-morrow  I  trust  you  will  not  forget 
the  thousands  of  whites  as  well  as  blacks  whom  the  war  has  emanci 
pated,  who  will  hail  this  Fourth  of  July  with  a  delight  which  no 
previous  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ever  gave 
them.  Controlled  so  long  by  ambitious,  selfish  leaders,  who  used 
them  for  their  own  unworthy  ends,  they  are  now  free  to  serve  and 
cherish  the  Government  against  whose  life  they  in  their  blindness 
struck. 

"  I  am  greatly  mistaken  if  in  the  States  lately  in  rebellion  we  do 
not  henceforward  have  exhibitions  of  such  loyalty  and  patriotism  as 
were  never  seen  or  felt  there  before.  When  you  have  consecrated  a 
national  cemetery  you  are  to  lay  the  corner-stone  of  a  national  monu 
ment  which  in  all  human  probability  will  rise  to  the  full  height  and 
proportion  of  your  design.  Noble  as  this  monument  of  stone  may 


390  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

be,  it  will  be  be  but  a  faint  symbol  of  the  monument  whic'h,  if  we  do 
our  duty,  we  shall  raise  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  upon  the 
foundation  laid  nine-and-eighty  years  ago  in  Philadelphia.  Time 
shall  wear  away  and  crumble  this  monument ;  but  that,  based  as  it  is 
upon  the  consent,  virtue,  patriotism  and  intelligence  of  the  people, 
each  year  shall  make  firmer  and  more  imposing. 
"  Your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON." 

On  the  5th  the  President  was  so  far  improved  as  to  be 
able  to  be  out  of  bed  for  a  portion  of  the  day,  though  con 
fined  to  his  chamber.  He  approved  the  findings  and  sen 
tence  of  the  military  commission  in  the  cases  of  the  assassin 
ation  conspiracy,  by  which  David  E.  Harrohl,  Lewis  Payne, 
Mary  E.  Surratt  and  George  A.  Atzeroth  were  hung  on  the 
7th  ;  Dr.  Mudd,  Samuel  Arnold  and  Michael  O'Laughlin 
imprisoned  for  life  ;  and  Edward  Spangler  sentenced  to  six 
years'  imprisonment  at  hard  labor. 

»0n  the  8th  July,  President  Johnson  was  waited  on  by 
James  A.  Jones,  R.  A.  Lancaster,  William  II.  Haxall  and 
J.  L.  Apperson,  representatives  of  merchants  and  others  of 
Virginia,  who  wished  him  to  amend  the  amnesty  proclama 
tion  by  striking  out  the  thirteenth  exception — the  twenty 
thousand  dollar  clause.  They  represented  that  this  feature 
interfered  with  the  development  of  industry  by  binding  up 
capital,  and  in  this  way  oppressed  the  poor,  and  that  when 
they  endeavored  to  borrow  money  in  the  Northern  or  Middle 
States  they  were  at  once  met  with  the  objection  that  perhaps 
they  had  over  twenty  thousand  dollars,  and,  if  they  had.  the 
accommodation  could  not  be  extended,  so  that  they  were 
unable  to  give  work  to  the  poor  men  who  called  upon  them.j 
The  President  reminded  them  that  the  amnesty  procla 
mation  did  not  cause  this  distrust ;  it  was  the  commission 
of  treason  and  the  violation  of  law  that  did  it.  The  am 
nesty  proclamation  left  these  men  just  where  they  were 
before— it  did  not  add  any  disability  to  them.  If  they  had 
committed  treason  they  were  amenable  to  the  confiscation 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  391 

law  which  Congress  had  passed,  and  which  he,  as  President, 
could  not  alter  nor  amend.  In  the  amnesty  proclamation  he 
had  offered  pardon  tosome  persons,  but  that  did  not  injure 
any  other  persons.  /Would  they  like  to  have  the  amnesty 
proclamation  removed  ?  Would  they  feel  any  easier  in  that 
case? 

"A  DELEGATE— No;  but  it  would  assist  us  very  much  if  you 
would  extend  the  benefits  of  the  proclamation  to  persons  worth  over 
twenty  thousand  dollars. 

"  The  PRESIDENT  replied,  that  in  making  that  exception,  he  had 
acted  on  the  natural  supposition  that  men  had  aided  the  rebellion 
according  to  the  extent  of  their  pecuniary  means.  Did  they  not 
know  this  ? 

"  A  DELEGATE— No,  I  did  not  know  it. 

"  The  PRESIDENT — Why,  yes,  you  do.  You  know  perfectly  well 
it  was  the  wealthy  men  of  the  South  who  dragooned  the  people  inte 
secession.  I  lived  in  the  South,  and  I  know  how  the  thing  was 
done.  Your  State  was  overwhelmingly  opposed  to  secession;  but 
your  rich  men  used  the  press  and  bullies,  and  your  little  army,  to 
force  the  State  into  secession.  Take  the  twenty  thousand  dollar 
clause.  Suppose  a  man  is  worth  more  than  that  now  the  war  is 
over,  and  the  chances  are  ten  to  one  that  he  made  it  out  of  the  rebel 
lion  by  contracts,  etc.  We  might  as  well  talk  plainly  about  this 
matter.  I  don't  think  you  are  so  very  anxious  about  relieving  the 
poor.  You  want  this  clause  removed  so  as  to  be  able  to  make  money, 
don't  you  ?  If  you  are  very  eager  to  help  the  poor,  why  don't  you 
take  the  surplus  over  the  twenty  thousand  dollars  you  own,  and  give 
it  to  them  ?  In  that  way  you  will  help  them,  and  bring  yourselves 
within  the  benefits  of  the  proclamation.  I  am  free  to  say  to  you 
that  I  think  some  of  you  ought  to  be  taxed  on  all  over  twenty  thou 
sand  dollars  to  help  the  poor.  When  I  was  Military  Governor  of 
Tennessee  I  assessed  such  taxes  on  those  who  had  been  wealthy 
leaders  of  the  rebellion,  and  it  had  a  good  effect. 

"  A  DELEGATE — It  so  happens  that  none  of  us  were  leaders.  We 
stayed  out  as  long  as  we  could,  and  were  the  last  to  go  in. 

"  The  PRESIDENT — Frequently  those  who  went  in  last  were  among 
the  worst  after  they  got  in.  But,  be  that  as  it  may,  understand  me, 
gentlemen,  I  do  not  say  this  personally;  I  am  just  speaking  of  the 
general  working  of  the  matter.  I  know  there  has  been  an  effort 
among  some  to  persuade  the  people  that  the  amnesty  proclamation 


392  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

was  injuring  them  by  shutting  up  capital  and  keeping  work  from 
the  poor.  It  does  no  such  thing.  If  that  is  done  at  all,  it  is  done 
in  consequence  of  the  violation  of  law  and  the  commission  of  treason. 
The  President  concluded  by  saying  that  he  would  look  at  the  papers 
they  presented,  but,  so  far,  had  seen  no  reason  for  removing  the  thir 
teenth  exception." 

Early  in  July  a  movement  was  made  by  some  citizens  of 
Florida  for  assistance  in  the  reconstruction  of  that  State. 
A  delegation — headed  by  Messrs.  Brooks  of  Appalachicola, 
and  Hopkins  of  Tallahassee — proceeded  to  Washington, 
and,  on  the  13th  of  that  month,  the  President  appointed,  by 
the  usual  proclamation,  Hon.  William  Marvin,  Provisional 
Governor  of  the  State  of  Florida. 

On  the  19th,  a  South  Carolina  delegation,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  the  newly- appointed  Provisional  Governor  Perry, 
had  an  interview  with  the  President.  The  delegation  was 
the  result  of  various  town  meetings  held  in  South  Carolina, 
at  which  the  members  were  selected.  They  were  on  their 
way  to  Washington  before  the  news  of  Governor  Perry's 
appointment  had  been  received.  Governor  Perry  subse 
quently*  gave  the  following  account  of  the  interview  and 
the  hopes  of  reconstruction  based  upon  it : 

"  We  were  received  very  cordially,  and  remained  an  hour  or  two 
with  the  President.  I  told  him  that  the  people  of  South  Carolina 
accepted  the  terms  of  his  proclamation,  and  were  disposed  to  return 
to  their  allegiance  to  the  Union.  That  from  having  been  the  most 
rebellious  State  in  the  South,  I  was  satisfied  South  Carolina  would, 
henceforth,  be  one  of  the  most  loyal  of  the  Southern  States.  That 
she  would  reform  her  constitution  and  abolish  slavery,  give  the 
election  of  Governor  and  Presidential  Electors  to  the  people,  and 
equalize  the  representation  of  the  State.  I  gave  it  as  my  opinion 
that  the  disunion  feeling  of  the  South  had  originated  in  the  parishes. 

"  The  President  expressed  himself  gratified  at  the  course  South 
Carolina  was  likely  to  pursue,  and  instead  of  manifesting  any  bitter 
or  revengeful  spirit,  he  evinced  great  kindness,  solicitude  and  mag- 

*  At  Greenville,  S.  C.,  August  1. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  393 

nanimity.  The  whole  delegation  was  deeply  impressed  with  the 
courtesy,  dignity  and  ability  of  his  Excellency.  His  political  views 
expressed  to  us  were  those  of  a  patriot  and  a  statesman.  He  wished 
to  see  the  country  once  more  quiet,  peaceable,  happy  and  prosperous. 
In  regard  to  the  relative  powers  of  the  State  and  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  his  opinions  were  identical  with  my  own,  so  long  expressed 
in  South  Carolina.  He  was  equally  opposed  to  the  centralization 
and  consolidation  of  powers  in  Congress  as  he  was  to  the  secession 
of  the  States.  It  must  be  left  to  the  Legislature  of  each  State  to 
decide  who  shall  be  allowed  to  vote  in  the  State.  Any  attempt  on 
the  part  of  Congress  to  control  the  elective  franchise  of  a  State 
would  be  unwarrantable  usurpation.  He  expressed  an  ardent  wish 
to  see  the  constitution  of  South  Carolina  popularized  by  abolishing 
the  parish  representation,  and  equalizing  the  political  power  cf  the 
upper  and  lower  country,  giving  the  election  of  Governor  to  the 
people,  and  also  the  election  of  electors  of  President  and  Vice-Pre 
sident. 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

"  The  last  interview  I  had  with  the  President,  he  requested  me 
to  write  him,  and  keep  him  informed  as  to  any  difficulty  which  I 
might  meet  with  in  organizing  a  provisional  government.  I  said  to 
him,  '  I  have  already,  Mr.  President,  organized  a  provisional  gov 
ernment  for  South  Carolina,  by  adopting  the  State  Government.  I 
have  issued  my  proclamation,  ordering  all  civil  officers  in  South 
Carolina  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  resume  their  official 
duties.1  '  Well,'  said  he,  '  you  are  a  most  expeditious  Governor.'  I 
replied  by  saying  that  my  appointment  came  late,  and  I  thought  it 
necessary  to  work  rapidly.  I  further  said  to  him  that  I  would  have 
the  State  ready,  with  the  constitution  reformed  and  her  members  of 
Congress  elected  by  the  first  Monday  in  December,  when  Congress 
convened. 

"  In  conclusion,  let  me  say  to  you,  fellow-citizens,  that  I  am  well 
pleased  with  all  that  I  saw  and  heard  at  Washington  in  reference  to 
the  Southern  States.  Let  us  now  do  our  duty,  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  elect  good  and  wise  men  to  the  convention,  reform  our 
State  Constitution,  abolish  slavery,  equalize  the  representation  of  the 
State  in  the  Senate,  give  the  election  of  Governor  and  Presidential 
electors  to  the  people,  and  all  will  be  well.  Immediately  after  the 
convention  has  reformed  the  constitution,  the  Legislature  will  be 
convened  to  elect  United  States  Senators,  and  provide  for  the  elec 
tion  of  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress.  This 
may  all  be  done  by  the  first  Monday  in  December  next,  when  the 
17* 


394  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

State  will  be  fully  restored  to  all  her  rights  under  the  constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States." 

On  the  20th  of  July  the  President  sent  the  following  dis 
patch  to  Governor  Brownlow  of  Tennessee  : 

"WASHINGTON,  July  20,  1865. 

"  To  Hon.  W.  G.  BROWNLOW, — I  hope  and  have  no  doubt  you 
will  see  that  the  recent  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  State, 
as  adopted  by  the  people,  and  all  laws  passed  by  the  Legislature  in 
pursuance  thereof,  are  faithfully  and  fairly  executed,  and  that  all 
illegal  voters  in  the  approaching  election  be  excluded  from  the  polls, 
and  the  election  for  members  of  Congress  be  legally  and  faithfully 
conducted ;  and  when  and  wherever  it  may  seem  necessary  to  employ 
force  for  the  execution  of  the  laws  and  the  protection  of  the  ballot- 
box  from  violence  and  fraud,  you  are  authorized  to  call  upon  Major- 
General  Thomas  for  sufficient  military  force  to  sustain  the  civil 
authorities  of  the  State. 

"  I  have  received  your  recent  address  to  the  people,  and  I  think  it 
well-timed,  and  hope  it  will  do  much  good  in  reconciling  the  oppo 
sition  to  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  passed 
by  the  last  Legislature.  The  law  must  be  executed  and  the  civil 
authority  sustained.  In  your  efforts  to  do  this,  if  necessary,  General 
Thomas  will  afford  sufficient  military  force.  You  are  at  liberty  to 
make  what  use  you  think  proper  of  this  dispatch. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President  U.  #» 

The  President  continued  to  apply  himself  with  unwearied 
devotion  to  the  exciting  duties  of  his  office  until  again  borne 
down  by  attacks  of  a  bilious  nature,  which  have  visited  him 
for  years.  He  relieved  himself  by  a  brief  excursion  down 
the  Potomac  and  Chesapeake  Bay.  His  health  was  suffici 
ently  restored  to  hold  a  prolonged  Cabinet  meeting  on  the 
8th  August. 

The  trial  and  execution  of  the  accomplices  of  Booth,  the 
assassin,  having  been  made  the  subject  of  partisan  comment, 
the  President  submitted  the  question  to  the  law  adviser  of 
the  Government. 

Attorney-General  Speed  in  response  to  an  inquiry  whe 
ther  the  persons  charged  with  the  offence  of  having  assassi- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  395 

nated  tlw  late  President  sliould  be  tried  before  a  military 
tribunal  or  a  civil  court,  gave  a  written  opinion  sustaining 
the  former  mode  of  trial.  This  opinion  has  been  printed. 
It  maintains  that  a  military  tribune  exists  under  and  ac 
cording  to  the  Constitution  in  time  of  war  ;  that  the  law 
of  nations  constitutes  a  part  of  the  law  of  the  land  ;  and 
that  the  laws  of  war  constitute  the  greater  part  of  the  law 
of  nations.  The  laws  of  war  authorize  human  life  to  be 
taken  without  legal  process,  or  that  legal  process  contem 
plated  by  those  provisions  in  the  Constitution  that  are  relied 
upon  to  show  that  military  judicial  tribunals  are  unconsti 
tutional.  The  law  of  nations,  which  is  the  result  of  the 
experience  and  wisdom  of  ages,  has  decided  that  "jay- 
hawkers,"  banditti,  etc.,  are  offenders  against  the  law  of 
nations  and  of  war,  and,  as  such,  amenable  to  the  military. 
Our  Constitution  has  made  those  laws  a  part  of  the  law  of 
the  land.  Obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  the  law,  then, 
requires  that  the  military  should  do  their  whole  duty.  They 
must  not  only  meet  and  fight  the  enemies  of  the  country  in 
open  battle,  but  they  must  kill  or  take  the  secret  enemies  of 
the  country,  and  try  and  execute  them  according  to  the  law. 
The  civil  tribunals  of  the  country  cannot  rightfully  interfere 
with  the  military  in  the  performance  of  their  high,  arduous 
and  perilous,  but  lawful  duties.  The  Attorney- General 
characterizes  Booth  and  his  associates  as  secret  active  public 
enemies  ;  and  he  concludes  with  the  opinion  that  "  the  per 
sons  who  are  charged  with  the  assassination  of  the  Presi 
dent  committed  the  deed  as  public  enemies,  and  whether 
they  did  or  not  is  a  question  to  be  decided  by  the  tribunal 
before  which  they  are  tried.  They  not  only  can  but  ought 
to  be  tried  before  a  military  tribunal.  If  the  persons 
charged  have  offended  against  the  laws  of  war,  it  would  be 
palpably  wrong  for  the  military  to  hand  them  over  to  the 
civil  courts,  as  it  would  be  wrong  in  a  civil  court  to  convict 
a  man  of  murder  who  had  in  time  of  war  killed  another  in 
battle." 


396  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

The  Homestead  Law  is  of  such  extended  importance,  and 
the  subject  is  so  prominently  discussed  in  this  volume,  that 
the  latest  decision  touching  its  provision  naturally  seeks 
admission  into  these  pages.  On  the  9th  August  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Interior,  Mr.  Harlan,mado  an  important  decision 
respecting  the  even  or  reserved  sections  along  the  line  of 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  under  grants  by  Acts  of  Con 
gress,  1st  July,  1862,  also  2d  July,  1864.  In  the  case  of  a 
homestead  entry  at  Junction  City,  Kansas,  on  one  of  the 
reserved  or  alternate  sections,  above  referred  to,  question 
has  been  raised  as  to  rate  per  acre  at  which  said  reserved 
sections  shall  be  held.  The  Homestead  Law  allows  one  hun 
dred  arid  sixty  acres  to  each  settler,  of  one  dollar  and 
twenty-five  cents  per  acre,  or  eighty  acres  of  two  dollars 
and  fifty  cents  per  acre.  The  Homestead  party  in  this  case 
applied  to  take  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  reserved 
sections  in  question.  The  Commissioner-General  of  the 
Land  Office  rejected  the  application  upon  the  ground  that 
tracts  not  being  subject  to  pre-emption  at  a  sum  less  than 
two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  acre,  exceeded  the  number 
of  acres  that  one  party  could  acquire  under  the  Homestead 
Act  of  the  20th  of  May,  1862.  The  Secretary,  after  an 
examination  of  the  whole  matter,  affirmed  the  judgment  of 
the  General  Land  Office,  deciding  as  follows  :  "  The  act 
entitled,  An  Act  to  extend  pre-emption  rights  to  certain 
lands  therein  mentioned,  approved  March  3,  1853,  provides 
that  the  pre-emption  laws  of  the  United  States,  as  they  now 
exist,  be  and  they  are  hereby  extended  over  alternate  re 
served  sections  of  public  lands  along  the  lines  of  all  rail 
roads  in  the  United  States,  wherever  public  lands  have 
been  or  may  be  granted  by  Act  of  Congress.  The  even 
sections  along  the  line  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  must  be 
treated  as  reserved  sections,  within  the  meaning  of  this  act. 
Being  treated  as  subject  to  pre-emption,  the  question  arises 
at  what  price  may  they  be  purchased.  The  proviso  in  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  39V 

above  act  declares  that  the  price  to  be  paid  shall,  in  all 
cases  be  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  acre,  or  such  other 
minimum  price  as  is  now  fixed  by  law  or  may  be  fixed  upon 
lands  hereafter  granted.  The  price  of  reserved  sections  is 
to  be  two  dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  acre,  unless  changed 
by  a  price  fixed,  or  to  be  fixed,  by  law,  on  granted  sections. 
In  this  case,  Congress  has  not  fixed  any  price  on  granted 
sections  until  three  years  after  the  completion  of  the  entire 
road  ;  it  consequently  follows,  that  the  price  named,  two 
dollars  and  fifty  cents  per  acre,  must  now  be  paid  for  re 
served  sections  under  existing  legislation.'7 

The  President  steadily  pursues  his  course  of  policy,  ignor 
ing  party  lines  and  only  keeping  in  view  the  best  means  to 
serve  the  interests  of  the  whole  country  in  the  best  manner. 
The  efforts  of  extremists  to  thwart  his  plans,  or  divert  the 
appliances  by  which  they  are  to  be  carried  out,  affect  him 
not ;  and  the  only  appointments  of  importance  made  by  him 
thus  far — that  of  ex-United  States  Senator  Preston  King  to 
the  Collectorship  and  ex-Representative  Moses  F.  Odell  to 
the  Xaval  Office  at  the  port  of  New  York,  are  regarded  as 
welcome  and  additional  evidence  of  the  national  sentiments 
which  will  guide  his  policy. 

His  diligence  to  the  affairs  of  State  when  not  utterly 
borne  down  by  attention  to  them,  is  a  matter  of  as  much 
anxious  solicitude  as  of  approval.  The  Executive  Mansion 
has  been  crowded  with  deputations,  advisers  and  petitioners 
for  pardon.  It  having  come  to  his  knowledge  that  means 
were  being  taken  to  accomplish  the  latter  by  means  of 
agents  who  received  large  fees  for  their  services,  the  Presi 
dent  promptly  directed  the  Attorney- General  to  issue  no 
more  warrants  for  pardon  at  present,  desiring  to  examine 
the  cases  himself  and  do  full  justice  to  the  parties.  One  of 
many  scenes  in  which  he  was  surrounded  by  persons  solicit 
ing  pardon  is  thus  described  : 

"  Some  fifty  persons  were  present,  most  of  them  seeking  pardons. 


398  .      LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

A  Mr.  Keitt,  of  South  Carolina  (not  Lawrence  M.,  he  having  been 
killed  by  a  loyal  bullet  at  Fort  Wagner),  approached  the  President, 
and  informed  him  that  he  desired  a  pardon.  '  What  have  you  done  ?' 
asked  Mr.  Johnson.  'I  opposed  secession  until  my  State  decided  to 
go  out  of  the  Union,  and  then  I  determined  to  go  with  it.  I  never 
joined  the  army.  I  did  nothing  to  bring  on  the  rebellion,'  was  the 
reply.  '  You,'  rejoined  the  President,  'are  like  all  the  rest;  you  did 
nothing.  Now,'  he  added,  '  my  experience  is,  that  the  men  who 
didn't  join  the  rebel  army,  but  who  acquiesced  in  rebellion,  were  the 
most  mischievous  and  dangerous  men  we  had.  I  cannot  pardon  you, 
sir.'  Mr.  Keitt  made  several  other  efforts.  Among  other  things  he 
reminded  the  President  that  he  had  come  all  the  way  from  South 
Carolina  and  had  been  in  Washington  some  time ;  that  hotel  living 
here  was  veiy  high,  and  that  altogether  his  daily  expenses  were  ex 
travagantly  large,  and  that  he  would  like  to  get  away  as  soon  as  he 
could  go.  The  President  responded  that  the  hardships  of  which  he 
complained  were  the  direct  results  of  the  rebellion  ;  that  he  did  not 
bring  on,  or  contribute  to  bring  on  the  rebellion ;  that  he  was  not 
responsible  for  and  could  not  extricate  Mr.  Keitt  from  the  difficulties 
he  complained  of,  nor  hasten  his  pardon  on  account  of  them.  The 
President  was  firm.  His  answer  was  a  finality.  A  Mr.  Birch,  mem 
ber  of  the  late  rebel  Legislature  of  Virginia,  next  approached  the 
President  and  applied  for  a  pardon.  Similar  questions  were  put  to 
him  by  the  President  as  were  asked  Mr.  Keitt.  From  the  answers  it 
appeared  that  Birch  did  nothing,  only,  as  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
Legislature,  in  obedience  to  instructions,  he  voted  that  Virginia 
should  secede  from  the  Union  of  the  United  States.  That  is  all  he 
did  that  was— '  nothing.'  The  President  refused  to  pardon  him. 
Next  came  a  rebel  clergyman  who  asked  the  President  to  grant  him 
a  pardon.  *  What  great  sin  have  you  committed  that  you  come  here 
in  clerical  robes  and  crave  Executive  pardon  ?'  '  I  was  a  rebel,'  was 
the  answer,  '  and  I  desire  your  Excellency  to  pardon  me  that  I  may 
be  restored  to  citizenship  and  be  able  to  support  and  live  under  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.'  '  You  rebel  preachers,'  responded 
the  President,  'have  done  the  Government  a  great  deal  of  harm. 
You  have  proclaimed  devilish  doctrines  and  misled  the  people.  You 
forgot  that  it  was  your  duty  to  yield  obedience  to  the  powers  that 
be.  You  must  rest  awhile  upon  the  stool  of  repentance.  I  decline 
to  grant  you  pardon  at  present.' 

"The  President  then  remarked,  addressing  the  entire  crowd  in  the 
room,  that  it  was  a  little  singular  that  most  of  the  non-combatants 
who  had  come  here  from  the  South  for  pardon  assert  that  they  did 
nothing,  were  opposed  to  the  rebellion  at  the  beginning,  only  acqui- 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNS  ON".  399 

esced,  and  thought  the  rebel  government  ought  to  have  surrendered 
earlier  and  stopped  bloodshed;  yet  not  one  of -them  took  advantage 
of  the  amnesty  proclamation  offered  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  an  act  which 
would  have  shown  sincerity  on  their  part,  and  contributed  so  much 
toward  saving  the  enormous  expenditure  of  life  and  treasure.  l  I  will 
grant  no  more  pardons  for  the  present,'  was  the  emphatic  conclusion 
of  the  President,  and  turning  to  Colonel  Browning,  he  directed  him 
to  issue  the  order  to  the  Attorney-General." 

During  the  sitting  of  the  Mississippi  State  Convention, 
Governor  Shark ey  communicated  to  it,  24th  August,  a  tele 
graphic  dispatch  received  by  him  from  President  Johnson. 
The  work  of  State  restoration,  so  spiritedly  entered  into  by 
Mississippi,  was  a  source  of  great  gratification  to  the  Presi 
dent,  and  his  dispatch  congratulated  the  members  of  the 
Convention  on  the  progress  they  were  making  in  paving  the 
way  to  the  readmission  of  the  State  of  Mississippi  into  the 
Union,  and  expressed  an  earnest  hope  that  all  obstacles  to 
such  readmission  would  soon  be  removed.  The  dispatch 
further  announced  that  the  President  would  restore  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus,  and  remove  the  troops  from  the  State  at 
the  earliest  moment  that  progressive  loyalty  of  action  would 
warrant. 

M.  Maurice  Delfosse,  the  new  Minister  Resident  from 
Belgium  was  presented  on  the  25th  August,  On  delivering 
his  credentials  he  said  it  was  his  first  duty,  and  he  was  happy 
to  fulfil  it,  to  assure  the  President  of  the  constant  friendship 
of  the  King,  and  to  express  the  sincere  wishes  of  his  Majesty 
for  his  personal  happiness  and  for  the  prosperity  and  well- 
being  of  the  United  States.  As  for  himself,  the  Minister 
said,  he  should  have  no  other  object  in  endeavoring  to  de 
serve  the  President's  favorable  regard  than  to  maintain 
friendly  relations  between  the  government  of  Belgium  and 
that  of  the  United  States,  and  to  draw  more  closely  the  ties 
of  friendship  which  happily  exist  between  the  two  countries. 

To  this  the  President  replied  : 


400  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  Mr.  DELFOSSE, — I  receive  you  with  pleasure  as  the  representative 
of  his  Majesty,  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  and  I  hope  that  you  may 
find  your  residence  here  satisfactory  and  agreeable.  Your  sovereign 
has  performed  promptly  many  friendly  offices  for  the  United  States, 
and  he  is  therefore  held  in  high  respect  and  esteem  among  the  Ameri 
can  people.  Our  best  wishes  are  constantly  given  for  not  only  the 
welfare  of  your  enlightened  country,  but  for  the  health  and  happi 
ness  of  the  King." 

By  the  following  proclamation  the  President  removed  all 
.remaining  restrictions  on  articles  announced  as  contraband 
of  war  in  trade  with  the  Southern  States  : 

FREEDOM   OF   TRADE. 

Proclamation  hy  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  Whereas,  by  my  proclamations  of  the  13th  and  24th  of  June,  1865, 
removing  restrictions  in  part  upon  internal,  domestic  and  coastwise 
intercourse  and  trade,  with  the  States  recently  declared  in  insurrec 
tion,  certain  articles  were  exempted  from  the  effect  of  said  proclama 
tions  as  contraband  of  war ;  and  whereas  the  necessity  for  restricting 
trade  in  said  articles  has  now,  in  a  great  measure,  ceased,  it  is  hereby 
ordered  that  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  September,  1865,  all  restric 
tions  aforesaid  be  removed,  so  that  the  articles  declared  by  the  said 
proclamations  to  be  contraband  of  war  may  be  imported  into  and 
sold  in  said  States,  subject  only  to  such  regulations  as  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  may  prescribe. 

"  In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  City  of  Washington,  this  twenty-ninth  day  of  August, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty- 
five,  and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  nintieth. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
"Tty  the  President  : 

"WILLIAM  II.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State." 

While  this  work  was  passing  through  the  press  additional 
indications  of  the  President's  Restoration  policy  were  mani 
fested  by  his  action  towards  the  State  of  Mississippi,  and  his 
remarks  to  a  delegation  representing  nine  Southern  States. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  401 

f"0n  the  19th  August  Governor  Sliarkey  issued  a  proclama 
tion  calling  on  the  people  of  Mississippi  to  organize  under 
the  militia  laws  of  the  State,  in  eacli  county,  a  force  for  the 
prevention  and  detection  of  crime  and  the  arrest  of  crimi 
nals.  Major-General  Slocum,  department  commander,  issued 
an  order  preventing  the  execution  of  the  Governor's  inten 
tion.  Hon.  Carl  Schurz,  a  Government  commissioner,  on  a 
tour  of  inspection,  sent  a  dispatch  to  the  President  express 
ing  fears  of  the  propriety  of  Governor  Sharkey's  course,  and 
deprecating  any  action  by  the  President  adverse  to  the  order 
issued  by  Major- General  Slocum.  The  President,  under  date 
of  August  30,  telegraphed  Mr.  Schurz  as  followjyi 

r"  I  presume  General  Slocum  will  not  issue  an  order  interfering  with 
Governor  Sharkey's  efforts  to  restore  the  functions  of  the  State  with 
out  first  consulting  the  Government  and  giving  reasons  for  such  pro 
posed  interference.  It  is  believed  that  there  can  be  organized  in  each 
county  a  force  of  citizens  or  militia  to  suppress  crime,  restore  order, 
and  enforce  the  civil  authority  of  the  State  and  of  the  United  States, 
which  would  enable  the  Federal  Government  to  reduce  the  army  and 
withdraw  to  a  great  extent  the  forces  from  the  States  and  reduce  the 
enormous  expenses  of  the  Government.  If  there  were  any  danger 
from  the  organization  of  the  citizens  for  the  purpose  indicated,  the 
military  arc  there  to  suppress  on  the  first  appearance  of  any  move 
ment  insurrectionary  in  its  charactejr.J  One  great  object  is  to  induce 
the  people  to  come  forward  in  the  defense  of  the  State  and  Federal 
Governments.  General  Washington  declared  that  the  people  or  the 
militia  were  the  army  of  the  Constitution  or  the  army  of  the  United 
States ;  and  as  soon  as  it  is  practicable  the  original  design  of  the 
Government  should  be  resumed  under  the  principles  of  the  great 
charter  of  freedom  handed  down  to  the  people  by  the  foundation  of 
the  Republic.  The  people  must  be  trusted  with  their  Government ; 
and,  if  trusted,  my  opinion  is  that  they  will  act  in  good  faith  and 
restore  their  former  constitutional  relations  with  all  the  States  com 
posing  the  Union.  The  main  object  of  Major-Gen eral  Carl  Schurz' 
mission  to  the  South  was  to  aid,  as  much  as  practicable,  in  carrying 
out  the  policy  adopted  by  the  Government  for  restoring  the  States 
to  their  former  relations  with  the  Federal  Government.  It  is  hoped 
such  aid  has  been  given.  fTThe  proclamation  authorizing  the  restora 
tion  of  the  State  government,  requires  the  military  to  aid  the  Provi- 
26 


402  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

sional  Governor  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,  as  prescribed  in 
the  proclamation,  and  in  no  manner  to  interfere  or  throw  impedi 
ments  in  the  way  of  the  consummation  of  the  object  of  his  appoint 
ment,  at  least,  without  advising  the  Government  of  the  intended 
interference. 

"ANDREW  JOHNSON,  i 

President  of  the  United  States.'lJ 

By  direction  of  the  President  a  copy  of  this  was  given  to 
Governor  Sharkey,  who  earnestly  requested  permission  to 
publish  it.  To  this  request  the  President  replied  by  tele 
graph  :  "  My  dispatch  was  not  intended  for  publication  ;  but 
you  can  make  such  use  of  it  as  you  deem  best."  The  same 
day  the  following  dispatch  was  sent  to  General  Slocum  : 

"  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,   ) 
September  2,  1865.          { 

"Major-General  SLOCUM,  etc.,  etc., — Upon  the  19th  of  August, 
Governor  Sharkey  issued  a  proclamation  calling  for  the  formation 
of  military  companies  in  each  county,  to  detect  criminals,  prevent 
crime  and  preserve  good  order  in  places  where  the  military  forces  of 
the  United  States  were  insufficient  to  do  so.  If  you  have  issued  any 
order  countermanding  this  proclamation,  or  interfering  with  its  exe 
cution,  you  will  at  once  revoke  it.  Acknowledge  the  receipt  of  this 
order,  and  telegraph  your  action. 

"By  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

"  T.  T.  ECKERT,  Acting  Assist.  Sec.  of  War." 

(On  the  llth  September  a  meeting  of  Southerners,  the 
most  prominent  of  whom  were  in  the  city  on  business  con 
nected  with  the  re-establishment  of  civil  government  in  their 
respective  States,  assembled  in  Washington-J  Desiring  to 
address  the  President  on  behalf  of  the  South,  and  to  express 
to  him  their  unqualified  confidence  in  the  justice  and  mag 
nanimity  of  the  Government  in  the  matter  of  restoration, 
they  were  admitted  to  an  interview  about  noon.  Presenting 
his  associates,  Mr.  McFarland  of  Virginia  made  the  follow 
ing  remarks  : 

Mr.  President, — The  gentlemen  accompanying  me,  and  whom  I 
have  the  honor  of  introducing  to  you,  constitute  a  number  of  the 


OF  ANDRE  W  JOHNS  ON.  403 

most  respectable  citizens  of  nine  of  the  Southern  States.  They  come, 
sir,  for  the  purpose  of  manifesting  the  sincere  respect  and  regard  they 
entertain  for  you,  and  to  express  their  sincere  determination  to  co 
operate  with  you  in  whatever  shall  tend  to  promote  the  interests  and 
welfare  of  our  common  country,  and  to  say  that  they  are  as  earnest 
now  and  faithful  to  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  and  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  Union,  as  in  the  past,  and  that  they  have  great 
confidence  in  your  wisdom  to  heal  the  wounds  that  have  been  made, 
and  in  your  disposition  to  exercise  all  the  leniency  which  can  be 
commended  by  a  sound  and  judicious  policy.  That  they  are  assured, 
in  doing  this,  of  your  desire  and  intention  to  sustain  and  maintain 
Southern  rights  in  the  Union  of  the  United  States. 

The  President  was  surprised  at  the  imposing  appearance 
of  the  delegation,  and  was  evidently  much  affected  in  reply. 
Every  gesture  and  utterance  was  full  of  subdued  eloquence. 
His  reply  was  as  follows  : 

Gentlemen, — I  can  only  say  in  reply  to  the  remarks  of  your  chair 
man  that  I  am  highly  gratified  to  receive  the  assurances  he  has 
given  me.  They  are  more  than  I  could  have  expected  under  the 
circumstances.  I  must  say  I  was  unprepared  to  receive  so  numerous 
a  delegation  on  this  occasion ;  it  was  unexpected.  I  had  no  idea  it 
was  to  be  so  large,  or  represent  so  many  States,  when  I  expressed,  as 
I  did,  my  willingness  to  see  at  any  time  so  many  of  you  as  chose  to 
do  me  the  honor  to  call  upon  me,  and  stated  that  I  should  be  grati 
fied  at  receiving  any  manifestations  of  regard  you  might  think  proper 
to  make.  I  was  totally  unprepared  for  anything  equal  to  the  present 
demonstration.  I  am  free  to  say  it  excites  in  my  mind  feelings  and 
emotions  that  language  is  totally  inadequate  to  express.  When  I 
look  back  upon  my  past  actions,  and  recall  a  period  scarcely  more 
than  four  short  years  ago,  when  I  stood  battling  for  principles  which 
many  of  you  supposed  and  thought  were  wrong,  I  was  battling  for 
the  same  principles  that  actuate  me  to-day,  and  which  principles  I 
thank  my  God  you  have  come  forward  on  this  occasion  to  manifest 
a  disposition  to  support.  I  can  say  now,  as  I  have  said  on  many 
former  occasions,  that  I  entertain  no  personal  resentments,  enmities 
or  animosities  to  any  living  soul  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line, 
however  much  he  may  have  differed  from  me  in  principle.  The 
stand  I  then  took  I  claim  to  have  been  the  only  true  one.  I  remem 
ber  how  I  stood  pleading  with  my  Southern  brethren,  when  they 
stood  with  their  hats  in  their  hands  ready  to  turn  their  backs  upon 


404  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

the  United  States— how  I  implored  them  to  stand  with  me  there  and 
maintain  our  rights  and  fight  our  battles  under  the  laws  and  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States.  I  think  now  as  I  thought  then,  and 
endeavored  to  induce  them  to  believe,  that  our  true  position  was 
under  the  law  and  under  the  Constitution  of  the  Union  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  it ;  but  if  that  principle  made  an  issue  that 
rendered  a  disintegration  possible — if  that  made  an  issue  which 
should  prevent  us  from  transmitting  to  our  children  a  country  an 
bequeathed  to  us  by  our  fathers,  I  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  stand 
by  the  Government,  be  the  consequences  what  they  might.  I  said 
then  what  you  all  know,  that  I  was  for  the  institutions  of  the  country 
as  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  but  above  all  things  I  was  for 
the  Union  of  the  States.  I  remember  the  taunts,  the  jeers,the  scowls 
with  which  I  was  treated ;  I  remember  the  circle  that  stood  around 
me,  and  remember  the  threats  and  intimidations  that  were  freely 
uttered  by  the  men  who  opposed  me  and  whom  I  wanted  to  befriend 
and  guide  by  the  light  that  led  me ;  but  feeling  conscious  in  my 
own  integrity  and  that  I  was  right,  I  heeded  not  what  they  might 
say  or  do  to  me,  and  was  inspired  and  encouraged  to  do  my  duty, 
regardless  of  aught  else,  and  have  lived  to  see  the  realization  of  my 
predictions  and  the  fatal  error  of  those  whom  I  vainly  essayed  to 
save  from  the  results  I  could  not  but  foresee.  Gentlemen,  we  have 
passed  through  this  rebellion.  I  say  we,  for  we  are  responsible  for 
it.  Yes,  the  south  made  the  issue,  and  I  know  the  nature  of  the 
Southern  people  well  enough  to  know  that  when  they  have  become 
convinced  of  an  error  they  frankly  acknowledge  it  in  a  manly,  open, 
direct  manner  ;  and  now  in  the  performance  of  that  duty,  or  indeed 
in  any  act  they  undertake  to  perform,  they  do  it  heartily  and  frankly  ; 
and  now  that  they  come  to  me,  I  understand  them  as  saying  that 
"  we  made  the  issue  ;  we  set  up  the  Union  of  the  States  against  the 
institution  of  slavery  ;  we  selected  as  arbitrator  the  God  of  Battles  ; 
the  arbitrament  was  the  sword.  The  issue  was  fairly  and  honorably 
met.  Both  the  questions  presented  have  been  settled  against  us,  and 
we  are  prepared  to  accept  the  issue."  I  find  on  all  sides  this  spirit 
of  candor  and  honor  prevailing.  It  is  said  by  all :  "  The  issue  was 
ours,  the  judgment  has  been  against  us,  and  the  decision  having  been 
made  against  us  we  feel  bound  in  honor  to  abide  by  the  arbitrament. 
In  doing  this  we  are  doing  ourselves  no  dishonor,  and  should  not 
feel  humiliated  or  degraded  but  rather  that  we  are  ennobling  our 
selves  by  our  action,  and  we  should  feel  that  the  government  has 
treated  us  magnanimously,  and  meet  the  government  upon  the  terms 
it  has  so  magnanimously  proffered  us."  So  far  as  I  am  concerned  per 
sonally,  I  am  uninfluenced  by  any  question,  whether  it  affects  the. 


OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON.  405 

North  or  the  South,  the  East  or  the  West.  f"l  stand  where  I  did  of 
old,  battling  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  of  these  United 
States.  In  doing  so,  I  know  I  opposed  some  of  you  gentlemen  of 
the  South,  when  the  doctrine  of  secession  was  being  urged  upon  the 
country,  and  the  declaration  of  your  right  to  break  up  the  govern 
ment  and  disintegrate  the  Union  was  made^j  I  stand  to-day  as  I  have 
ever  stood,  firmly  in  the  opinion  that  if  a  monopoly  contends  against 
this  country,  the  monopoly  must  go  down  and  the  country  must  go 
up.  Yes,  the  issue  was  made  by  the  South  against  the  government 
and  the  government  has  triumphed  ;  and  the  South,  true  to  her  an 
cient  instincts  of  frankness  and  manly  honor,  comes  forth  and  expresses 
her  willingness  to  abide  the  result  of  the  decision  in  good  faith. 
While  I  think  that  the  rebellion  has  been  arrested  and  subdued,  and 
am  happy  in  the  consciousness  of  a  duty  well  performed,  I  want  not 
only  you,  but  the  people  of  the  world,  to  know  that  while  I  dreaded 
and  feared  disintegration  of  the  States,  I  am  equally  opposed  to  con 
solidation  or  concentration  of  power  here,  under  whatever  guise  or 
name ;  and  if  the  issue  is  forced  upon  us,  I  shall  still  endeavor  to 
pursue  the  same  efforts  to  dissuade  from  this  doctrine  of  running  to 
extremes ;  but  I  say  let  the  same  rules  be  applied.  Let  the  Constitu 
tion  be  our  guide.  Let  the  preservation  of  that  and  the  Union  of 
States  be  our  principal  aim.  Let  it  be  our  hope  that  the  government 
may  be  perpetual,  and  that  the  principles  of  the  government,  founded 
as  they  are  on  right  and  justice,  may  be  handed  down  without  spot 
or  blemish  to  our  posterity.  As  I  have  before  remarked  to  you,  I  am 
gratified  to  see  so  many  of  you  here  to-day.  It  manifests  a  spirit  I 
am  pleased  to  observe.  I  know  it  has  been  said  of  me  that  my  as 
perities  are  sharp  ;  that  Iliad  vindictive  feelings  to  gratify,  and  that  I 
should  not  fail  to  avail  myself  of  the  opportunities  that  would  present 
themselves  to  gratify  such  despicable  feelings.  '  Gentlemen,  if  my 
acts  will  not  speak  for  me  and  for  themselves,  then  any  professions  I 
might  now  make  would  be  equally  useless.  But,  gentlemen,  if  I 
know  myself,  as  I  think  I  do,  I  know  that  I  am  of  the  Southern 
people,  and  I  love  them,  and  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  restore  them 
to  that  state  of  happiness  and  prosperity  which  they  enjoyed  before 
the  madness  of  misguided  men,  in  whom  they  had  reposed  their 
confidence,  led  them  astray  to  their  own  undoing^  If  there  is  any 
thing  that  can  be  done  on  my  part  on  correct  principles,  on  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Constitution,  to  promote  these  ends,  be  assured  it  shall 
be  done.  fXet  me  assure  you,  also,  that  there  is  no  disposition  on  the 
part  of  the  government  to  deal  harshly  with  the  Southern  people. 
There  may  be  speeches  published  from  various  quarters  that  may 
breathe  a  different  spirit.  Do  not  let  them  trouble  or  excite  you,  but 


400  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

believe  that  it  is,  as  it  is,  the  great  object  of  the  government  to  make 
the  union  of  these  United  States  more  complete  and  perfect  than 
ever,  and  to  maintain  it  on  constitutional  principles,  if  possible  more 
firmly  than  it  has  ever  before  beenj  Then  why  cannot  we  all  come 
up  to  the  work  in  a  proper  spirit  ?  In  other  words  :  Let  us  look  to 
the  Constitution.  The  issue  has  been  made,  and  decided.  Then  as 
wise  men,  as  men  who  see  right  and  are  determined  to  follow  it,  as 
fathers  and  brothers,  and  as  men  who  love  their  country  in  this  hour 
of  trial  and  suffering,  why  cannot  we  come  up  and  help  to  settle  the 
questions  of  the  hour,  and  adjust  them  according  to  the  principles 
of  honor  and  of  justice  ?  I" The  institution  of  slavery  is  gone.  The 
former  status  of  the  negro  had  to  be  changed,  and  we,  as  wise  men, 
must  recognize  so  patent  a  fact  and  adapt  ourselves  to  circumstances 
as  they  surround  usljp 

VOICES  :  "  We  are  willing  to  do  so.'*  "  Yes,  sir,  we  are  willing 
to  do  so." 

I  believe  you  are.  I  believe  when  your  faith  is  pledged — when 
your  consent  has  been  given,  as  I  have  already  said — I  believe  it  will 
be  maintained  in  good  faith,  and  every  pledge  or  promise  fully 
carried  ou^J 

VOICES:  "It  will." 

All  I  ask  or  desire  of  the  South  or  the  North,  the  East  or  the  West, 
is  to  be  sustained  in  carrying  out  the  principles  of  the  Constitution. 
It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  we  have  been  great  sufferers  on  both  sides. 
Good  men  have  fallen  on  both  sides,  and  much  misery  is  being  en 
dured,  as  the  necessary  result  of  so  gigantic  a  contest.  Why,  then, 
cannot  we  come  together,  and  around  the  common  altar  of  our  coun 
try  heal  the  wounds  that  have  been  made  ?  Deep  wounds  have  been 
inflicted.  Our  country  has  been  scarred  all  over.  Then  why  cannot 
we  approach  each  other  upon  principles  which  are  right  in  them 
selves,  and  which  will  be  productive  of  good  to  all  ?  The  day  is  not 
distant  when  we  shall  feel  like  some  family  that  has  had  a  deep  and 
desperate  feud,  the  various  members  of  which  have  come  together 
and  compared  the  evils  and  sufferings  they  have  inflicted  upon  each 
other.  They  have  seen  the  influence  of  their  error  and  its  result,  and 
governed  by  a  generous  spirit  of  conciliation,  they  have  become 
mutually  forbearing  and  forgiving,  and  returned  to  their  old  habits 
of  fraternal  kindness,  and  become  better  friends  than  ever.  Then  let 
us  consider  that  the  feud  which  alienated  us  has  been  settled  and 
adjusted  to  our  mutual  satisfaction  ;  and  that  we  come  together  to 
be  bound  by  firmer  bonds  of  love,  respect  and  confidence  than  ever. 
The  North  cannot  get  along  without  the  South,  nor  the  South  with 
out  the  North,  the  East  without  the  West,  nor  the  West  without  the 


OF  ANDREW  JOUXSON.  407 

East,  and  I  say  it  is  our  duty  to  do  all  that  in  our  power  lies  to 
perpetuate  and  make  stronger  the  bonds  of  our  Union,  seeing  that  it 
it,  for  the  common  good  of  all  that  we  should  be  united.  I  feel  that 
this  Union,  though  but  the  creation  of  a  century,  is  to  be  perpetuated 
for  all  time,  and  that  it  cannot  be  destroyed,  except  by  the  all-wise 
God  who  created  it.  Gentlemen,  I  repeat,  I  sincerely  thank  you  for 
the  respect  manifested  on  this  occasion  ;  and  for  the  expressions  of 
approbation  and  confidence  please  to  accept  my  sincere  thanks. 

Mr.  MCFARLAND  replied : 

Mr.  President— On  behalf  of  this  delegation,  I  return  you  my  sincere 
thanks  for  your  kind,  generous,  aye,  magnanimous  expressions  of 
kindly  feeling  to  the  people  of  the  South. 

The  visitors  then  retired. 

Among  the  numerous  demonstrations  of  approval  the  Pre 
sident's  course  has  drawn  forth,  a  mass  meeting  in  Richmond 
inviting  the  President  and  Cabinet  to  visit  that  city,  was 
not  the  least  remarkable.  Mr.  Charles  Palmer,  one  of  the 
Committee  appointed  to  carry  out  the  intention  of  the  meet 
ing,  has  published  a  report  of  the  mission  from  which,  as  bear 
ing  on  the  subject  under  illustration,  we  quote  an  extract : 

"The  President  spoke  with  much  feeling  in  relation  to 
the  unhappy  situation  of  Richmond  and  the  condition  of  the 
South  generally,  which  I  think  he  will  help  as  much  as  cir 
cumstances  will  allow.  Take  him  all  in  all,  I  do  not  believe 
any  proud  monarch  of  Europe,  whose  race  of  kings  by  divine 
right  has  flourished  a  thousand  years  of  time,  has  a  clearer 
conception  of  his  duties  and  knows  better  how  to  temper 
justice  with  mercy  than  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee.  From 
my  interview  with  the  President  I  drew  the  most  cheering 
auguries  ;  it  impressed  me  with  the  conviction  that  the  South 
will  find  in  him  a  friend  and  protector,  if  she  will  come  up  to 
his  requirements  cheerfully,  and  accept  with  true  hearts  the 
terms  of  reconstruction  offered.  With  one  voice  and  one 
heart  we  will  greet  his  coming  to  this  old  Commonwealth 
with  joyous  welcome." 

The  unfolding  of  President  Johnson's  restoration  policy, 
in  his  proclamations  and  replies  to  the  Southern  delegations 


408  LIFE  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

who  have  waited  upon  him,  attracted,  as  might  be  expected, 
the  almost  undivided  attention  of  the  country.  It  forms  the 
staple  comment  in  the  public  journals,  and  of  conversation 
in  private  circles.  By  both  he  is  almost  universally  sus 
tained.  In  his  knowledge  of  the  South  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  daring  and  brilliant  record  of  his  patriotism  on  the 
other,  as  well  as  on  his  expressed  doctrine  of  non-interference 
with  the  constitutional  rights  and  duties  of  the  States  en 
gaged  in  reassuming  their  loyal  status  in  the  Republic,  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  find  a  solid  basis  on  which  to  lay 
the  foundation  of  future  prosperity  and  glory.  Facing  the 
great  work  to  which  Providence  has  assigned  him,  he  relies 
not  upon  the  passions,  prejudices  and  partisan  feelings  which 
to  some  extent  may  be  pardonable  in  minds  not  purified  by 
the  great  responsibilities  which  encircle  him.  Rising  with 
the  grandeur  of  the  occasion,  he  desires  to  meet  and  guide 
it  in  the  spirit  of  a  true  representative  agent  of  a  great 
People.  The  tolerated  curse  of  slavery  having  been  totally 
lifted  from  the  soil,  he  desires,  in  a  just  democratic  republi 
can  spirit  to  see  the  free  Southern  States,  with  cleansed  con 
stitutions,  manage  their  internal  aifairs  as  the  free  Northern 
States  do. 

All  the  seceding  States  are  provided  with  civil  Executives 
either  elected  or  provisionally  appointed  ;  and  that  portion 
of  our  country  lately  reeling  in  the  maelstrom  of  insurrec 
tion  and  civil  war  is  now  undergoing  the  wise  influences  of 
the  American  system  ;  preparing  to  enter  upon  a  new  and 
brighter  path — to  achieve  a  wider  and  grander  destiny  ;  and 
to  contribute  to  the  prosperity,  the  honor  and  glory  of  a 
mighty  and  a  Free  Republic. 


APPENDIX. 


SPEECH  IN  EEPLY  TO  SENATOR  LANE,  OF  OREGON;  delivered  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  March  2,  1861. 

The  Senate  having  under  consideration  the  report  of  the  Peace 
Conference,  and  Mr.  Lane,  of  Oregon,  having  concluded  his  speech- 
Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee,  said : 

Mr.  PRESIDENT,— It  is  painful  to  me  to  be  compelled  to  occupy  any 
of  the  time  of  the  Senate  upon  the  subject  that  has  just  been  discus 
sed  by  the  Senator  from  Oregon.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  extraordi 
nary  speech  he  has  made,  and  the  singular  course  he  has  taken,  I 
should  refrain  from  saying  one  word  at  this  late  hour  of  the  day  and 
of  the  session.  But,  sir,  it  must  be  apparent,  not  only  to  the  Senate, 
but  to  the  whole  country,  that,  either  by  accident  or  by  design,  there 
has  been  an  arrangement  that  any  one  who  appeared  in  this  Senate 
to  vindicate  the  Union  of  these  States  should  be  attacked.  Why  is 
it  that  no  one  in  the  Senate  or  out  of  it,  who  is  in  favor  of  the  Union 
of  these  States,  has  made  an  attack  upon  me  ?  Why  has  it  been  left 
to  those  who  have  taken  both  open  and  secret  ground  in  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  for  the  disruption  of  the  Government  ?  Why 
has  there  been  a  concerted  attack  upon  me  from  the  beginning  of 
this  discussion  to  the  present  moment,  not  even  confined  to  the  ordi 
nary  courtesies  of  debate  and  of  senatorial  decorum  ?  It  is  a  ques 
tion  which  lifts  itself  above  personalities.  I  care  not  from  what 
direction  the  Senator  comes  who  indulges  in  personalities  towards 
me  ;  in  that,  I  feel  that  I  am  above  him,  and  that  he  is  my  inferior. 
[Applause  in  the  galleries.] 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Polk  in  the  chair)  rapped  with  his 
mallet,  and  then  said :  The  Chair  will  announce  that  if  that  disturb 
ance  is  reoeated  in  the  galleries,  they  must  be  cleared.  That  is  the 

(1) 


2  APPENDIX. 

order  of  the  Senate  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  properly  the  delib 
erations  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  DOOLITTLE  :  I  hope  the  Chair  will  enforce  the  order,  and  not 
threaten  to  do  so.  When  applause  is  given  on  the  expression  of 
Union  sentiments,  in  which  I  fully  concur,  I  desire  that  the  order 
shall  be  enforced,  and  there  can  then  be  no  exception  taken  if  we 
enforce  the  rules  when  applause  may  be  given  for  any  other  senti 
ments  uttered  on  this  floor. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee :  Mr.  President,  I  was  alluding  to  the 
use  of  personalities.  They  are  not  arguments ;  they  are  the  resort  of 
men  whose  minds  are  low  and  coarse.  It  is  very  easy  to  talk  about 
"  cowards ;"  to  draw  autobiographical  sketches ;  to  recount  the  re 
markable,  the  wonderful  events  and  circumstances  and  exploits  that 
we  have  performed.  I  have  presented  facts  and  authorities ;  and 
upon  them  I  have  argued ;  from  them  I  have  drawn  conclusions ; 
and  why  have  they  not  been  met  ?  Why  have  they  not  been  an 
swered  ?  Why  abandon  the  great  issues  before  the  country,  and  go 
into  personalities  ?  In  this  discussion  I  shall  act  upon  the  principle 
laid  do'wn  in  Cowper's  conversation,  where'  he  says : 

"A  moral,  sensible,  and  well-bred  man 
Will  not  affront  me;   and  no  other  can." 

But  there  are  men  who  talk  about  cowardice,  cowards,  courage, 
and  all  that  kind  of  thing ;  and  in  this  connection,  I  will  say,  once 
for  all,  not  boastingly,  with  no  anger  in  my  bosom,  that  these  two 
eyes  never  looked  upon  any  being  in  the  shape  of  mortal  man  that 
this  heart  of  mine  feared. 

Sir,  have  we  reached  a  point  of  time  at  which  we  dare  not  speak 
of  treason  ?  Our  forefathers  talked  about  it ;  they  spoke  of  it  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  country ;  they  have  defined  what  treason  is.  Is 
it  an  offense,  is  it  a  crime,  is  it  an  insult  to  recite  the  Constitution 
that  was  made  by  Washington  and  his  compatriots  ?  What  does  the 
Constitution  define  treason  to  be  ? 

"•  Treason  against  the  United  States  nhall  consist  only  in  levying 
war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid 
and  comfort." 

There  it  is  defined  clearly  that  treason  shall  consist  only  in  levying 
war  against  the  United  States,  and  adhering  to  and  giving  aid  and 
comfort  to  their  enemies.  Who  is  it  that  has  been  engaged  in  con 
spiracies  ?  Who  is  it  that  has  been  engaged  in  making  war  upon  the 
United  States  ?  Who  is  it  that  has  fired  upon  our  flag  ?  Who  is  it 
that  has  given  instructions  to  take  your  arsenals,  to  take  your  forts, 


APPENDIX.  3 

to  take  your  dock-yards,  to  seize  your  custom-houses,  and  rob  your 
treasuries  ?  Who  is  it  that  has  been  engaged  in  secret  conclaves,  and 
issuing  orders  for  the  seizure  of  public  property  in  violation  of  the 
Constitution  they  were  sworn  to  support  ?  In  the  language  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  are  not  those  who  have  been  en 
gaged  in  this  nefarious  work  guilty  of  treason  ?  I  will  now  present 
a  fair  issue,  and  hope  it  will  be  fairly  met.  Show  me  who  has  been 
engaged  in  these  conspiracies ;  show  me  who  has  been  sitting  in 
these  nightly  and  secret  conclaves  plotting  the  overthrow  of  the  Gov 
ernment  ;  show  me  Avho  has  fired  upon  our  flag,  has  given  instruc 
tions  to  take  our  forts  and  our  custom-houses,  our  arsenals  and  our 
dock-yards,  and  I  will  show  you  a  traitor !  [Applause  in  the  gal 
leries.] 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Polk  in  the  chair) :  The  Sergeant- 
at-Arms  will  clear  the  galleries  on  the  right  of  the  Chair  immediately. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee  :  That  is  a  fair  proposition — 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  :  The  Senator  from  Tennessee  will  pause 
until  the  order  of  the  Chair  is  executed. 

[Here  a  long  debate  ensued  upon  questions  of  order  and  the  pro 
priety  of  clearing  the  galleries.] 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee :  I  hope  the  execution  of  the  order  will 
be  suspended,  and  I  will  go  security  for  the  gallery  that  they  will  not 
applaud  any  more.  I  should  have  been  nearly  through  my  remarks 
by  this  time  but  for  this  interruption. 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  here  announced  that  the  order  for  clear 
ing  the  galleries  would  be  suspended. 

Mr.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee :  Mr.  President,  whea  I  was  interrupted 
by  a  motion  to  clear  the  galleries,  I  was  making  a  general  allusion  to 
treason  as  denned  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
those  who  were  traitors  and  guilty  of  treason  within  the  scope  and 
meaning  of  the  law  and  the  Constitution.  My  proposition  was,  that 
if  they  would  show  me  who  were  guilty  of  the  offenses  I  have  enu 
merated,  I  would  show  them  wyho  wTere  the  traitors.  That  being 
done,  were  I  the  President  of  the  United  States,  I  would  do  as 
Thomas  Jefferson  did  in  1806  with  Aaron  Burr,  who  was  charged 
with  treason :  I  would  have  them  arrested  and  tried  for  treason,  and, 
if  convicted,  by  the  Eternal  God  they  should  suffer  the  penalty  of 
the  law  at  the  hands  of  the  executioner.  Sir,  treason  must  be  pun 
ished.  Its  enormity  and  the  extent  and  depth  of  the  offense  must  be 
made  known.  The  time  is  not  distant,  if  this  Government  is  pre 
served,  its  Constitution  obeyed,  and  its  laws  executed  in  every  de 
partment,  when  something  of  this  'kind,  must  be  done. 

The  Senator  from  Oregon,  in  his  remarks,  said  that  a  mind  that  it 


4  APPENDIX. 

required  six  weeks  to  stuff  could  not  know  much  of  anything.  He 
intimated  that  I  had  been  "  stuffed."  I  made  my  speech  on  the  19th 
of  December.  The  gentleman  replied.  I  made  another  speech  on 
the  5th  and  6th  of  February.  And  now,  after  a  lapse  of  about  four 
weeks,  and  at  the  close  of  the  session,  when  it  is  believed  there  will 
be  no  opportunity  to  respond  on  account  of  the  great  press  of  busi 
ness  which  must  necessarily  be  acted  on,  he  makes  a  reply.  How 
long  has  he  been  "  stuffing  ?"  By  whom  and  how  often  has  he  been 
"  stuffed  ?"  [Laughter.]  He  has  been  stuffed  twice ;  and  if  the 
stuffing  operation  was  as  severe  and  as  laborious  as  the  delivery  has 
been,  he  has  had  a  troublesome  time  of  it ;  for  his  travail  has  been 
great,  the  delivery  remarkable  and  excruciatingly  painful.  [Laughter.] 

Again :  he  speaks  of  "  triumphant  ignorance  and  exulting  stupid 
ity."  Repartee  and  satire  are  not  limited  to  one.  I  have  no  dispo 
sition,  however,  to  indulge  in  coarse  flings ;  and,  in  fact,  I  think  it  is 
unsenatorial.  Whatever  may  be  the  character  of  my  mind,  I  have 
never  obtrusively  made  it  the  subject  of  consideration.  I  may,  never 
theless,  have  exhibited  now  and  then  the  "  exulting  stupidity  and 
triumphant  ignorance"  of  which  the  Senator  has  spoken.  Great  and 
magnanimous  minds  pity  ignorance.  The  Senator  from  Oregon,  rich 
in  intellectual  culture,  with  a  mind  comprehensive  enough  to  retain 
the  wisdom  of  ages,  and  an  eloquence  to  charm  a  listening  Senate, 
deplores  mine ;  but  he  should  also  be  considerate  enough  to  regard 
my  humility.  Unpretending  in  my  ignorance,  I  am  content  to  gaze 
at  his  lofty  flights  and  glorious  daring  without  aspiring  to  accom 
pany  him  to  regions  for  which  my  wings  have  not  been  plumed  nor 
my  eyes  fitted.  Gorgeously  bright  are  those  fair  fields  in  which  he 
revels.  To  me,  alas  !  his  heaven  appears  but  as  murky  regions,  dull, 
opaque,  leaden.  My  pretension  has  been  simply  to  do  my  duty  to 
my  State  and  to  my  country. 

The  Senator  has  thought  proper  to  refer  to  the  action  of  my  State ; 
and  I  may  be  permitted  to  remark,  that  we  in  the  South  understand 
some  things  as  well  as  they  are  understood  in  the  North ;  and  when 
we  find  one  who  calls  himself  a  northern  man,  who  boasts  of  his  po 
sition  there,  making  great  professions  of  friendship,  greater  attach 
ment  to  our  institutions  and  our  interests  than  we  do  ourselves,  in 
some  minds  it  may  have  a  tendency  to  excite  suspicion.  The  Sena 
tor  from  Oregon  is  more  southern  than  the  South  itself.  He  has  taken 
under  his  wing  of  protection  the  peculiar  guardianship  of  the  south 
ern  States,  and  his  every  utterance  is  upon  "  the  equality  of  the 
States,  their  rights  in  the  Union,  or  their  independence  out  of  it." 
I  think  Dr.  Johnson  advised  that  when  a  man  comes  to  your  house, 
and  voluntarily  makes  great  professions  of  his  purity,  his  uprightness 


APPENDIX.  5 

of  purpose,  his  exalted  character,  of  being  far  above  suspicion  and 
imputation,  if  you  have  any  silver-ware,  hide  it.  When  northern 
Senators  and  northern  gentlemen  make  greater  professions  of  devo 
tion  to  our  institutions  than  we  do  ourselves,  our  suspicions  are  some 
what  excited. 

The  Senator  has  alluded  to  the  action  of  my  State ;  ho  has  com 
mented  upon  my  devotion  to  the  people ;  he  has  been  reviewing  my 
political  history ;  he  has  even  commented  upon  the  nature  and  char 
acter  of  my  mind ;  and  he  has  failed  to  discover  anything  extraor 
dinary  in  it.  As  to  the  character  of  my  mind,  as  I  before  remarked, 
that  is  a  subject  which  I  have  never  obtruded  upon  any  one.  I  have 
never  made  any  pretensions  to  anything  extraordinary,  as  regards 
intellect  or  extensive  information :  but,  were  the  reverse  of  this  all 
true,  and  had  I  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  a  mind  as  strong,  as 
clear,  and  as  penetrating  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  at  noonday  when  there 
is  not  a  speck  or  a  dot  to  obscure  his  disc,  I  should  then  even  despair 
of  breaking  through  the  triple  case  of  bigotry,  superciliousness,  and 
self-conceit,  that  surrounds  the  mind  of  the  Senator  from  Oregon. 
Mind,  did  I  say  ?  I  recall  that  term ;  I  will  not  dignify  it  with  the 
appellation  of  mind.  No,  it  is  the  most  miserable  and  the  poorest 
caricature  of  a  mind,  that  cannot  even  tell  when  it  is  upside  up  or 
upside  down. 

The  Senator  has  reviewed  my  political  history.  He  has  not  dis 
covered  that  I  ever  introduced  or  projected  any  great  measure  except 
the  "  homestead ;"  to  that  I  had  given  great  attention  and  labor. 
From  what  he  has  said  on  this  occasion,  I  may  infer  that  he  was 
opposed  to  the  homestead  policy.  I  believed  it  was  a  beneficent 
measure.  It  has  been  an  object  long  near  my  heart  to  see  every  head 
of  a  family  domicilated.  I  thought  it  was  important  that  every  hon 
est  and  industrious  head  of  a  family  in  this  Republic  should  have  a 
home  and  an  abiding  place  for  his  wife  and  children.  I  think  so 
still.  I  can  well  remember  the  period  of  time  at  which  I  could  exult 
in  the  assurance  that  I  had  a  home  for  my  family ;  and  I  know  how 
to  sympathize  with  those  who  are  not  so  blessed.  Less  gifted  than 
the  Senator  from  Oregon,  I  did  not  perceive  that  when,  in  the  Sen 
ate,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  before  the  people,  I  advo 
cated  a  measure  that  I  thought  had  a  tendency  to  alleviate  and  ame 
liorate  the  condition  of  the  great  mass  of  mankind,  I  was  incurring 
the  censure  that  is  due  to  a  crime.  Lamentably  devoid  of  his  wis 
dom,  if  I  had  succeeded  in  accomplishing  the  great  object  I  contem 
plated,  the  measure  of  my  ambition  would  have  been  full.  I  have 
labored  for  it  long ;  I  labor  still.  In  1846  it  was  introduced  into  the 
House  of  Representatives  with  but  few  friends.  In  1852  it  received 


C  APPENDIX. 

a  two-thirds  vote  of  that  House.  It  came  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  and  during  the  last  session  of  Congress  forty-four  Senators 
voted  for  it,  and  only  eight  against  it.  The  Senator  from  Oregon 
himself,  though  he  doubted  and  wavered,  recorded  his  vote  for  it ; 
but  he  is  opposed  to  it  now.  I  think  it  was  one  of  the  best  acts  of 
his  life ;  and  if  it  had  succeeded,  I  think  it  would  have  been  better 
for  the  country. 

But  he  intimates  that  I  have  been  voting  and  acting  with  senators 
who  are  not  so  intensely  Southern  as  he  pretends  to  be.  Sir,  look 
at  the  Senator's  course  this  morning.  Who  has  tried  to  defeat  the 
measures  that  are  so  well  calculated  to  restore  peace  ?  Who  is  try 
ing  to  eject  the  olive  branch  that  has  been  brought  into  the  Senate  ? 
Why  does  he  not  stand  with  his  noble  colleague  when  this  measure 
of  peace  is  presented  to  the  country  ? 

But  he  refers  to  what  has  been  the  action  of  my  State.  Well,  sir, 
we  all  know  that  the  issue  was  directly  made  ;  and  what  has  been 
the  result  ?  Tennessee  has  spoken  in  language  not  to  be  misunder 
stood.  She  has  spoken  in  thunder  tones  that  she  is  against  viola 
tions  of  the  Constitution  and  treasonable  schemes,  which  have 
resulted  in  breaking  up  the  Government.  The  Senator  assumes  a 
special  guardianship  over  Tennessee.  He  had  better  try  to  take 
care  of  Oregon,  and  leave  my  colleague  and  myself,  and  the  Repre 
sentatives  from  Tennessee,  to  attend  to  Tennessee  affairs.  Where 
does  he  stand  ?  His  colleague  is  in  favor  of  measures  to  restore 
peace  and  sustain  the  country,  and  he  is  against  them  ;  and  did  it 
occur  to  him  that  others  might  ask  how  he  stood  with  the  people 
of  Oregon?  Tennessee  stands  redeemed,  regenerated,  and  disen 
thralled  by  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise,  that  glorious 
Franklin-rod  which  conducts  the  thunder  of  tyranny  from  the  heads 
of  the  people.  If  the  people  of  our  sister  States  had  enjoyed  the 
same  privilege  of  going  to  the  ballot-box,  and  passing  their  judg 
ment  upon  the  ordinance  of  secession,  I  believe  more  of  them  would 
now  be  standing  side  by  side  with  Tennessee,  sustaining  the  laws 
and  the  Constitution.  But  the  people  have  been  overslaughed, 
a  system  of  usurpation  has  been  adopted,  and  a  reign  of  terror 
instituted. 

The  Senator  is  exceedingly  solicitous  about  Tennessee.  I  am 
inclined  to  think — I  do  not  intend  to  be  censorious  or  personal,  but 
entirely  senatorial— that  on  twelve  o'clock,  on  Monday  next,  or  a 
few  minutes  before,  when  the  hand  of  the  dial  is  moving  round  to 
mark  that  important  point  of  time  when  his  term  of  office  shall 
expire,  instead  of  thinking  about  the  action  of  my  State,  he  may 
soliloquize  in  the  language  of  Cardinal  Wolsey,  and  exclaim : 


APPENDIX.  7 

"  Nay,  then,  farewell ! 

I  have  touch'd  the  highest  point  of  all  my  greatness ; 
And,  from  that  full  meridian  of  my  glory, 
I  haste  now  to  my  setting ;  I  shall  fall 
Like  a  bright  exhalation  in  the  evening, 
And  no  man  see  me  more." 

If  the  Senator  has  received  the  news  from  Tennessee,  if  the  in 
formation  has  broken  through  that  triple  case  of  bigotry,  super 
ciliousness,  and  self-conceit  which  ensconce  his  caricature  of  a  mind, 
with  all  his  allusions  to  courage,  and  blood,  and  cowardice,  he  might 
feel  like  Macbeth,  who,  so  lung  deceived  by  the  juggling  fiends, 
when  told  by  Macduff  that  he  was  not  of  woman  born,  but  from  his 
mother's  womb  untimely  ripped,  in  agony  exclaimed  : 

"Accursed  be  that  tongue  that  tells  me  so, 
For  it  hath  cowed  my  better  part  of  man  ; 
And  be  these  juggling  fiends  no  more  believ'd, 
That  palter  with  us  in  a  double  sense ; 
That  keep  the  word  of  promise  to  our  ear, 
And  break  it  to  our  hope." 

Yes,  Mr.  President,  I  have  alluded  to  treason  and  traitors,  and 
shall  not  shrink  from  the  responsibility  of  having  done  so,  come 
what  will ;  and  while  I,  her  humble  representative,  was  speaking, 
Tennessee  sent  an  echo  back,  in  tones  of  thunder,  which  has  carried 
terror  and  dismay  through  the  whole  camp  of  conspirators. 

The  Senator  has  alluded  to  my  political  course.  What  has  that 
to  do  with  the  pending  question  ?  I  did  not  attack  the  Senator 
from  Oregon  ;  he  has  attacked  me.  I  had  not  even  made  an  allusion 
to  him  in  my  speech,  except  in  general  terms  ;  but  he  inquires  into 
my  consistency.  How  consistent  has  he  been  ?  We  know  how  he 
stands  upon  popular  or  squatter  sovereignty.  On  that  subject  he 
spoke  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  where  he  maintained  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Territories  were  the  best  judges  ;  that  they  were 
the  very  people  to  settle  all  these  questions.  I  will  read  what  the 
Senator  said  on  that  occasion  : 

"  There  is  nothing  in  the  law,  gentlemen,  but  what  every  enlight 
ened  American  heart  should  approve.  The  idea  incorporated  in  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  is  the  true  American  principle :  for  the  bill 
does  not  establish  or  prohibit  slavery ;  but  leaves  the  people  of 
these  Territories  perfectly  free  to  regulate  their  own  local  affairs  in 
their  own  way.  Is  there  any  man  who  can  object  to  that  idea  ?  Is 
there  any  American  citizen  who  can  oppose  that  principle  ? 

"  Gentlemen,  I  desire  to  say  to  you  that  the  principle  incorporated 
into  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  is  the  very  principle  in  defence  of 
which  your  forefathers  entered  into  the  service  of  their  country  in 


8  APPENDIX. 

the  Revolutionary  war ;  for  the  American  colonies,  two  years  pre 
vious  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  asserted  this  same  princi 
ple  we  now  find  incorporated  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill. 

"  Upon  examination,  you  will  find  that  the  Declaration  of  Rights, 
made  October  14,  1774,  asserts  that  the  people  of  the  several  colo 
nies  '  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their 
several  provincial  legislatures  in  all  cases  of  internal  polity.'  This 
was  refused  by  the  Crown,  but  reasserted  by  our  forefathers.  Upon 
this  issue  the  battles  of  the  Revolution  were  fought ;  by  the  blood 
of  our  fathers  this  principle  of  self-government  was  established. 
This  right,  refused  by  the  king,  was  secured,  consecrated,  and  estab 
lished  by  the  best  blood  that  ever  flowed  in  the  veins  of  man. 
Would  you  now  refuse  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  the  rights 
your  noble  sires  demanded  of  the  Crown,  and  won  by  their  blood — 
thus  placing  yourselves  in  opposition  to  the  right  of  self-govern 
ment  in  the  Territories,  thereby  occupying  the  very  position  towards 
the  Territories  that  George  III.  did  to  the  colonies  ? 

"  The  simple  question  involved  here  is,  '  are  the  people  capable  of 
regulating  their  internal  affairs,  or  must  Congress  regulate  those 
affairs  for  them  ?'  It  is  strictly  the  doctrine  of  congressional  non 
intervention.  Now,  if  that  idea  is  the  correct  one — if  it  be  true  that 
the  American  people  are  capable  of  self-government — then  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  are  right,  and  opposition  to  that 
bill  is  wrong ;  consequently,  dangerous  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
country. 

"  The  question  of  slavery  is  a  most  perplexing  one,  and  ought  not 
to  be  agitated.  We  should  leave  it  with  the  State  where  it  consti 
tutionally  exists,  and  the  people  of  the  Territories,  to  prohibit  or 
establish,  as  to  them  may  seem  right  and  proper. 

"  All  that  the  Democracy  asks  in  relation  to  this  matter  is,  that 
the  people  of  the  Territory  should  be  left  perfectly  free  to  settle  the 
question  of  slavery  for  themselves,  without  the  interference  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  or  any  other  State." 

During  the  last  Congress,  however,  the  Senator  made  a  speech,  in 
which  he  repeated,  I  cannot  tell  how  many  times,  "  the  equality  of 
the  States,  the  rights  of  the  States  in  the  Union,  and  their  rights 
out  of  the  Union  ;"  and  he  thus  shifted  his  course  and  repudiated 
his  former  position  on  squatter  sovereignty.  That  speech  was  made 
on  the  24th  of  May  last.  From  it  I  will  read  the  following  extract : 

"  I  only  desire  to  say,  in  relation  to  the  series  of  resolutions,  a 
portion  of  which  I  have  already  voted  in  favor  of,  that  I  shall  vote 
in  favor  of  the  rest ;  for  the  whole  of  them  together  meet  with  my 
hearty  approbation.  They  assert  the  truth;  they  assert  the  great 
principle  that  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  States  are  equal ;  that 
the  States  have  equal  rights  in  this  country  under  the  Constitution  ; 
and,  as  I  understand  it,  they  must  be  maintained  in  that  equality. 
These  resolutions  only  assert  that  principle ;  and  I  say  that  it  is  a 
misfortune  to  the  country,  in  my  opinion,  that  the  principles  laid 


APPENDIX.  9 

down  in  these  resolutions  had  not  been  asserted  sooner.  They  ought 
to  have  been  asserted  by  the  Democratic  party,  in  plain  English,  ten 
years  ago.  If  they  had  been,  you  would  have  had  no  trouble  in  this 
country  to-day ;  the  Democratic  party  would  have  been  united  and 
strong,  and  the  equality  and  constitutional  rights  of  the  States 
would  have  been  maintained  in  the  Territory,  and  in  all  other 
things ;  squatter  sovereignty  would  not  have  been  heard  of,  and 
to-day  we  would  be  united." 

If  the  conflict  between  his  speech  made  in  Concord  in  1856  and 
his  speech  made  here  on  the  24th  day  of  May  last  can  be  reconciled, 
according  to  any  rules  of  construction,  it  is  fair  to  reconcile  the  con 
flict.  If  the  discrepancy  is  is  so  great  between  his  speech  made 
then  and  his  speech  on  the  24th  of  May  last  as  not  to  be  reconciled, 
of  course  the  discrepancy  is  against  him  ;  but  I  am  willing  to  let  one 
speech  go  as  a  set-off  to  the  other,  which  will  make  honors  easy,  so 
far  as  speech-making  is  concerned. 

Then  how  does  the  matter  stand  ?  The  speech  made  at  Concord, 
extracts  from  which  I  have  read,  is  on  the  one  side,  and  that  made 
in  the  Senate  on  the  24th  of  May  last,  to  which  I  have  referred,  is 
on  the  other  side.  Now  we  will  come  to  the  sticking  place.  We 
will  now  make  a  test  from  which  there  is  no  escape.  You  have  seen 
the  equivocation  to-day.  You  have  seen  the  cuttle-fish  attempt  to 
becloud  the  water  and  elude  the  grasp  of  its  pursuer.  I  intend  to 
stick  his  inconsistencies  to  him  as  close  and  tight  as  what  I  have 
heard  sometimes  called  "  Jew  David's  adhesive  plaster/'  Now  to 
the  record,  and  we  will  see  how  the  Senator's  vote  stands  as  compared 
with  his  speeches.  By  referring  to  the  record,  it  will  be  found  that 
Mr.  Clingman  offered  the  following  as  an  amendment  to  the  fourth 
resolution  of  the  series  introduced  by  Mr.  Davis : 

"  Rewhed,  That  the  existing  condition  of  the  Territories  of  the 
United  States  does  not  require  the  intervention  of  Congress  for  the 
protection  of  property  in  slaves." 

What  was  the  vote  on  the  amendment  proposed  to  that  resolution 
by  Mr.  Brown,  to  strike  out  the  word  "  not  ?"  I  want  the  Senator's 
attention,  for  I  am  going  to  cite  the  record,  from  which  there  is  no 
appeal.  How  would  it  read  to  strike  out  the  word  "  not  ?" 

"That  the  existing  condition  of  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States  does  require  the  intervention  of  Congress  for  the  protection 
of  property  in  slaves." 

Among  those  who  voted  against  striking  out  the  word  "not," 
who  declared  that  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  by  legisla 
tion  of  Congress  was  unnecessary,  was  the  Senator  from  Oregon. 

27 


10  APPENDIX. 

When  was  that  ?  On  the  25th  day  of  May  last.  The  Senator,  under 
the  solemn  sanction  of  his  oath,  declared  that  legislation  was  not 
necessary.  Now  where  do  we  find  him  ?  Here  is  a  proposition  to 
amend  the  Constitution  to  protect  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States,  and  here  is  the  proposition  brought  forward  by  the  peace  con 
ference,  and  we  find  the  Senator  standing  against  the  one,  and  I 
believe  he  recorded  his  vote  against  the  other. 

But  we  will  proceed  further  with  the  investigation.  The  Senator 
voted  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  legislate  by  Congress  for  the  pro 
tection  of  slave  property.  Mr.  Brown  then  offered  the  amendment 
to  the  resolution  submitted  by  Mr.  Davis,  to  strike  out  all  after  the 
word  "  resolved,"  and  to  insert  in  lieu  thereof: 

"  That  experience  having  already  shown  that  the  Constitution  and 
the  common  law,  unaided  by  statutory  enactment,  do  not  afford 
adequate  and  sufficient  protection  to  slave  property — some  of  the 
Territories  having  failed,  others  having  refused,  to  pass  such  enact 
ments — it  has  become  the  duty  of  Congress  to  interpose,  and  pass 
such  laws  as  will  afford  to  slave  property  in  the  Territories  that  pro 
tection  which  is  given  to  other  kinds  of  property." 

We  have  heard  a  great  deal  said  here  to-day  of  "  other  kinds," 
and  every  description  of  property.  There  is  a  naked,  clear  pro 
position.  Mr.  Brown  says  it  is  needed;  that  the  court  and  the 
common  law  do  not  give  ample  protection ;  and  then  the  Senator 
from  Oregon  is  called  upon  ;  but  what  is  his  vote  ?  We  find,  in  the 
vote  upon  this  amendment,  that  but  three  senators  voted  for  it ;  and 
the  Senator  from  Oregon  records  his  vote,  and  says  "  no,"  it  shall  not 
be  established;  and  every  Southern  Senator  present,  save  three, 
voted  against  it  also.  When  was  that  ?  On  the  25th  day  of  May 
last.  Here  is  an  amendment,  now,  to  protect  and  secure  the  States 
against  any  encroachment  upon  the  institution  v/ithin  the  States, 
and  there  the  Senator  from  Oregon  swore  that  no  further  legislation 
was  necessary  to  protect  it  in  the  Territories.  Then,  all  the  amend 
ments  being  voted  down,  the  Senate  came  to  the  vote  upon  this 
resolution : 

"  That  if  experience  should  at  any  time  prove  that  the  judicial 
and  executive  authority  do  not  possess  means  to  insure  adequate 
protection  to  constitutional  rights  in  a  Territory,  and  if  the  terri 
torial  government  should  fail  or  refuse  to  provide  the  necessary 
remedies  for  that  purpose,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  supply 
such  deficiency,  within  the  limits  of  its  constitutional  powers." 

Does  not  the  resolution  proceed  upon  the  idea  that  it  was  not 
necessary  then  ;  but  if  hereafter  the  Territories  should  refuse,  and 
the  courts  and  the  common  law  could  not  give  ample  protection, 


APPENDIX.  11 

then  it  would  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  do  this  thing  ?  What  has 
transpired  since  the  25th  day  of  May  last  ?  Is  not  the  decision  of 
the  court  with  us  ?  Is  there  not  the  Constitution  carrying  it  there  ? 
Why  was  not  this  resolution,  declaring  protection  necessary,  passed 
during  the  last  Congress  ?  The  presidential  election  was  on  hand. 

I  have  been  held  up,  and  indirectly  censured,  because  I  have  stood 
by  the  people ;  because  I  have  advocated  those  measures  that  are 
sometimes  called  demagogical.  I  would  to  God  that  we  had  a  few 
more  men  here  who  were  for  the  people  in  fact,  and  who  would 
legislate  in  conformity  with  their  will  and  wishes.  If  we  had,  the 
difficulties  and  dangers  that  surround  us  now,  would  be  postponed, 
and  set  aside ;  they  would  not  be  upon  us.  But  in  May  last,  we 
could  not  vote  that  it  was  necessary  to  pass  a  slave  code  for  the 
Territories.  Oh,  no  !  the  presidential  election  was  on  hand.  We 
were  very  willing  then  to  try  to  get  Northern  votes ;  to  secure  their 
influence  in  the  passage  of  resolutions ;  and  to  crowd  some  men 
down,  and  let  others  up.  It  was  all  very  well  then ;  but  since  the 
people  have  determined  that  some  one  else  should  be  President  of 
the  United  States,  all  at  once  the  grape  has  got  to  be  very  sour,  and 
gentlemen  do  not  have  as  good  an  opinion  of  the  people  as  they  had 
before,  they  have  changed  their  views  in  regard  to  the  people. 
They  have  not  thought  quite  as  well  of  some  of  the  aspirants  as 
they  desired ;  and,  as  they  could  not  get  to  be  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  all  these  United  States,  rather  than  miss  it  altogether, 
they  would  be  perfectly  willing  to  be  President  and  Vice-President 
of  a  part,  and  therefore  they  will  divide — yes,  they  will  divide. 
They  are  in  favor  of  secession  ;  of  breaking  up  the  Union  ;  of  hav 
ing  the  rights  of  the  States  out  of  the  Union  ;  and  as  they  signally 
failed  in  being  President  and  Vice-President  of  all,  as  the  people 
have  decided  against  them,  they  have  reached  that  precise  point  of 
time  at  which  the  Government  ought  to  be  dissevered  and  broken 
up.  It  looks  a  little  that  way. 

I  have  no  disposition,  Mr.  President,  to  press  this  controversy 
further.  If  the  Senator  from  Oregon  is  satisfied  with  the  reply  he 
has  made  to  my  speech  or  speeches,  I  am  more  than  satisfied.  I  am 
willing  that  his  speeches  and  mine  shall  go  to  the  country  ;  and,  as 
to  the  application  and  understanding  of  the  authorities  that  are 
recited  in  each,  I  am  willing  to  leave  for  the  determination  of  an 
intelligent  public.  I  shall  make  no  issue  with  him  on  that  subject. 
I  feel  to-day — and  I  say  it  in  no  spirit  of  egotism — that,  in  the  reply 
I  made  to  his  speech,  I  vanquished  every  position  he  assumed;  T 
nailed  many  of  his  statements  to  the  counter  as  spurious  coin  ;  and 
I  felt  that  I  had  the  arguments,  that  I  had  the  authority ;  and  se 


12  APPENDIX. 

feeling,  I  know  when  I  have  my  adversary  in  my  power ;  I  know 
when  I  have  an  argument  that  cannot  be  explained  away,  and  a  fact 
that  cannot  be  upturned.  The  Senator  felt  it.  I  know  he  felt  it 
from  his  former  manifestations,  and  from  the  manner  in  which  he 
has  poured  forth  the  wrath  so  long  nursed  in  his  bosom.  Yes,  sir, 
in  that  contest,  figuratively  speaking,  he  was  impaled  and  left  writh 
ing  in  bitter  agony.  He  felt  it.  I  saw  he  felt  it,  and  now  I  have  no 
disposition,  in  concluding  my  remarks,  to  mutilate  the  dead  or  add 
one  single  pang  to  the  tortures  of  the  already  politically  damned. 
I  am  a  humane  man  ;  I  will  not  add  another  pang  to  the  intolerable 
sufferings  of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Oregon.  [Laughter.] 
I  sought  no  controversy  with  him ;  I  made  no  issue  with  him ;  it 
has  been  forced  upon  me.  How  many  have  attacked  me ;  and  is 
there  a  single  man,  north  or  south,  who  is  in  favor  of  this  glorious 
Union,  who  has  dared  to  make  an  assault  upon  me  ?  Is  there  one  ? 
No,  not  one.  But  it  is  all  from  secession ;  but  it  is  all  from  that 
reign  of  terror  which  usurpation  has  inaugurated.  The  Senator  has 
made  the  s  t-to  ;  and  it  is  for  the  Senate  and  the  country  to  deter 
mine  who  has  been  crushed  in  the  tilt.  I  am  satisfied,  if  he  is.  I 
am  willing,  as  I  said  before,  that  his  speech  and  mine  shall  go  to 
the  country,  and  let  an  intelligent  people  read  and  understand,  and 
see  who  is  right  and  who  is  wrong  on  this  great  issue. 

But,  sir,  I  alluded  to  the  fact  that  secession  has  been  brought 
about  by  usurpation.  During  the  last  forty  days  six  States  of  this 
Confederacy  have  been  taken  out  of  the  Union ;  how  ?  By  the 
voice  of  the  people  ?  No  ;  it  is  demagogism  to  talk  of  the  people. 
By  the  voice  of  the  freemen  of  the  country  ?  No.  By  whom  has  it 
been  done  ?  Have  the  people  of  South  Carolina  passed  upon  the 
ordinance  adopted  by  their  Convention  ?  No ;  but  a  system  of 
usurpation  was  instituted,  and  a  reign  of  terror  inaugurated.  How 
was  it  in  Georgia  ?  Have  the  people  there  passed  upon  fhe  ordi 
nance  of  secession  ?  No.  We  know  that  there  was  a  powerful 
party  there,  of  passive,  conservative  men,  who  have  been  over 
slaughed,  borne  down  ;  and  tyranny  and  usurpation  have  triumphed. 
A  convention  passed  an  ordinance  to  take  the  State  out  of  the  Con 
federacy  ;  and  the  very  same  convention  appointed  delegates  to  go 
to  a  congress  to  make  a  constitution,  without  consulting  the  people. 
So  with  Louisiana ;  so  with  Mississippi ;  so  with  all  the  six  States 
which  have  undertaken  to  form  a  new  confederacy.  Have  the 
people  been  consulted  ?  Not  in  a  single  instance.  We  are  in  the 
habit  of  saying  that  man  is  capable  of  self-government ;  that  he  has 
the  right,  the  unquestioned  right,  to  govern  himself;  but  here,  a 
government  has  been  assumed  over  him  ;  it  has  been  taken  out  of 


APPENDIX.  13 

his  hands,  and  at  Montgomery  a  set  of  usurpers  are  enthroned,  legis- 
latiug,  and  making  constitutions  and  adopting  them,  without  con 
sulting  the  freemen  of  the  country.  Do  we  not  know  it  to  be  so  ? 
Have  the  people  of  Alabama,  of  Georgia,  of  any  of  those  States, 
passed  upon  it  ?  No  ;  but  a  constitution  is  adopted  by  those  men, 
with  a  provision  that  it  may  be  changed  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds. 
Four  votes  in  a  convention  of  six  can  change  the  whole  organic  law 
of  a  people  constituting  six  States.  Is  not  this  a  coup  d?etat  equal 
to  any  of  Napoleon  ?  Is  it  not  a  usurpation  of  the  people's  rights  ? 

In  some  of  those  States,  even  the  flag  of  our  country  has  been 
changed.  One  State  has  a  palmetto,  another  has  a  pelican,  and 
another  has  the  rattlesnake  run  up  instead  of  the  stars  and  stripes. 
On  a  former  occasion,  I  spoke  of  the  origin  of  secession ;  and  I 
traced  its  early  history  to  the  garden  of  Eden,  when  the  serpent's 
wile  and  the  serpent's  wickedness  beguiled  and  betrayed  our  first 
mother.  After  that  occurred,  and  they  knew  light  and  knowledge, 
when  their  Lord  and  Master  appeared,  they  seceded,  and  hid  them 
selves  from,  his  presence.  The  serpent's  wile  and  the  serpent's 
wickedness  first  started  secession ;  and  now  secession  brings  about 
a  return  of  the  serpent.  Yes,  sir ;  the  wily  scqient,  the  rattlesnake, 
has  been  substituted  as  the  emblem  on  the  flag  of  one  of  the  seced 
ing  States  ;  and  that  old  flag,  the  Stars  and  the  Stripes,  under  which 
our  fathers  fought,  and  bled,  and  conquered,  and  achieved  our  rights 
and  our  liberties,  is  pulled  down  and  trailed  in  the  dust.  Will  the 
American  people  tolerate  it  ?  They  will  be  indulgent ;  time,  I  think, 
is  wanted ;  but  they  will  not  submit  to  it. 

A  word  more  in  conclusion.  Give  the  border  States  that  security 
which  they  desire,  and  the  time  will  come  when  the  other  States 
will  come  back  ;  when  they  will  be  brought  back — how  ?  Not  by 
the  coercion  of  the  border  States,  but  by  the  coercion  of  the  people ; 
and  those  leaders  who  have  taken  them  out  will  fall  beneath  the 
indignation  and  the  accumulating  force  of  that  public  opinion  which 
will  ultimately  crush  them.  The  gentlemen  who  have  taken  those 
States  out  are  not  the  men  to  bring  them  back. 

I  have  already  suggested  that  the  idea  may  have  entered  into 
some  minds,  "  if  we  cannot  get  to  be  President  and  Yice-President 
of  the  whole  United  States,  we  may  divide  the  Government,  set  up 
a  new  establishment,  have  new  offices,  and  monopolize  them  ourselves 
when  we  take  our  States  out."  Here  we  see  a  President  made,  a  Vice- 
President  made,  cabinet  officers  appointed,  and  yet  the  great  mass 
of  the  people  not  consulted,  nor  their  assent  obtained  in  any  manner 
whatever.  The  people  of  the  country  ought  to  be  aroused  to  this 
condition  of  things ;  they  ought  to  buckle  on  their  armor ;  and,  as 


14  APPENDIX. 

Tennessee  has  done,  (God  bless  her  !)  by  the  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise,  by  going  to  the  ballot-box  under  a  new  set  of  leaders, 
repudiate  and  put  down  those  men  who  have  carried  these  States 
out  and  usurped  a  government  over  their  heads.  I  trust  in  God 
that  the  old  flag  of  the  Union  will  never  be  struck.  I  hope  it  may 
long  wave,  and  that  we  may  long  hear  the  national  air  sung  : 

"  The  star-spangled  banner,  long  may  it  wave, 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave." 

Long  may  we  hear  Hail  Columbia,  that  good  old  national  air ; 
long  may  we  hear,  and  never  repudiate,  the  old  tune  of  Yankee 
Doodle  !  Long  may  wave  that  gallant  old  flag  which  went  through 
the  Revolution,  and  which  was  borne  by  Tennessee  and  Kentucky  at 
the  battle  of  New  Orleans.  And  in  the  language  of  another,  while 
it  was  thus  proudly  and  gallantly  unfurled  as  the  emblem  of  the 
Union,  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  hovered  around,  when  "  the  rockets' 
red  glare"  went  forth  through  the  heavens,  indicating  that  the 
battle  was  raging,  and  the  voice  of  the  old  chief  could  be  heard 
rising  above  the  din  of  the  storm,  urging  his  gallant  men  on  to  the 
stern  encounter,  and  watched  the  issue  as  the  conflict  grew  fierce, 
and  the  result  was  doubtful ;  but  when,  at  length,  victory  perched 
upon  your  standard,  it  was  then,  from  the  plains  of  New  Orleans, 
that  the  Goddess  made  her  loftiest  flight,  and  proclaimed  victory  in 
strains  of  exultation.  Will  Tennessee  ever  desert  the  grave  of  him 
who  bore  it  in  triumph,  or  desert  the  flag  that  he  waved  with 
success  ?  No,  never !  she  was  in  the  Union  before  some  of  these 
States  were  spoken  into  existence  ;  and  she  intends  to  remain  in, 
and  insist  upon — as  she  has  the  confident  belief  that  she  shall  get- 
all  her  constitutional  rights  and  protection  in  the  Union,  and  under 
the  Constitution  of  the  country.  [Applause  in  the  galleries.] 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Fitch  in  the  chair)  :  It  will  become 
the  unpleasant  but  imperative  duty  of  the  Chair  to  clear  the 
galleries. 

MR.  JOHNSON,  of  Tennessee  :  I  have  done. 

[The  applause  was  renewed,  and  was  louder  and  more  general 
than  before.  Hisses  were  succeeded  by  applause,  and  cheers  were 
given  and  reiterated,  with  "  three  cheers  more  for  JOHNSON,  of 
Tennessee."] 


APPENDIX.  15 

SECESSION   OF   TENNESSEE. 
The  following  documents  are  alluded  to  in  Chapter  XV. : 

AN  ACT  TO  SUBMIT  TO  A  VOTE  OF  THE  PEOPLE  A  DECLARATION* 
OF  INDEPENDENCE,  AND  FOK  OTHER  PURPOSES. 

SECTION  1.  Be  it  enacted  ~by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of 
Tennessee,  That  immediately  after  the  passage  of  this  Act,  the  Gover 
nor  of  this  State  shall,  by  proclamation,  direct  the  sheriffs  of  the  sev 
eral  counties  in  this  State  to  open  and  hold  an  election  at  the  various 
voting  precincts  in  their  respective  counties  on  the  8th  day  of  June, 
1861 ;  that  the  said  Sheriffs,  or,  in  the  absence  of  the  Sheriffs,  the 
Coroner  of  the  county,  shall  immediately  advertise  the  election  con 
templated  by  this  Act ;  that  said  Sheriffs  appoint  a  deputy  to  hold 
said  election  for  each  voting  precinct,  and  the  said  deputy  appoint 
three  judges  and  two  clerks  for  each  precinct,  and  if  no  officer  shall, 
from  any  cause,  attend  any  voting  precinct  to  open  and  hold  said 
election,  then  any  Justice  of  the  Peace,  or,  in  the  absence  of  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  any  respectable  freeholder  may  appoint  an  officer,  judges 
and  clerks  to  open  and  hold  said  election.  Said  officers,  judges,  and 
clerks,  shall  be  sworn  as  now  required  by  law,  and  who,  after  being 
so  sworn,  shall  open  and  hold  an  election,  open  and  close  at  the  time 
of  day  and  in  the  manner  now  required  by  law  in  elections  for  mem 
bers  to  the  General  Assembly. 

SEC.  2.  Be  it  farther  enacted,  That  at  said  election  the  following 
declaration  shall  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  qualified  voters  of  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  for  their  ratification  or  rejection : 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  AND  ORDINANCE  DISSOLVING  THE 
FEDERAL  RELATION  BETWEEN  THE  STATE  OF  TENNESSEE  AND 
THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

First :  We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  waiving  an  ex 
pression  of  opinion  as  to  the  abstract  doctrine  of  Secession,  but  assert 
ing  the  right  as  a  free  and  independent  people  to  alter,  reform  or 
abolish  our  form  of  Government  in  such  manner  as  we  think  proper, 
do  ordain  and  declare  that  all  the  laws  and  ordinances  by  which  the 
State  of  Tennessee  became  a  member  of  the  Federal  Union  of  the 
United  States  of  America  are  hereby  abrogated  and  annulled,  and 
that  all  obligations  on  our  part  be  withdrawn  therefrom ;  and  we  do 
hereby  resume  all  the  rights,  functions  and  powers  which  by  any  of 
said  laws  and  ordinances  were  conveyed  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  absolve  ourselves  from  all  the  obligations,  re- 


16  APPENDIX. 

straints  and  duties  incurred  thereto ;  and  do  hereby  henceforth  be 
come  a  free,  sovereign  and  independent  State 

Second:  We  furthermore  declare  and  ordain,  that  Article  10,  Sec 
tions  1  and  2  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  which 
requires  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  all  officers,  civil  and 
military,  to  take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  be  and  the  same  are  hereby  abrogated  and  annulled,  and  all 
parts  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Tennessee  making  citizenship 
of  the  United  States  a  qualification  for  office,  and  recognizing  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  the  supreme  law  of  this  State, 
are  in  like  manner  abrogated  and  .annulled. 

Third:  We  furthermore  ordain  and  declare,  that  all  rights  ac 
quired  and  vested  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or 
under  any  act  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance  thereof,  or  under  any 
laws  of  this  State,  and  not  incompatible  with  this  ordinance,  shall 
remain  in  force,  and  have  the  same  effect  as  if  this  ordinance  had  not 
been  passed. 

SEC.  2.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  said  election  shall  be  by  ballot, 
that  those  voting  for  the  Declaration  and  Ordinance  shall  have  writ 
ten  or  printed  on  their  ballots  "  Separation,"  and  those  voting  against 
it  shall  have  written  or  printed  on  their  ballots  "  No  Separation." 
That  the  clerks  holding  said  election  shall  keep  regular  scrolls  of  the 
voters,  as  now  required  by  law  in  the  election  of  members  to  the 
General  Assembly;  that  the  clerks  and  judges  shall  certify  the  same, 
with  the  number  of  votes  for  "  Separation,"  and  the  number  of  votes 
for  "  No  Separation,"  and  file  one  of  the  original  scrolls  with  the 
clerk  of  the  County  Court;  that  upon  comparing  the  vote  by  the 
Governor  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  shall  be  at 
least  by  the  24th  day  of  June,  1861,  and  may  be  sooner  if  the  returns 
are  all  received  by  the  Governor,  if  a  majority  of  the  votes  polled 
shall  be  for  "  Separation,"  the  Governor  shall,  by  his  proclamation, 
make  it  known,  and  delare  all  connection  by  the  State  of  Tennessee 
with  the  Federal  Union  dissolved,  and  that  Tennessee  is  a  free,  inde 
pendent  Government,  free  from  all  obligations  to,  or  connection  with 
the  Federal  Governmenl;  and  that  the  Governor  shall  cause  "the 
vote  by  counties"  to  be  published,  the  number  for  "  Separation,"  and 
the  number  for  "  No  Separation,"  whether  a  majority  vote  for  "  Sep 
aration"  or  "  No  Separation." 

SEC.  4.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  in  the  election  to  be  held  under 
the  provisions  of  this  act,  upon  the  Declaration  submitted  to  the 
people,  all  volunteers  and  other  persons  connected  with  the  service 
of  this  State,  qualified  to  vote  for  members  of  the  Legislature  in  the 
counties  where  they  reside,  shall  be  entitled  to  vote  in  any  county  in 


APPENDIX.  17 

the  State  where  they  may  be  in  active  service,  or  under  orders,  or  on 
parole,  at  the  time  of  said  election  ;  and  all  other  voters,  shall  vote 
in  the  county  where  they  reside,  as  now  required  by  law  in  voting 
for  members  of  the  General  Assembly. 

SEC.  5.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  at  the  same  time,  and  under  the 
rules  and  regulations  prescribed  for  the  election  hereinbefore  ordered, 
the  following  ordinance  shall  be  submitted  to  the  popular  vote.  To 
wit: 

AN  ORDINANCE  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Pro 
visional  Government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 

We,  the  people  of  Tennessee,  solemnly  impressed  by  the  perils 
that  surround  us,  do  hereby  adopt  and  ratify  the  Constitution  of  the 
Provisional  Government  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  or 
dained  and  established  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  the  8th  day  of 
February,  1861,  to  be  in  force  during  the  existence  thereof,  or  until 
such  time  as  we  may  supersede  it,  by  the  adoption  of  a  permanent 
Constitution. 

SEC.  6.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  those  in  favor  of  the  adoption 
of  said  Provisional  Constitution,  and  thereby  securing  to  Tennessee 
equal  representation  in  the  deliberations  and  councils  of  the  Confed 
erate  States,  shall  have  written  or  printed  on  their  ballots  the  word 
"  Representation  ;"  opposed,  the  words  "  No  Representation." 

SEC.  7.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That,  in  the  event  the  people  shall 
adopt  the  Constitution  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Confed 
erate  States  at  the  election  herein  ordered,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
Governor  forthwith  to  issue  writs  of  election  for  delegates  to  repre 
sent  the  State  of  Tennessee  in  the  said  Provisional  Government. 
That  the  State  shall  be  represented  by  as  many  delegates  as  it  was 
entitled  to  members  of  Congress  to  the  recent  Congress  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  who  shall  be  elected  from  the  several  Congressional 
Districts  as  now  established  by  law,  in  the  mode  and  manner  now 
prescribed  for  the  election  of  members  of  Congress  of  the  United 
States. 

SEC.  8.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  this  act  shall  take  effect  from 
and  after  its  passage. 

W.  C.  WHITTHORNE,  Speaker  of  House  of  Rep. 
B.  L.  STOVALL,  Speaker  of  the  Senate. 

Passed  May  6,  1861, 

EXTRACT  FROM  AN  ADDRESS  OF  A  JOINT  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  LEG 
ISLATURE  OF  TENNESSEE. 

When  this  body  met,  it  determined  to  sit  with  closed  doors.  We 
are  aware  that  this  mode  of  legislation  is  objected  to  by  some.  It  is 


18  APPENDIX. 

the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  State  that  the  rule  has  been  adopted 
because  in  that  history  no  case  has  occurred  to  call  forth  its  exercise. 
The  proceedings  of  the  convention  that  framed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  were  in  secret.  The  Convention  that  framed  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  held  its  secret  sessions,  and  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  not  unfrequently  sit  with  closed  doors.  Those 
who  have  taken  no  occasion  to  condemn  us,  may  be  purer  than  those 
who  framed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States ;  but  we  very  much  doubt  whether  they  will 
have  greater  hold  upon  public  confidence.  But  the  reasons  for  our 
course  are  our  best  justification ;  the  country  was  excited,  and  the 
public  demands  imperious.  We  desired  to  legislate  uniniluenced 
and  unretarded  by  the  crowds  that  would  otherwise  have  attended 
our  deliberations;  but  still  more  than  this,  the  western  portion  of 
Tennessee  was  in  an  exposed  condition,  with  no  military  defense 
whatever ;  the  towns  and  counties  bordering  on  the  Mississippi  river 
were  liable  to  be  assailed  at  any  hour  by  the  armed  forces  collected 
at  Cairo,  and  we  desired  that  no  act  of  legislation  on  our  part  should 
form  the  pretext  for  such  an  invasion,  so  long  as  it  could  be  avoided. 
Our  fellow-citizens  of  West  Tennessee,  and  of  Arkansas,  are  laboring 
night  and  day  to  erect  batteries  on  the  river  to  prevent  a  descent 
of  the  enemy.  A  duty  that  we  owed  to  them  and  to  the  cause  of 
humanity  demanded  that  we  should  not  make  our  action  known  till 
the  latest  possible  moment.  If  some  desired  light  while  we  were  at 
work  we  equally  desirous  to  save  the  blood  and  property  of  Tennes- 
seeans.  Our  doors  have  now  been  thrown  open,  the  journals  will  be 
published — every  vote  is  recorded,  and  he  must  be  a  fault-finder 
indeed  who  will  complain  after  hearing  the  reasons  that  prompted 
our  actions. 

We  have  briefly  touched  the  principal  subjects  that  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  legislature.  Tennessee  has  taken  her  position  and 
has  proudly  determined  to  throw  her  banners  to  the  breeze,  and  will 
give  her  strength  to  the  sacred  cause  of  freedom  for  the  white  man 
of  the  South. 

E.  G.  PAYNE,  J.  A.  MINNIS,        ROBT.  B.  HURT. 

EDMUND  J.  WOOD,     G.  GANTT,  BENJ.  J.  LEA, 

S.  S.  STANTON,  W.  W.  GUY,         JOSEPH  G.  PICKETT. 

CALL  FOR  A  CONVENTION  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  EASTERN  TENNESSEE. 

The  undersigned,  a  portion  of  the  people  of  East  Tennessee,  disap 
proving  of  the  hasty  and  inconsiderate  action  of  our  General  Assem 
bly,  and  sincerely  desirous  to  do,  in  the  midst  of  the  troubles  which 


APPENDIX.  19 

surround  us,  what  will  be  best  for  our  country,  and  for  all  classes  of 
our  citizens  respectfully  appoint  a  Convention  to  be  held  in  Knox- 
ville,  on  Tuesday,  the  30th  of  May  inst.,  and  we  urge  every  county 
in  East  Tennessee  to  send  delegates  to  this  Convention,  that  the  con 
servative  element  of  our  whole  section  may  be  represented,  and  that 
wise,  prudent,  and  judicious  counsels  may  prevail,  looking  to  peace 
and  harmony  among  ourselves. 

F.  S.  HEISKELL,  C.  F.  TRIGG,  O.  P.  TEMPLE, 

C.  H.  BAKER,  DAVID  BURNETT,  JOHN  TUNNELL, 

S.  R.  RODGERS,  JOHN  WILLIAMS,  "W.  G.  BROWNLOW, 

Dr.  W.  RODGERS,  J.  J.  CRAIG,  and  others. 

JOHN  BAXTER,  W.  H.  ROGERS, 

JOINT  RESOLUTION  RATIFYING  THE  LEAGUE. 

Whereas,  A  Military  league,  offensive  and  defensive,  was  formed, 
on  this  the  7th  day  of  May,  1861,  by  and  between  A.  O.  W.  Totten, 
Gustavus  A.  Henry,  and  Washington  Barrow,  Commissioners  on  the 
part  of  the  Stete  of  Tennessee,  and  H.  W.  Hilliard,  Commissioner  on 
the  part  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  subject  to  the  confirm 
ation  of  the  two  Governments  ; 

Be  it  therefore  resolved  l)y  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Ten 
nessee,  That  said  league  be  in  all  respects  ratified  and  confirmed,  and 
the  said  General  Assembly  hereby  pledges  the  faith  and  honor  of  the 
State  of  Tennessee  to  the  faithful  observance  of  the  terms  and  condi 
tions  of  said  league. 

The  vote  of  the  Senate,  on  the  adoption  of  the  above  was — ayes  14, 
nays  6 ;  not  voting  4.  The  vote  in  the  House  was— ayes  42,  nays 
15 ;  not  voting  18. 


GREAT  SPEECH  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  ON  THE  WAR  FOR 
THE  UNION  AFTER  THE  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN. 

On  the  26th  of  July,  1861,  Mr.  Johnson,  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  offered  the  following  resolution  defining  the 

OBJECTS   OF   THE    WAR. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  deplorable  civil  war  has  been  forced 
upon  the  country  by  the  disuniomsts  of  the  Southern  States,  now 
in  revolt  against  ihe  constitutional  government,  and  in  arms  around 
the  Capitol ;  that,  in  this  national  emergency,  Congress,  banishing 


20  APPENDIX. 

all  feeling  of  mere  passion  or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty 
to  the  whole  country  ;  that  this  war  is  not  prosecuted  upon  our  part 
in  any  spirit  of  oppression,  nor  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or  subju 
gation,  nor  for  the  purpose  of  authorizing  or  interfering  with  the 
rights  or  established  institutions  of  those  States,  but  to  defend  and 
maintain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  all  laws  made  in 
pursuance  thereof,  and  to  preserve  the  Union,  with  all  the  dignity, 
equality,  and  rights  of  the  several  States,  unimpaired  ;  that  as  soon 
as  these  objects  are  accomplished,  the  war  ought  to  cease. 

After  a  spirited  debate,  the  resolution  was  adopted — ayes  80 ; 
noes  5. 

A  similar  resolution  had  been  adopted  by  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  on  motion  of  Hon.  John  J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  on  the 
22d  of  the  same  month. 

THE   WAR  FOR   THE   UNION,  JAN.  27TH. 

The  Senate  having  under  consideration  the  joint  resolution  to 
approve  and  confirm  certain  acts  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  for  suppressing  insurrection  and  rebellion,  Mr.  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee,  said : 

MK.  PRESIDENT,— When  I  came  from  my  home  to  the  seat  of 
Government,  in  compliance  with  the  proclamation  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States  calling  us  together  in  extra  session,  it  was  not 
my  intention  to  engage  in  any  of  the  discussions  that  might  trans 
pire  in  this  body  ;  but  since  the  session  began,  in  consequence  of  the 
course  which  things  have  taken,  I  feel  unwilling  to  allow  the  Senate 
to  adjourn  without  saying  a  few  words  in  response  to  many  things 
that  have  been  submitted  to  the  Senate  since  its  session  commenced. 
What  little  I  shall  say  to-day  will  be  without  much  method  or  order. 
I  shall  present  the  suggestions  that  occur  to  my  mind,  and  shall 
endeavor  to  speak  of  the  condition  of  the  country  as  it  is. 

On  returning  here,  we  find  ourselves,  as  we  were  when  we  ad 
journed  last  spring,  in  the  midst  of  a  civil  war.  That  war  is  now 
progressing,  without  much  hope  or  prospect  of  a  speedy  termination. 
It  seems  to  me,  Mr.  President,  that  our  Government  has  reached  one 
of  three  periods  through  which  all  Governments  must  pass.  A 
nation,  or  a  people,  have  first  to  pass  through  a  fierce  ordeal  in 
obtaining  their  independence  or  separation  from  the  Government  to 
which  they  were  attached.  In  some  instances  this  is  a  severe  ordeal. 
We  passed  through  such  a  one  in  the  Revolution ;  we  were  seven 
years  in  effect  ing  the  separation,  and  in  taking  our  position  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth  as  a  separate  and  distinct  power.  Then, 
after  having  succeeded  in  establishing .  its  independence,  and  taken 


APPENDIX.  21 

its  position  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  a  nation  must  show  its 
ability  to  maintain  that  position,  that  separate  and  distinct  inde 
pendence,  against  other  powers,  against  foreign  foes.  In  1812,  in 
the  history  of  our  Government,  this  ordeal  commenced,  and  ter 
minated  in  1815. 

There  is  still  another  trial  through  which  a  nation  must  pass.  It 
has  to  contend  against  internal  foes,  against  enemies  at  home ; 
against  those  who  have  no  confidence  in  its  integrity,  or  in  the  insti 
tutions  established  under  its  organic  law.  We  are  in  the  midst  of 
this  third  ordeal,  and  the  problem  now  being  solved  before  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  and  before  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
is  whether  we  can  succeed  in  maintaining  ourselves  against  the  in 
ternal  foes  of  the  Government ;  whether  we  can  succeed  in  putting 
down  traitors  and  treason,  and  in  establishing  the  great  fact  that  we 
have  a  Government  with  sufficient  strength  to  maintain  its  exist 
ence  against  whatever  combination  may  be  presented  in  opposition 
to  it. 

This  brings  me  to  a  proposition  laid  down  by  the  Executive  in  his 
recent  message  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  In  that  mes 
sage  the  President  said : 

"  This  is  essentially  a  people's  contest.  On  the  side  of  the  Union, 
it  is  a  struggle  for  maintaining  in  the  world  that  form  and  substance 
of  government,  whose  leading  object  is  to  elevate  the  condition  of 
men  ;  to  lift  artificial  weights  from  all  shoulders  ;  to  clear  the  paths 
of  laudable  pursuit  for  all ;  to  afford  all  an  unfettered  start,  and  a 
fair  chance  in  the  race  of  life.  Yielding  to  partial  and  temporary 
departures,  from  necessity,  this  is  the  leading  object  of  the  Govern 
ment  for  whose  existence  we  contend." 

I  think  the  question  is  fairly  and  properly  stated  by  the  President, 
that  it  is  a  struggle  whether  the  people  shall  rule ;  whether  the 
people  shall  have  Government  based  upon  their  intelligence,  upon 
their  integrity,  upon  their  purity  of  character,  sufficient  to  govern 
themselves.  I  think  this  is  the  true  issue ;  and  the  time  has  now 
arrived  when  the  energies  of  the  nation  must  be  put  forth,  when 
there  must  be  union  and  concert  on  the  part  of  all  those  who  agree 
in  man's  capability  of  self-government,  without  regard  to  their  former 
divisions  or  party  prejudices,  in  order  to  demonstrate  that  great 
proposition. 

Since  this  discussion  commenced,  it  has  been  urged  and  argued, 
"by  senators  on  one  side,  that  there  was  a  disposision  to  change  the 
nature  and  character  of  the  Government,  and  that,  if  we  proceed  as 
we  are  going,  it  would  result  in  establishing  a  dictatorship.  It  has 
been  said  that  the  whole  frame  work,  nature,  genius,  and  character 


22  APPENDIX. 

of  the  Government  would  be  entirely  changed ;  and  great  apprehen 
sions  have  been  thrown  out  out  that  it  would  result  in  a  consolida 
tion  of  the  Government,  or  a  dictatorship.  We  find,  in  the  speech 
delivered  by  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge)  the  other  day,  the  following  paragraph,  alluding  to  what  will 
be  the  effect  of  the  passage  of  this  joint  resolution  approving  the 
action  of  the  President : 

"  Here  in  Washington,  in  Kentucky,  in  Missouri,  everywhere  where 
the  authority  of  the  President  extends,  in  his  discretion  he  will  feel 
himself  warranted,  by  the  action  of  Congress  upon  this  resolution, 
to  subordinate  the  civil  to  the  military  power  ;  to  imprison  citizens 
without  warrant  of  law  ;  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas- corpus  ;  to 
establish  martial  law ;  to  make  seizures  and  searches  without  war 
rant  ;  to  suppress  the  press ;  to  do  all  those  acts  which  rest  in  the 
will  and  in  the  authority  of  a  military  commander.  In  my  judg 
ment,  sir,  if  we  pass  it,  we  are  upon  the  eve  of  putting,  so  far  as  we 
can,  in  the  hands  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  the  power 
of  a  dictator." 

Then,  in  reply  to  the  Senator  from  Oregon  (Mr.  Baker),  he  seems 
to  have  great  apprehension  of  a  radical  change  in  our  form  of  gov 
ernment.  The  Senator  goes  on  to  say  : 

"  The  pregnant  question,  Mr.  President,  for  us  to  decide  is,  whether 
the  Constitution  is  to  be  respected  in  this  struggle  ;  whether  we  are 
to  be  called  upon  to  follow  the  flag  over  the  ruins  of  the  Constitu 
tion  ?  Without  questioning  the  motives  of  any,  I  believe  that  the 
whole  tendency  of  the  present  proceedings  is  to  establish  a  govern 
ment  without  limitation  of  powers,  and  to  change  radically  our 
frame  and  character  of  government." 

Sir,  I  most  fully  concur  with  the  Senator  that  there  is  a  great  effort 
being  made  to  change  the  nature  and  character  of  the  Government. 
I  think  that  effort  is  being  demonstrated  and  manifested  most  clearly 
every  day  ;  but  we  differ  as  to  the  parties  making  this  great  effort. 

The  Senator  alludes,  in  his  speech,  to  a  conversation  he  had  with 
some  very  intelligent  gentlemen  who  formerly  represented  our  coun 
try  abroad.  It  appears  from  that  conversation  that  foreigners  were 
accustomed  to  say  to  Americans,  "  I  thought  your  Government  ex 
isted  by  consent ;  now  how  is  it  to  exist  ?"  and  the  reply  was,  "  We 
intend  to  change  it ;  we  intend  to  adapt  it  to  our  condition ;  these 
old  colonial  geographical  divisions  and  States  will  ultimately  be 
rubbed  out,  and  we  shall  have  a  Government  strong  and  powerful 
enough."  The  Senator  seemed  to  have  great  apprehensions  based 
on  those  conversations.  He  read  a  paragraph  from  a  paper  indica 
ting  that  State  lines  were  to  be  rubbed  out.  In  addition  to  all  this, 


APPENDIX.  23 

he  goes  on  to  state  thai  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  has  been  violated, 
and  he  says  since  the  Government  commenced,  there  has  not  been  a 
case  equal  to  the  one  which  has  recently  transpired  in  Maryland.  I 
shall  take  up  some  of  his  points  in  their  order,  and  speak  of  them 
as  I  think  they  deserve  to  be  spoken  of.  The  Senator  says  : 

"  The  civil  authorities  of  tlie  country  are  paralyzed,  and  a  practi 
cal  martial  law  is  being  established  all  over  the  land.  The  like 
never  happened  in  this  country  before,  and  would  not  be  tolerated 
in  any  country  in  Europe  which  pretends  to  the  elements  of  civili 
zation  and  regulated  liberty.  George  Washington  carried  the  thir 
teen  colonies  through  the  war  of  the  Revolution  without  martial 
law.  Tlie  President  of  the  United  States  cannot  conduct  the  Gov 
ernment  three  months  without  resorting  to  it." 

The  Senator  puts  great  stress  on  the  point,  and  speaks  of  it  in 
very  emphatic  language,  that  General  Washington  carried  the  coun 
try  through  the  seven  years  of  the  Revolution  without  resorting  to 
martial  law  during  all  that  period  of  time.  Now,  how  does°the 
matter  stand  ?  When  we  come  to  examine  the  history  of  the  coun 
try,  it  would  seem  that  the  Senator  had  not  hunted  up  all  the  cases, 
We  can  find  some,  and  one  in  particular,  not  very  different  from  the 
case  which  has  recently  occurred,  and  to  which  he  alluded.  In 
1777,  the  second  year  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends  in  Philadelphia  were  arrested  on  suspicion  of 
being  disaffected  to  the  cause  of  American  Freedom.  A  publi cation 
now  before  me  says  : 

"  The  persons  arrested,  to  the  number  of  twenty," "  were 

taken  into  custody  by  military  force,  at  their  homes  or  usual  places 
of  business  ;  many  of  them  could  not  obtain  any  knowledge  of  the 
cause  of  their  arrest,  or  of  any  one  to  whom  they  were  amenable, 
and  they  could  only  hope  to  avail  themselves  of  the  intervention  of 
some  civil  authority. 

^  "The  Executive  Council  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  beino- 
tormed  of  residents  of  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia,  had  a 
better  knowledge  of  the  Society  of  Friends  and  of  their  individual 
characters,  than  the  members  of  Congress  assembled  from  the  various 
parts  of  tlie  country,  and  ought  to  have  protected  them.  But  instead 
or^  this,  they  caused  these  arrests  of  their  fellow-citizens  to  be  made 
with  unrelenting  severity,  and  from  the  1st  to  the  4th  day  of  Sep 
tember,  1777,  the  party  was  taken  into  confinement  in  the'  Mason's 
Lodge  in  Philadelphia. 

"  On  the  minutes  of  Congress  of  3d  September,  1777,  it  appears 
t  a  letter  was  received  by  them  from  (George  Bryan,  Vice-Presi 
dent  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  dated  3d  September,  stating 
that  arrests  had  been  made  of  persons  inimical  to  the  American 
States,  and  desiring  the  advice  of  Congress  particularly  whether 
Augusta  and  Winchester,  in  Virgin ia,  would  not  be  proper  places 
it  wnicn  to  secure  prisoners." 


24  APPENDIX. 

"  Congress  must  have  been  aware  that  it  was  becoming  a  case  of 
very  unjust  suffering,  for  they  passed  their  resolution  of  6th  Septem 
ber,  1  ,  as  follows  : 

"  '  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  to  hear  what  the  said  remonstrants  can 
allege  to  remove  the  suspicions  of  their  being  disaffected  or  danger 
ous  to  the  United  States.' 

But  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  on  the  same  day,  referring  to 
the  above — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  do  write  to  Congress  to  let  them 
know  that  the  Council  has  not  time  to  attend  to  that  business  in  the 
present  alarming  crisis,  and  that  they  were  agreeably  to  the  recom 
mendation  of  Congress,  at  the  moment  the  resolve  was  brought  into 
Council,  disposing  of  everything  for  the  departure  of  the  prisoners." 

As  the  recommendation  of  Congress  of  the  6th  of  September  to 
give  the  prisoners  a  hearing  was  refused  by  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  the  next  minute  made  by  Congress  was  as  follows  : 

u  In  Congress,  8th  September,  1777. 

"  Resolved,  That  it  would  be  improper  for  Congress  to  enter  into  a 
hearing  of  the  remonstrants  or  other  prisoners  in  the  Mason's  Lodge, 
they  being  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  ;  and  therefore,  as  the  Coun 
cil  declines  giving  them  a  hearing  for  the  reasons  assigned  in  their 
letter  to  Congress,  that  it  be  recommended  to  said  Council  to  order 
the  immediate  departure  of  such  of  said  prisoners  as  yet  refuse  to 
swear  or  affirm  allegiance  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  to  Staunton, 
in  Virginia." 

The  remonstrances  made  to  Congress,  and  to  the  Supreme  Execu 
tive  Council  being  unavailing,  the  parties  arrested  were  ordered  to 
depart  for  Virginia  on  the  llth  September,  1777,  when,  as  their  last 
resource,  they  applied  under  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  to  be  brought 
before  the  judicial  courts  by  writs  of  habeas  corpus. 

The  departure  of  the  prisoners  was  committed  to  the  care  of 
Colonel  Jacob  Morgan,  of  Bucks  county,  and  they  were  guarded  by 
six  of  the  light-horse,  commanded  by  Alexander  Nesbitt  and  Samuel 
Caldwell,  who  were  to  obey  the  dispatches  from  the  Board  of  War, 
of  which  General  Horatio  Gates  was  president,  directed  to  the 
lieutenants  of  the  counties  through  which  the  prisoners  were  to  pass. 

The  writs  of  habeas  corpus,  on  being  presented  to  the  Chief  Jus 
tice,  were  marked  by  him,  "  Allowed  by  Thomas  McKean,"  and  they 
were  served  on  the  officers  who  had  the  prisoners  in  custody,  when 
they  had  been  taken  on  their  journey  as  far  as  Reading,  Pcnn.,  on 
the  14th  day  of  September,  but  the  officers  refused  to  obey  them. 

It  appears  by  the  journal  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 


APPENDIX.  25 

the  16th  of  September,  that  Alexander  Nesbitt,  one  of  the  officers, 
had  previously  obtained  information  about  the  writs,  and  made  a 
report  of  them  ;  when  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature,  at  the  instance 
of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  passed  a  law,  on  the  IGth  of 
September,  1777,  to  suspend  the  habeas  corpus  act ;  and  although  it 
was  an  ex  post  facto  law,  as  it  related  to  their  case,  the  Supreme 
Executive  Council  on  that  day  ordered  the  same  to  be  carried  into 
effect. 

Continuing  the  history  of  this  case,  we  find  that 

"  The  party  consisted  of  twenty  persons,  of  whom  seventeen  were 
members  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  They  were  ordered  first  to 
Staunton,  then  a  frontier  town  in  the  western  settlement  of  Virginia, 
but  afterward  to  be  detained  at  Winchester,  where  they  were  kept 
in  partial  confinement  nearly  eight  months,  without  provision  being 
made  for  their  support ;  for  the  only  reference  to  this  was  by  a  reso 
lution  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  dated 
April  8,  1778,  as  follows  : 

" '  Ordered,  That  the  whole  expenses  of  arresting  and  confining  the 
prison ers  sent  to  Virginia,  the  expenses  of  their  journey,  and  all 
other  incidental  charges,  be  paid  by  the  said  prisoners.' 

"  During  the  stay  of  the  exiles  at  Winchester,  nearly  all  of  them 
suffered  greatly  from  circumstances  unavoidable  in  their  situation — 
from  anxiety,  separation  from  their  families,  left  unprotected  in 
Philadelphia,  then  a  besieged  city,  liable  at  any  time  to  be  starved 
out  or  taken  by  assault ;  while  from  sickness  and  exposure  during 
the  winter  season,  in  accommodations  entirely  unsuitable  for  them, 
two  of  their  number  departed  this  life  in  the  mouth  of  March,  1778." 

Thus,  Mr.  President,  we  find  that  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was 
suspended  by  the  authorities  of  Pennsylvania  during  the  Revolution, 
in  the  case  of  persons  who  were  considered  dangerous  and  inimical 
to  the  country.  A  writ  was  taken  out  and  served  upon  the  officers, 
and  they  refused  to  surrender  the  prisoners,  or  even  to  give  them  a 
hearing.  If  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  had  desired  an  extreme 
case  and  wished  to  make  a  display  of  his  legal  and  historical  infor 
mation,  it  would  have  been  very  easy  for  him  to  have  cited  this  case 
— much  more  aggravated,  much  more  extravagant,  much  more  strik 
ing,  than  the  one  in  regard  to  which  he  was  speaking.  Let  it  be 
remembered,  also,  that  this  case,  although  it  seems  to  be  an  extrava 
gant  and  striking  one,  occurred  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
under  General  Washington,  before  we  had  a  President.  We  find  that 
at  that  time  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  suspended,  and  twenty 
individuals  were  denied  even  the  privilege  of  a  hearing,  because  they 
were  considered  inimical  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
country.  In  the  midst  of  the  Revolution,  when  the  writ  of  habeas  cor 
pus  was  as  well  understood  as  it  is  now,  when  they  were  familiar  with 
28 


26  APPENDIX. 

its  operation  in  Great  Britain,  when  they  knew  and  understood  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  it  granted  to  the  citizen,  we  find  that  the 
Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  passed  a  law  repealing  the  power  to 
issue  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  went  back  and  relieved  the 
officers  who  refused  to  obey  the  writs,  and  indemnified  them  from 
the  operation  of  any  wrong  they  might  have  clone.  If  the  Senator 
wanted  a  strong  and  striking  case,  one  that  would  bear  comment, 
why  did  he  not  go  back  to  this  case,  that  occurred  in  the  Revolu 
tion,  during  the  very  period  inferred  to  by  him  ?  But  no  ;  all  these 
cases  seem  to  have  been  forgotten,  and  the  mind  was  fixed  down 
upon  a  case  of  recent  occurrence.  There  is  a  great  similarity  in  the 
cases.  The  one  to  which  I  have  alluded,  however,  is  a  much  stronger 
case  than  that  referred  to  by  the  Senator.  It  was  in  Philadelphia 
where  Congress  was  sitting;  it  was  in  Pennsylvania  where  these 
persons,  who  were  considered  inimical  to  the  freedom  of  the  country 
were  found.  Congress  was  appealed  to,  but  Congress  executed  the 
order ;  and  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  after  it  was  executed, 
though  it  was  in  violation  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  passed  a 
law  indemnifying  the  persons  that  had  violated  it,  and  made  it 
retrospective  in  its  operation.  What  is  our  case  now  ?  We  are  not 
struggling  for  the  establishment  of  our  nationality,  but  we  are  now 
struggling  for  the  existence  of  the  Government.  Suppose  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  has  been  suspended ;  the  question  arises  whether 
it  was  not  a  justifiable  suspension  at  the  time ;  and  ought  we  not 
now  to  endorse  simply  what  we  would  have  done  if  wo  had  been 
here  ourselves  at  the  time  the  power  was  exercised  ? 

The  impression  is  sought  to  be  made  on  the  public  mind,  that  this 
is  the  first  and  only  case  where  the  power  has  been  exercised.  I 
have  shown  that  there  is  one  ten-fold  more  striking,  that  occurred 
during  our  struggle  for  independence.  Is  this  the  first  time  that 
persons  in  the  United  States  have  been  placed  under  martial  law  ? 
In  1815,  when  New  Orleans  was  about  to  be  sacked,  when  a  foreign 
foe  was  upon  the  soil  of  Louisiana,  New  Orleans  was  put  under 
martial  law,  and  Judge  Hall  was  made  a  prisoner  because  he 
attempted  to  interpose.  Is  there  a  man  here,  or  in  the  country,  who 
condemns  General  Jackson  for  the  exercise  of  the  power  of  proclaim 
ing  martial  law  in  1815  ?  Could  that  city  have  been  saved  without 
placing  it  under  martial  law,  and  making  Judge  Hall  submit  to  it  ? 
I  know  that  General  Jackson  submitted  to  be  arrested,  tried,  and 
fined  $1,000  ;  but  what  did  Congress  do  in  that  case  ?  It  did  just 
what  we  are  called  on  to  do  in  this  case.  By  the  restoration  of  his 
fine — an  act  passed  by  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress — the  nation  said,  "  We  approve  of  what  you  did.1' 


APPENDIX.  27 

Suppose,  Mr.  President  (and  it  may  have  been  the  case),  that  the, 
existence  of  the  Government  depended  upon  the  protection  and 
successful  defense  of  New  Orleans  ;  and  suppose,  too,  it  was  in  viola 
tion  of  the  strict  letter  of  the  Constitution  for  General  Jackson  to 
place  New  Orleans  under  martial  law,  but  without  placing  it  under 
martial  law  the  Government  would  have  been  overthrown  :  is  there 
any  reasonable,  any  intelligent  man,  in  or  out  of  Congress,  who 
would  not  endorse  and  acknowledge  the  exercise  of  a  power  which 
was  indispensable  to  the  existence  and  maintenance  of  the  Govern 
ment  ?  The  Constitution  was  likely  to  be  overthrown,  the  law  was 
about  to  be  violated,  and  the  Government  trampled  under  foot ;  and 
when  it  becomes  necessary  to  prevent  this,  even  by  exercising  a 
power  that  comes  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  in  time  of  peace, 
it  should  and  ought  to  be  exercised.  If  General  Jackson  had  lost 
the  city  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  Government  had  been  overthrown 
by  a  refusal  on  his  part  to  place  Judge  Hall  and  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  under  martial  law,  he  ought  to  have  lost  his  head.  But  he 
acted  as  a  soldier ;  he  acted  as  a  patriot ;  he  acted  as  a  statesman  ; 
as  one  devoted  to  the  institutions  and  the  preservation  and  the 
existence  of  his  Government ;  and  the  grateful  homage  of  a  nation 
was  his  reward. 

Then,  sir,  the  power  which  has  been  exercised  in  this  instance  is 
no  new  thing.  In  great  emergencies,  when  the  life  of  a  nation  is  in 
peril,  when  its  very  existence  is  flickering,  to  question  too  nicely,  to 
scan  too  critically,  its  acts  in  the  very  midst  of  that  crisis,  when  the 
Government  is  likely  to  be  overthrown,  is  to  make  war  upon  it,  and 
to  try  to  paralyze  its  energies.  If  war  is  to  be  made  upon  those 
who  seem  to  violate  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  their  efforts  to 
preserve  the  Government,  wait  until  the  country  passes  out  of  its 
peril ;  wait  until  the  country  is  relieved  from  its  difficulty ;  wait 
until  the  crisis  passes  by,  and  then  come  forward,  dispassionately, 
and  ascertain  to  what  extent  the  law  has  been  violated,  if,  indeed,  it 
hn«  been  violated  at  all. 

A  great  ado  has  been  made  in  reference  to  the  Executive  procla 
mation  calling  out  the  militia  of  the  States  to  the  extent  of  seventy- 
five  thousand  men.  That  call  was  made  under  the  authority  of  the 
act  of  1795,  and  is  perfectly  in  accordance  with  the  law.  It  has 
been  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  that  that 
act  is  constitutional,  and  that  the  President  alone  is  the  judge  01 
the  question  whether  the  exigency  has  arisen.  This  decision  was 
made  in  the  celebrated  case  of  Martin  agt.  Mott.  The  opinion  of 
the  Court  was  delivered  by  Judge  Story.  Let  me  read  from  the 
opinion  of  the  Court  : 


28  APPENDIX. 

"  It  has  not  been  denied  here  that  the  act  of  1795  is  within  the 
constitutional  authority  of  Congress,  or  that  Congress  may  not  law 
fully  provide  for  cases  of  imminent  danger  of  invasion,  as  well  as 
for  cases  where  an  invasion  has  actually  taken  place.  In  our  opinion 
there  is  no  ground  for  a  doubt  on  this  point,  even  if  it  had  been 
relied  on  ;  for  the  power  to  provide  for  repelling  invasion  includes 
the  power  to  provide  against  the  attempt  and  danger  of  invasion, 
as  the  necessary  and  proper  means  to  effectuate  the  object.  One  of 
the  best  means  to  repel  invasion  is  to  provide  the  requisite  force  for 
action  before  the  invader  himself  has  reached  the  soil. 

"  The  power  thus  confided  by  Congress  to  the  President  is,  doubt 
less,  of  a  very  high  and  delicate  nature.  A  free  people  are  naturally 
jealous  of  the  exercise  of  military  power ;  and  the  power  to  call  the 
militia  into  actual  service  is  certainly  felt  to  be  one  of  no  ordinary 
magnitude.  But  it  is  not  a  power  which  can  be  executed  without  a 
corresponding  responsibility.  It  is,  in  its  terms,  a  limited  power, 
confined  to  cases  of  actual  invasion,  or  of  imminent  danger  of  inva 
sion.  If  it  be  a  limited  power,  the  question  arises,  by  whom  is  the 
exigency  to  be  judged  of  and  decided  ?  Is  the  President  the  sole 
and  exclusive  judge  whether  the  exigency  has  arisen,  or  is  it  to  be 
considered  as  an  open  question,  upon  which  every  officer,  to  whom 
the  orders  of  the  President  are  addressed,  may  decide  for  himself, 
and  equally  open  to  be  contested  by  every  militia-man  who  shall 
refuse  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  President  ?  AVe  are  all  of  opinion 
that  the  authority  to  decide  whether  the  exigency  has  arisen  belongs 
exclusively  to  the  President,  and  that  his  decision  is  conclusive  upon 
all  other  persons.  We  think  that  this  construction  necessarily  results 
from  the  nature  of  the  power  itself,  and  from  the  manifest  object 
contemplated  by  the  act  of  Congress.  The  power  itself  is  to  be 
exercised  upon  sudden  emergencies,  upon  great  occasions  of  state, 
and  under  circumstances  which  may  be  Tital  to  the  existence  of  the 
Union.  A  prompt  and  unhesitating  obedience  to  orders  is  indispen 
sable  to  the  complete  attainment  of  the  object.  The  service  is  a 
military  service,  and  the  command  of  a  military  nature ;  and  in 
such  cases  every  delay  and  every  obstacle  to  an  efficient  and  imme 
diate  compliance  necessarily  tend  to  jeopard  the  public  interests." 
—Martin  vs.  Mott,  12  Wheaton's  Reports,  p.  29. 

We  see,  then,  that  the  power  is  clear  as  to  calling  out  the  militia  ; 
we  see  that  we  have  precedents  for  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus. 

The  next  objection  made  is  that  the  President  had  no  power  to 
make  additions  to  the  army  and  navy.  I  say,  in  these  two  instances, 
he  is  justified  by  the  great  law  of  necessity.  At  the  time  I  believe 
it  was  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Government ;  and,  it  being 
necessary,  he  had  a  right  to  exercise  all  those  powers,  that,  in  his 
judgment,  the  crisis  demanded  for  the  maintenance  of  the  existence 
of  the  Government  itself.  The  simple  question — if  you  condemn 
the  President  for  acting  in  the  absence  of  law — is,  Do  you  condemn 


APPENDIX.  29 

the  propriety  of  his  course ;  do  you  condemn  the  increase  of  the 
army  ?  Do  you  condemn  the  increase  of  the  navy  ?  If  you  oppose 
the  measure  simply  upon  the  ground  that  the  Executive  called  them 
forth  anticipating  law,  what  will  you  do  now  ?  The  question  pre 
sents  itself  at  this  time,  Is  it  not  necessary  to  increase  the  army  and 
the  navy  ?  If  you  condemn  the  exercise  of  the  power  of  the  Execu 
tive  in  the  absence  of  law,  what  will  you  do  now,  as  the  law-making 
power,  when  it  is  manifest  that  the  army  and  the  navy  should  be 
increased  ?  You  may  make  war  upon  the  Executive  for  anticipating 
the  action  of  Congress.  What  do  gentlemen  do  now,  when  called 
upon  to  support  the  Government  ?  Do  they  do  it  ?  They  say  tho 
President  anticipated  the  action  of  Congress.  Does  not  the  Govern 
ment  need  an  increase  of  the  army  and  the  navy  ?  Where  do  gentle 
men  stand  now  ?  Are  they  for  it  ?  Do  they  sustain  the  Government  ? 
Are  they  giving  it  a  helping  hand  ?  No  :  they  go  back  and  find 
fault  with  the  exercise  of  a  power  that  they  say  is  without  law ; 
but  now,  when  they  have  the  power  to  make  the  law,  and  when  the 
necessity  is  apparent,  they  stand  back  and  refuse.  Where  does  that 
place  those  who  take  that  course  ?  It  places  them  against  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  against  placing  the  means  in  the  hands  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  defend  and  perpetuate  its  existence.  The  object  is  apparent, 
Mr.  President.  We  had  enemies  of  the  Government  here  last  winter  ; 
in  my  opinion  we  have  enemies  of  the  Government  here  now. 

I  said  that  I  agreed  with  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  that  there 
was  a  design — a  deliberate  determination — to  change  the  nature  and 
character  of  our  Government.  Yes,  sir,  it  has  been  the  design  for  a 
long  time.  All  the  talk  about  slavery  and  compromise  has  been  but 
a  pretext.  We  had  a  long  disquisition,  and  a  very  feeling  one,  from 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky.  He  became  pathetic  in  the  hopelessness- 
of  compromises.  Did  not  the  Senator  from  California  (Mr.  Latham), 
the  other  day,  show  unmistakably  that  it  was  not  compromise  they 
wanted?  I  will  add  that  compromise  was  the  thing  they  most 
feared ;  and  their  great  effort  was  to  get  out  of  Congress  before  any 
compromise  could  be  made.  At  first,  their  cry  was  peaceable  secession 
and  reconstruction.  They  talked  not  of  compromise  ;  and,  I  repeat, 
their  greatest  dread  and  fear  was  that  something  would  be  agreed 
upon  ;  that  their  last  and  only  pretext  would  be  swept  from  under 
them,  and  that  they  would  stand  before  the  country  naked  and 
exposed. 

The  Senator  from  California  pointed  out  to  you  a  number  of  them, 
who  stood  here  and  did  not  vote  for  certain  propositions,  and  those 
propositions  were  lost.  What  was  the  action  before  the  Committee 
of  Thirteen  ?  Why  did  not  that  Committee  agree  ?  Some  of  the 


30  APPENDIX. 

most  ultra  men  from  the  North  were  members  of  that  Committee, 
and  they  proposed  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  provide  that 
Congress  in  the  future  never  should  interfere  with  the  subject  of 
slavery.  The  Committee  failed  to  agree,  and  some  of  its  members 
at  once  telegraphed  to  their  States,  that  they  must  go  out  of  the 
Union  at  once.  But  after  all  that  transpired  in  the  early  part  of  the 
session,  what  was  done  ?  We  know  what  the  argument  has  been  ; 
in  times  gone  by  I  met  it ;  I  have  heard  it  again  and  again.  It  has 
been  said  that  one  great  object  was,  first  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  the  slave  trade  between  the  States,  as  a 
kind  of  initiative  measure  ;  next,  to  exclude  it  from  the  Territories  ; 
and  when  the  free  States  constituted  three-fourths  of  all  the  States, 
so  as  to  have  power  to  change  the  Constitution,  they  would  amend 
the  Constitution,  so  as  to  give  Congress  power  to  legislate  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery  in  the  States,  and  expel  it  from  the  States  in 
which  it  is  now.  Has  not  that  been  the  argument  ?  Now,  how 
does  the  matter  stand  ?  At  the  last  session  of  Congress  seven  States 
withdrew — it  may  be  said  that  eight  withdrew ;  reducing  the  remain 
ing  slave  States  down  to  one-fourth  of  the  whole  number  of  States. 
JThe  charge  has  been  made,  that  whenever  the  free  States  constituted 
a  majority  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  sufficient  to  amend 
the  Constitution,  they  would  so  amend  it  as  to  legislate  upon  the 
institution  of  slavery  within  the  States,  and  that  the  institution  of 
slavery  would  be  overthrown.  This  has  been  the  argument ;  it  has 
been  repeated  again  and  again  ;  and  hence  the  great  struggle  about 
the  Territories.  The  argument  was,  we  wanted  to  prevent  the 
creation  of  free  States ;  we  did  not  want  to  be  reduced  down  to 
that  point  where,  under  the  sixth  article  of  the  Constitution,  three- 
fourths  could  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  to  exclude  slavery  from 
the  States.  This  has  been  the  great  point ;  this  has  been  the  ram 
part  ;  this  has  been  the  very  point  to  which  it  has  been  urged  that 
the  free  States  wanted  to  pass.  Now,  how  does  the  fact  stand  ? 
Let  us  "  render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Cesar's."  We  reached, 
at  the  last  session,  just  the  point  where  we  were  in  the  power  of  the 
free  States ;  and  then  what  was  done  ?  Instead  of  an  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  conferring  power  upon 
Congress  to  legislate 'upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  what  was  done? 
This  joint  resolution  was  passed  by  a  two-third  majority  in  each 
House : 

"  Resolved  ty  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  following  article 
be  proposed  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  as  an  amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which,  when  ratified 


APPENDIX.  31 

by  three-fourths  of  said  Legislatures,  shall  be  valid,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  part  of  the  said  Constitution,  viz : 

"  ART.  13.  No  amendment  shall  be  made  to  the  Constitution  which 
will  authorize  or  give  to  Congress  the  power  to  abolish,  or  interfere, 
within  any  State,  with  the  domestic  institutions  thereof,  including 
that  of  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  by  the  laws  of  said  State." 

Is  not  that  very  conclusive  ?  Here  is  an  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  to  make  the  Constitution  unamend- 
able  upon  that  subject,  as  it  is  upon  some  other  subjects  ;  that  Con 
gress,  in  the  future,  should  have  no  power  to  legislate  on  the  subject 
of  slavery  within  the  States.  Talk  about  "  compromise,"  and  about 
the  settlement  of  this  question ;  how  can  you  settle  it  more  substan 
tially  ?  How  can  you  get  a  guarantee  that  is  more  binding  than 
such  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  ?  This  places  the  institu 
tion  of  slavey  in  the  States  entirely  beyond  the  control  of  Congress. 
Why  have  not  the  Legislatures  that  talk  about  "  reconstruction  " 
and  u  compromise  "  and  u  guarantees  "  taken  up  this  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  and  adopted  it  ?  Some  States  have  adopted  it. 
How  many  Southern  States  have  done  so  ?  Take  my  own  State,  for 
instance.  Instead  of  accepting  guarantees,  protecting  them  in  all 
future  time  against  the  legislation  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of" 
slavery,  they  undertake  to  pass  ordinances  violating  the  Constitution 
of  the  country,  and  taking  the  State  out  of  the  Union  and  into  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  It  is  evident  to  me  that  with  many  the  talk 
about  compromise  and  the  settlement  of  this  question  is  mere  pre 
text,  especially  with  those  who  understand  the  question. 

What  more  was  done  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  when  the 
North  had  the  power  ?  Let  us  tell  the  truth.  Three  territorial  bills 
were  brought  forward  and  passed.  You  remember  in  1847,  when 
the  agitation  arose  in  reference  to  the  Wilmot  proviso.  You  remem 
ber  in  1850  the  contest  about  slavery  prohibition  in  the  territories. 
You  remember  in  1854  the  excitement  in  reference  to  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  and  the  power  conferred  on  the  Legislature  by  it. 
Now  we  have  a  constitutional  amendment,  proposed  at  a  time  when 
the  Republicans  have  the  power ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  come 
forward  with  three  territorial  bills,  and  in  neither  of  those  bills  can 
be  found  any  prohibition,  so  far  as  slavery  is  concerned  in  the  terri 
tories.  Colorado,  Nevada,  and  Dacotah  are  organized  without  any 
prohibition  of  slavery.  But  what  do  you  find  in  these  bills  ?  Mark, 
Mr.  President,  that  there  is  no  slavery  prohibition  ;  mark,  too,  the 
language  of  the  sixth  section,  conferring  power  upon  the  territorial 
Legislature : 

"  SEC.  6.  And  le  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Legislative  power  of 


32  APPENDIX. 

the  Territory  shall  extend  to  all  rightful  subjects  of  legislation  con 
sistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  provisions 
of  this  act ;  but  no  law  shall  be  passed  interfering  with  the  primary 
disposal  of  the  soil ;  no  tax  shall  be  imposed  upon  the  property  of 
the  United  States  ;  nor  shall  the  lands  or  other  property  of  non-resi 
dents  be  taxed  higher  than  the  lands  or  other  property  of  residents  ; 
nor  shall  any  law  be  passed  impairing  the  rights  of  private  property ; 
nor  shall  any  discrimination  be  made  in  taxing  different  kinds  of 
property  ;  but  all  property  subject  to  taxation  shall  be,  in  proportion 
to  the  value  of  the  property,  taxed." 

Can  there  be  any  thing  more  clear  and  conclusive  ?  First,  there 
is  no  prohibition  ;  next,  the  Legislature  shall  have  no  power  to  legis 
late  so  as  to  impair  the  rights  of  private  property,  and  shall  not  tax 
one  description  of  property  higher  than  another.  Now,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  right  here  I  ask  any  reasonable,  intelligent  man  throughout 
the  Union,  to  take  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  take  the 
three  territorial  bills,  put  them  all  together,  and  how  much  of  the 
slavery  question  is  left  ?  Is  there  any  of  it  left  ?  Yet  we  hear  talk 
about  compromise  ;  and  it  is  said  the  Union  must  be  broken  because 
you  cannot  get  compromise.  Does  not  this  settle  the  whole  ques 
tion  ?  There  is  no  slavery  prohibition  by  Congress,  and  the  Terri 
torial  Legislatures  are  expressly  forbidden  from  legislating  so  as  to 
impair  the  rights  of  property.  I  know  there  are  some  who  are  sin 
cere  in  this  talk  about  compromise :  but  there  are  others  who  are 
merely  making  it  a  pretext,  who  come  here  claiming  something  in 
the  hope  that  it  will  be  refused,  and  that  then,  upon  that  refusal, 
their  States  may  be  carried  out  of  the  Union.  I  should  like  to 
know  how  much  more  secure  we  can  be  in  regard  to  this  question 
of  slavery.  These  three  territorial  bills  cover  every  square  inch  of 
territory  we  have  got ;  and  here  is  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
embracing  the  whole  question,  so  far  as  the  States  and  the  public 
lands  of  the  United  States  are  concerned. 

I  am  as  much  for  compromise  as  any  one  can  be  ;  and  there  is  no 
one  who  would  desire  more  than  myself  to  see  peace  and  prosperity 
restored  to  the  land ;  but  when  we  look  at  the  condition  of  the 
country,  we  find  that  rebellion  is  rife ;  that  treason  has  reared  its 
head.  A  distinguished  Senator  from  Georgia  once  said,  u  When 
traitors  become  numerous  enough,  treason  becomes  respectable/' 
Traitors  are  getting  to  be  so  numerous  now  that  I  suppose  treason 
has  almost  got  to  be  respectable  ;  but,  God  being  willing,  whether 
traitors  be  many  or  few,  as  I  have  hitherto  waged  war  against  trai 
tors  and  treason,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Government  which  was  con 
structed  by  our  fathers,  I  intend  to  continue  it  to  the  end.  [Applause 
in  the  galleries.] 


APPENDIX.  33 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore :  Order. 

Mr.  JOHXSON,  of  Tennessee :  Mr.  President,  we  are  in  the  midst  of 
a  civil  war ;  blood  has  been  shed ;  life  has  been  sacrificed.  Who 
commenced  it  ?  Of  that  we  will  speak  hereafter.  I  am  speaking 
now  of  the  talk  about  compromise.  Traitors  and  rebels  are  stand 
ing  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  it  is  said  that  we  must  go  forward 
and  compromise  with  them.  They  are  in  the  wrong ;  they  are  making 
war  upon  the  Government ;  they  are  trying  to  upturn  and  destroy 
our  free  institutions.  I  say  to  them  that  the  compromise  I  have  to 
make  under  the  existing  circumstances  is,  "  ground  your  arms  ;  obey 
the  laws ;  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution — when 
you  do  that,  I  will  talk  to  you  about  compromises."  All  the  com 
promise  that  I  have  to  make  is  the  compromise  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  one  of  the  best  compromises  that  can  be 
made.  We  lived  under  it  from  1789  down  to  the  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  1860,  when  South  Carolina  undertook  to  go  out  of  the 
Union.  We  prospered;  we  advanced  in  wealth,  in  commerce,  in 
agriculture,  in  trade,  in  manufactures,^  in  all  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  in  religion,  more  than  any  people  upon  the  face  of  God's  earth 
had  ever  done  before  in  the  same  time.  What  better  compromise 
do  you  want  ?  You  lived  under  it  till  you  got  to  be  a  great  and 
prosperous  people.  It  was  made  by  our  fathers,  and  cemented  by 
their  blood.  When  you  talk  to  me  about  compromise,  I  hold  up  to 
you  the  Constitution  under  which  you  derived  all  your  greatness, 
and  which  was  made  by  the  fathers  of  your  country.  It  will  pro 
tect  you  in  all  your  rights. 

But  it  is  said  that  we  had  better  divide  the  country  and  make  a 
treaty  and  restore  peace.  If,  under  the  Constitution  which  was 
framed  by  Washington  and  Madison  and  the  patriots  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  we  cannot  live  as  brothers,  as  we  have  in  times  gone  by,  I  ask 
can  we  live  quietly  under  a  treaty,  separated  as  enemies  ?  The  same 
causes  will  exist ;  our  geographical  and  physical  position  will  remain 
just  the  same.  Suppose  you  make  a  treaty  of  peace  and  divsion ; 
if  the  same  causes  of  irritation,  if  the  same  causes  of  division  con 
tinue  to  exist,  and  we  cannot  live  as  brothers  in  fraternity  under  the 
Constitution  made  by  our  fathers,  and  as  friends  in  the  same  Gov 
ernment,  how  can  we  live  in  peace  as  aliens  and  enemies  under  a 
treaty  ?  It  cannot  be  done  ;  it  is  impracticable. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  concur  fully  with  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  Kentucky  in  the  dislike  expressed  by  him  to  a  change  in  the  form 
of  government.  He  seemed  to  be  apprehensive  of  a  dictatorship. 
He  feared  there  might  be  a  change  in  the  nature  and  character  of 
our  institutions.  I  could,  if  I  chose,  refer  to  many  proofs  to  estab- 


84  APPENDIX. 

lish  the  fact  that  there  has  been  a  design  to  change  the  nature  of 
our  Government.  I  could  refer  to  Mr.  Rhett ;  I  could  refer  to  Mr. 
Inglis ;  I  could  refer  to  various  others  to  prove  this.  The  Montr- 
gomery  Daily  Advertiser,  one  of  the  organs  of  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  says : 

"  Has  it  been  a  precipitate  revolution  ?  It  has  not.  With  cool 
ness  and  deliberation  the  subject  has  been  thought  of  for  forty 
years  ;  for  ten  years  it  has  been  the  all-absorbing  theme  in  political 
circles.  From  Maine  to  Mexico  all  the  different  phases  and  forms 
of  the  question  have  been  presented  to  the  people,  until  nothing 
else  was  thought  of,  nothing  else  spoken  of,  and  nothing  else  taught 
in  many  of  the  political  schools." 

This,  in  connection  with  other  things,  shows  that  this  movement 
has  been  long  contemplated,  and  that  the  idea  has  been  to  separate 
from  and  break  up  this  Government,  to  change  its  nature  and  char 
acter  ;  and  now,  after  they  have  attempted  the  separation,  if  they 
can  succeed,  their  intention  is  to  subjugate  and  overthrow  and  make 
the  other  States  submit  to  their  form  of  government. 

To  carry  out  the  idea  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  I  want  to 
show  that  there  is  conclusive  proof  of  a  design  to  change  our  Gov 
ernment. 

I  quote  from  the  Georgia  Chronicle  : 

"  Our  own  republican  Government  has  failed  midway  in  its  trial, 
and  with  it  have  nearly  vanished  the  hopes  of  those  philanthropists 
who,  believing  in  man's  capacity  for  self-government,  believed,  there 
fore,  in  spite  of  so  many  failures,  in  the  practicability  of  a  republic." 

"If  this  Government  has  gone  down,"  asks  the  editor,  "what 
shall  be  its  substitute  ?"  And  he  answers  by  saying  that,  as  to  the 
present  generation,  "  it  seems  their  only  resort  must  be  to  a  constitu 
tional  monarchy."  Hence,  you  see  the  Senator  and  myself  begin  to 
agree  in  the  proposition  ,that  the  nature  and  character  of  the  Gov 
ernment  are  to  be  changed. 

William  Howard  Russell,  the  celebrated  correspondent  of  the 
London  Times,  spent  some  time  in  South  Carolina,  and  he  wiites  : 

"  From  all  quarters  have  come  to  my  ears  the  echoes  of  the  same 
yoice  ;  it  may  be  feigned,  but  there  is  no  discord  in  the  note,  and  it 
sounds  in  wonderful  strength  and  monotony  all  over  the  country. 
Shades  of  George  III.,  of  North,  of  Johnson,  all  of  whom  contended 
against  the  great  rebellion  which  tore  these  colonies  from  England, 
can  you  hear  the  chorus  which  rings  through  the  State  of  Marion, 
Sumter,  and  Pinckney,  and  not  clap  your  ghostly  hands  in  triumph  ? 
That  voice  says,  '  If  we  could  only  get  one  of  the  royal  race  of  Eng 
land  to  rule  over  us,  we  should  be  content !'  Let  there  be  no  mis 
conception  on  this  point.  That  sentiment,  varied  in  a  hundred  ways, 
has  been  repeated  to  me  over  and  over  again.  There  is  a  general 


APPENDIX.  35 

admission  that  the  means  to  such  an  end  are  wanting,  and  that  the 
desire  cannot  be  gratified.  But  the  admiration  for  monarchical  in 
stitutions  on  the  English  model,  for  privileged  classes,  and  for  a 
landed  aristocracy  and  gentry,  is  undisguised  and  apparently  genuine* 
With  the  pride  of  having  achieved  their  independence,  is  mingled 
in  the  South  Carolinian's  heart  a  strange  regret  at  the  result  and 
consequences,  and  many  are  they  who  '  would  go  back  to-morrow, 
if  we  could.'  An  intense  affection  for  the  British  connection,  a  love 
of  British  habits  and  customs,  a  respect  for  British  sentiment,  law, 
authority,  order,  civilization,  and  literature,  pre-eminently  distinguish 
the  inhabitants  of  this  State,"  etc. 

This  idea  was  not  confined  to  localities.  It  was  extensively  preva 
lent,  though  policy  prompted  its  occasional  repudiation.  At  a  meet 
ing  of  the  people  of  Bibb  County,  Georgia,  the  subject  was  discussed, 
and  a  .constitutional  monarchy  was  not  recommended  for  the  South 
ern  States,  "  as  recommended  by  some  of  the  advocates  of  imme 
diate  disunion."  Here  is  evidence  that  the  public  mind  had  been 
sought  to  be  influenced  in  that  direction ;  but  the  people  were  not 
prepared  for  it.  Mr.  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  during  the  delivery  of  a 
speech  by  Mr.  A.  H.  Stephens,  before  the  Legislature  of  that  State, 
did  not  hesitate  to  prefer  the  form  of  the  British  Government  to  our 
own. 

Not  long  since— some  time  in  the  month  of  May — I  read  in  The 
Richmond  Whig,  published  at  the  place  where  their  Government  is 
now  operating,  the  centre  from  which  they  are  directing  their  armies, 
which  are  making  war  upon  this  Government,  an  article  in  which  it 
is  stated  that,  rather  than  submit  to  the  Administration  now  in 
power  in  the  City  of  Washington,  they  would  prefer  passing  under 
the  constitutional  reign  of  the  amiable  Queen  of  Great  Britain.  I 
agree,  therefore,  with  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  that  there  is  a 
desire  to  change  this  Government.  We  see  it  emanating  from  every 
point  in  the  South.  Mr.  Toombs  was  not  willing  to  wait  for  the 
movement  of  the  people.  Mr.  Stephens,  in  his  speech  to  the  Legis 
lature  of  Georgia,  preferred  the  calling  of  a  Convention ;  but  Mr. 
Toombs  was  unwilling  to  wait.  Mr.  Stephens  was  unwilling  to  see 
any  violent  action  in  advance  of  the  action  of  the  people  ;  but  Mr. 
Toombs  replied  :  "  I  will  not  wait ;  I  will  not  wait ;  I  will  take  the 
sword  in  my  own  hand,  disregarding  the  will  of  the  people,  even  in 
the  shape  of  a  Convention,"  and  history  will  record  that  he  kept  his 
word.  He  and  others  had  become  tired  and  dissatisfied  with  a 
government  of  the  people ;  they  have  lost  confidence  in  man's 
capacity  for  self-government ;  and  furthermore,  they  would  be  will 
ing  to  form  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain  ;  or,  if  Great  Britain  were 
slow  in  forming  the  alliance,  with  France ;  and  they  know  they  can 


3G  APPENDIX. 

succeed  there,  on  account  of  the  hate  and  malignity  which  exist 
between  the  two  nations.  They  would  be  willing  to  pass  under  the 
reign  of  the  amiable  and  constitutional  Queen  of  Great  Britain  I 
Sir,  I  love  woman,  and  woman's  reign  in  the  right  place  ;  but  wrhen 
we  talk  about  the  amiable  and  accomplished  Queen  of  Great  Britain. 
I  must  say  that  all  our  women  are  ladies,  all  are  queens,  all  are  equal 
to  Queen  Victoria,  and  many  of  them  greatly  her  superiors.  They 
desire  no  such  thing  ;  nor  do  we.  Hence  we  see  whither  this  move 
ment  is  tending.  It  is  a  change  of  government ;  and  in  that  the 
Senator  and  myself  most  fully  concur. 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  was  wonderfully  alarmed  at  the  idea 
of  a  "  dictator,"  and  replied  with  as  much  point  as  possible  to  the 
Senator  from  Oregon,  who  made  the  suggestion.  But,  sir,  what  do 
we  find  in  The  Richmond  Examiner,  published  at  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  of  the  so-called  Confederate  States  ? 

"In  the  late  debates  of  the  Congress  of  this  Confederacv,  Mr. 
Wright,  of  Georgia,  showed  a  true  appreciation  of  the  crisis  when  he 
advocated  the  grant  of  power  to  the  President,  that  would  enable 
him  to  make  immediate  defense  of  Richmond,  and  to  bring  the  whole 
force  of  the  Confederacy  to  bear  on  the  affairs  of  Virginia,  It  is  hero 
that  the  fate  of  the  Confederacy  is  to  be  decided  ;  and  the  time  is 
too  short  to  permit  red  tape  to  interfere  with  public  safety.  No 
power  in  executive  hands  can  be  too  great,  no  discretion  too  abso 
lute,  at  such  moments  as  these.  We  need  a  dictator.  Let  lawyers 
talk  when  the  world  has  time  to  hear  them.  Now  let  the  sword  do 
its  work.  Usurpations  of  power  by  the  chief,  for  the  preservation 
of  the  people  from  robbers  and  murderers,  will  be  reckoned  as  genius 
and  patriotism  by  all  sensible  men  in  the  wTorld,  now,  and  by  every 
historian  that  will  will  judge  the  deed  hereafter." 

The  articles  of  their  leading  papers,  The  Whig  and  The  Examiner, 
and  the  speeches  of  their  leading  men — all  show  unmistakably  that 
their  great  object  is  to  change  the  character  of  the  Government. 
Hence  we  come  back  to  the  proposition  that  it  is  a  contest  whether 
the  people  shall  govern  or  not.  I  have  here  an  article  that  appeared 
in  The  Memphis  Bulletin,  of  my  own  State,  from  which  it  appears 
that  under  this  reign  of  Secession,  this  reign  of  terror,  this  disinte 
grating  element  that  is  destructive  of  all  good,  and  the  accomplisher 
of  nothing  that  is  right  they  have  got  things  beyond  their  control : 

u  In  times  like  these,  there  must  be  one  ruling  power  to  which  all 
others  must  yield.  '  In  a  multitude  of  counsellors,'  saith  the  Book 
of  Books,  '  there  is  safety,'  but  nowhere  we  are  told,  in  history  or 
Revelation,  that  there  is  aught  of  safety  in  a  multitude  of  rulers. 
Any  '  rule  of  action,'  sometimes  called  the  '  law,'  is  better  than  a  mul 
titude  of  conflicting,  irreconcilable  statutes.  Any  one  head  is  better 


APPENDIX.  37 

than  forty,  each  of  which  may  conceive  itself  the  nonpareil,  par  excel 
lence,  supreme  i  capuf  of  all  civil  and  military  affairs. 

"  Let  Governor  Harris  be  king,  if  need  be,  and  Baugh  a  despot." 

"  Let  Governor  Harris  be  king,  and  Baugh  a  despot,"  says  The  Bul 
letin.  Who  is  Baugh  ?  Tho  Mayor  of  Memphis.  The  mob  reign  of 
terror  gotten  up  under  this  doctrine  of  Secession  is  so  great  that  we 
find  they  are  appealing  to  the  one-man  power.  They  are  even  will 
ing  to  make  the  Mayor  of  the  city  a  despot,  and  Isham  G.  Hanis,  a 
little  petty  Governor  of  Tennessee,  a  king.  He  is  to  be  made  king 
over  the  State  that  contains  the  bones  of  the  immortal,  the  illustrious 
Jackson.  Isham  G.  Harris  a  king !  Or  Jeff.  Davis  a  dictator,  and 
Isham  G.  Harris  one  of  his  satraps.  He  a  king  over  the  free  and 
patriotic  people  of  Tennessee!  Isham  G.  Harris  to  be  my  king. 
Yes,  sir,  my  king  !  I  know  the  man.  I  know  his  elements.  I  know 
the  ingredients  that  constitute  the  compound  called  Isham  G.  Harris. 
King  Harris  to  be  my  master,  and  the  master  of  the  people  that  I 
have  the  proud  and  conscious  satisfaction  of  representing  on  this 
floor !  Mr.  President,  he  should  not  be  my  slave.  [Applause  in  the 
galleries.] 

The  PRESIDENT  pro  tempore :  Order !  A  repetition  of  the  offense 
will  compel  the  chair  to  order  the  galleries  to  be  cleared  forthwith. 
The  order  of  the  Senate  must  and  shall  be  preserved.  JSTo  demon 
strations  of  applause  or  disapprobation  will  be  allowed.  The  Chair 
hopes  not  to  be  compelled  to  resort  to  the  extremity  of  clearing  the 
galleries  of  the  audience. 

Mr.  JOHNSON  of  Tennessee :  I  was  proceeding  with  this  line  of  argu 
ment  to  show  that,  in  the  general  proposition  that  there  was  a  fixed 
determination  to  change  the  character  and  nature  of  the  Government, 
the  Senator  from  Kentucky  and  myself  agree,  and  so  far  I  think  I 
have  succeeded  very  well.  And  now,  when  we  are  looking  at  the 
elements  of  which  this  Southern  Confederacy  is  composed,  it  may  be 
well  enough  to  examine  the  principles  of  the  elements  out  of  which 
a  government  is  to  be  made  that  they  prefer  to  this.  We  have  shown, 
so  far  as  the  slavery  question  is  concerned,  that  the  whole  question  is 
settled,  and  it  is  now  shown  to  the  American  people  and  the  world 
that  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  have  now  got  no  right  which 
they  said  they  had  lost  before  they  went  out  of  this  Union ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  many  of  their  rights  have  been  diminished,  and  oppres 
sion  and  tyranny  have  been  inaugurated  in  their  stead.  Let  me  ask 
you,  sir,  and  let  me  ask  the  nation,  what  right  has  any  State  in  this 
so-called  Confederacy  lost  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  ?  Let  me  ask  each  individual  citizen  in  the  United  States, 
what  right  has  he  lost  by  the  continuance  of  this  Government  based 


38  APPENDIX. 

on  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ?  Is  there  a  man  North  or 
South,  East  or  West,  who  can  put  his  finger  on  one  single  privilege, 
or  one  single  right,  of  which  he  has  been  deprived  by  the  Constitu 
tion  or  Union  of  these  States  ?  Can  he  do  it  ?  Can  he  touch  it  ? 
Can  he  see  it  ?  Can  lie  ieel  it  ?  No,  sir ;  there  is  no  one  right  that 
he  has  lost.  How  many  rights  and  privileges,  and  how  much  pro 
tection  have  they  lost  by  going  out  of  the  Union,  and  violating  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  ? 

Pursuing  this  line  of  argument  in  regard  to  the  formation  of  their 
government,  let  us  take  South  Carolina,  for  instance,  and  see  what 
her  notions  of  government  are.  She  is  the  leading  spirit,  and  will 
constitute  one  of  the  master  elements  in  the  formation  of  this  pro 
posed  Confederate  Government.  What  qualifications  has  South  Car 
olina  affixed  upon  members  of  her  Legislature  ?  Let  us  see  what  are 
her  notions  of  government— a  State  that  will  contribute  to  the  for 
mation  of  the  government  that  is  to  exist  hereafter.  In  the  Consti 
tution  of  South  Carolina  it  is  provided  that 

"  No  person  shall  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  unless  he  is  a  free  white  man,  of  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and 
hath  been  a  citizen  and  resident  of  this  State  three  years  previous  to 
his  election.  If  a  resident  in  the  election  district,  he  shall  not  be 
eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  unless  he  be  legally 
seized  and  possessed,  in  his  own  right,  of  a  settled  freehold  estate  of 
five  hundred  acres  of  land  and  ten  negroes." 

This  is  the  notion  that  South  Carolina  has  of  the  necessary  quali 
fications  of  a  member  of  the  lower  branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 
Now,  I  desire  to  ask  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Kentucky — 
who  seems  to  be  so  tenacious  about  compromises,  about  rights,  and 
about  the  settlement  of  this  question,  and  who  can  discover  that  the 
Constitution  has  been  violated  so  often  and  so  flagrantly  by  the  ad 
ministration  now  in  power,  yet  never  can  see  that  it  has  been  violated 
anywhere  else,  if  he  desires  to  seek  under  this  South  Carolina  Gov 
ernment  for  his  lost  rights  ?  I  do  not  intend  to  be  personal.  I  wish 
he  were  in  his  seat,  for  he  knows  that  I  have  the  greatest  kindness 
for  him.  I  am  free  to  say,  in  connection  with  what  I  am  about  to 
observe,  that  I  am  selfish  in  this ;  because,  if  I  lived  in  South  Caro 
lina,  with  these  disabilities  or  disqualifications  affixed  upon  a  mem 
ber,  I  would  not  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  lower  branch  of  the  Leg 
islature.  That  would  be  a  poor  place  for  mo  to  go  and  get  my 
rights ;  would  it  not  ?  I  doubt  whether  tho  Senator  from  Kentucky 
is  eligible  to-day  to  a  seat  in  the  lower  branch  of  the  Legislature  of 
South  Carolina.  I  do  not  refer  to  him  in  any  other  than  the  most 
respectful  terms,  but  I  doubt  whether  he  would  be  qualified  to  take 


APPENDIX.  39 

a  seat  in  the  lower  branch  of  her  Legislature.  I  should  not  be ;  and 
I  believe  I  am  just  as  good  as  any  who  do  take  seats  there. 

In  looking  further  into  the  Constitution  of  South  Carolina,  in  order 
to  ascertain  what  are  her  principles  of  government,  what  do  we  find  ? 
We  find  it  provided  that,  in  the  apportionment  of  these  representa 
tives,  the  whole  number  of  white  inhabitants  is  to  be  divided  by 
sixty-two,  and  every  sixty-second  part  is  to  have  one  member.  Then 
all  the  taxes  are  to  be  divicted  by  sixty-two,  and  every  sixty-second 
part  of  the  taxes  is  to  have  one  member  also.  Hence  we  see  that 
slaves,  constituting  the  basis  of  property,  would  get  the  largest 
amount  of  representation ;  and  we  see  that  property  goes  in  an  un 
equal  representation  to  all  the  numbers,  while  those  numbers  consti 
tute  a  part  of  the  property-holders.  That  is  the  basis  of  their  repre 
sentation. 

Sir,  the  people  whom  I  represent  desire  no  such  form  of  govern 
ment.  Notwithstanding  they  have  been  borne  down ;  notwithstand 
ing  there  has  been  an  army  of  fifty-five  thousand  men  created  by  the 
Legislature;  notwithstanding  $5,000,000  of  money  has  been  appro 
priated  to  be  expended  against  the  Union ;  and  notwithstanding  the 
arms  manufactured  by  the  Government,  and  distributed  among  the 
States  for  the  protection  of  the  people,  have  been  denied  to  them  by 
this  little  petty  tyrant  of  a  king,  and  are  now  turned  upon  the  Gov 
ernment  for  its  overthrow  and  destruction,  those  people,  when  left  to 
themselves  to  carry  out  their  own  government  and  the  honest  dic 
tates  of  their  own  consciences,  will  be  found  to  be  opposed  to  this 
revolution. 

Mr.  President,  while  the  Congress  of  the  Confederate  States  are 
engaged  in  the  formation  of  their  Constitution,  I  find  a  protest  from 
South  Carolina  against  a  decision  of  that  Congress  in  relation  to  the 
slave-trade,  in  The  Charleston  Mercury  of  February  13.  It  is  written 
by  L.  W.  Spratt,  to  'l  the  Hon.  John  Perkins,  delegate  from  Louisi 
ana."  It  begins  in  this  way : 

"From  the  abstract  of  the  Constitution  for  the  Provisional  Gov 
ernment,  published  in  the  papers  this  morning,  it  appears  that  the 
slave-trade,  except  with  the  Slave  States  of  North  America,  shall  be 
prohibited.  The  Congress,  therefore,  not  content  with  the  laws  of 
the  late  United  States  against  it,  which,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  were 
re-adopted,  have  unalterably  fixed  the  subject,  by  a  provision  of  the 
Constitution." 

He  goes  on  and  protests.  We  all  know  that  that  Constitution  is 
made  for  the  day,  just  for  the  time  being,  a  mere  tub  thrown  out  to 
the  whale,  to  amuse  and  entertain  the  public  mind  for  a  time.  We 
know  this  to  be  so.  But  in  making  his  argument,  what  does  he  say  ? 


40  APPENDIX. 

Mr.  Spratt,  a  Commissioner  who  went  to  Florida,  a  member  of  the 
Convention  that  took  the  State  of  South  Carolina  out  of  the  Union, 
says  in  this  protest : 

"  The  South  is  now  in  the  formation  of  a  slave  republic.  This, 
perhaps,  is  not  admitted  generally.  There  are  many  contented  to 
believe  that  the  South  as  a  geographical  section,  is  in  mere  assertion 
of  its  independence ;  that  it  is  instinct  with  no  especial  truth — preg 
nant  of  no  distinct  social  nature ;  that  for  some  unaccountable  reason 
the  two  sections  have  become  opposed  to  each  other ;  that  for  rea 
sons  equally  insufficient,  there  is  disagreement  between  the  people 
that  direct  them ;  and  that  from  no  overruling  necessity,  no  impossi 
bility  of  co-existence,  but  as  mere  matter  of  policy,  it  has  been  con 
sidered  best  for  the  South  to  strike  out  for  herself  and  establish  an 
independence  of  her  own.  This,  I  fear,  is  an  inadequate  conception 
of  the  controversy." 

This  indicates  the  whole  scheme. 

"  The  contest  is  not  between  the  North  and  South  as  geographical 
sections,  for  between  such  sections  merely  there  can  be  no  contest ; 
nor  between  the  people  of  the  North  and  the  people  of  the  South ; 
for  our  relations  have  been  pleasant ;  and  on  neutral  grounds  there  is 
still  nothing  to  estrange  us.  We  eat  together,  trade  together,  and 
practice  yet,  in  intercourse  with  great  respect,  the  courtesies  of  com 
mon  life.  But  the  real  contest  is  between  two  forms  of  society  which 
have  become  established,  the  one  at  the  North,  and  the  other  at  the 
South." 

The  protest  continues : 

"  With  that  perfect  economy  of  resources,  that  just  application  of 
power,  that  concentration  of  forces,  that  security  of  order  which  re 
sults  to  slavery  from  the  permanent  direction  of  its  best  intelligence, 
there  is  no  other  form  of  human  labor  that  can  stand  against  it,  and 
it  will  build  itself  a  home,  and  erect  for  itself,  at  some  point  within 
the  present  limits  of  the  Southern  States,  a  structure  of  imperial 
power  and  grandeur — a  glorious  Confederacy  of  States  that  will  stand 
aloft  and  serene  for  ages,  amid  the  anarchy  of  democracies  that  will 
reel  around  it." 

"  But  it  may  be  that  to  this  end  another  revolution  may  be  neces 
sary.  It  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  contest  between  democracy 
and  slavery  is  not  yet  over.  It  is  certain  that  both  forms  of  society 
exist  within  the  limits  of  the  Southern  States ;  both  are  distinctly 
developed  within  the  limits  of  Virginia;  and  there,  whether  we 
perceive  the  fact  or  not,  the  war  already  rages.  In  that  State  there 
are  about  five  hundred  thousand  slaves  to  about  one  million  of 
whites  ;  and  as  at  least  as  many  slaves  as  masters  are  necessary  to  tho 
constitution  of  slave  society,  about  five  hundred  thousand  of  the 
white  population  are  in  legitimate  relation  to  the  slaves,  and  the  rest 
are  in  excess." 


APPENDIX.  41 

Hence  we  see  the  propriety  of  Mr.  Mason's  letter,  in  which  he  de 
clared  that  all  those  who  would  not  vote  for  secession  must  leave  the 
State,  and  thereby  you  get  clear  of  the  excess  of  white  population 
over  slaves.  They  must  emigrate : 

"  Like  an  excess  of  alkali  or  acid  in  chemical  experiments,  they 
are  unfixed  in  the  social  compound.  Without  legitimate  connection 
with  the  slave,  they  are  in  competition  with  him." 

The  protest  continues : 

"  And  even  in  this  State  (South  Carolina),  the  ultimate  result  is 
not  determined.  The  slave  condition  here  would  seem  to  be  estab 
lished.  There  is  here  an  excess  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
slaves ;  and  here  is  fairly  exhibited  the  normal  nature  of  the  institu 
tion.  The  officers  of  the  State  are  slave-owners,  and  the  representa 
tives  of  slave-owners.  In  their  public  acts  they  exhibit  the  conscious 
ness  of  a  superior  position.  Without  unusual  individual  ability, 
they  exhibit  the  elevation  of  tone  and  composure  of  public  senti 
ment  proper  to  a  master  class.  There  is  no  appeal  to  the  mass,  for 
there  is  no  mass  to  appeal  to ;  there  are  no  demagogues,  for  there  is 
no  populace  to  breed  them ;  judges  are  not  forced  upon  the  stump ; 
Governors  are  not  to  be  dragged  before  the  people ;  and  when  there 
is  cause  to  act  upon  the  fortunes  of  our  social  institution,  there  is 
perhaps  an  unusual  readiness  to  meet  it." 


"  It  is  probable  that  more  abundant  pauper  labor  may  pour  in,  and 
it  is  to  be  feared  that,  even  in  this  State,  the  purest  in  its  slave  con 
dition,  democracy  may  gain  a  foot-hold,  and  that  here  also  the  con 
test  for  existence  may  be  waged  between  them. 

"  It  thus  appears  that  the  contest  is  not  ended  with  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  and  that  the  agents  of  that  contest  still  exist  within 
the  limits  of  the  Southern  States.  The  causes  that  have  contributed 
to  the  defeat  of  slavery  still  occur ;  our  slaves  are  still  drawn  off  by 
higher  prices  to  the  West.  There  is  still  foreign  pauper  labor  ready 
to  supply  their  place.  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  pos 
sibly  Tennessee  and  North  Carolina,  may  lose  their  slaves  as  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey  have  done.  In  that  condition 
they  must  recommence  the  contest.  There  is  no  avoiding  that  neces 
sity.  The  systems  cannot  mix ;  and  thus  it  is  that  slavery,  like  the 
Thracian  horse  returning  from  the  field  of  victory,  still  bears  a  master 
on  his  back ;  and,  having  achieved  one  revolution  to  escape  democ 
racy  at  the  North,  it  must  still  achieve  another  to  escape  it  at  the 
South.  That  it  will  ultimately  triumph  none  can  doubt.  It  will 
become  redeemed  and  vindicated,  and  the  only  question  now  to  be 
determined  is,  shall  there  be  another  revolution  to  that  end  ? 

• "  If,  in  short,  you  shall  own  slavery  as  the  source  of  your  authority, 
and  act  for  it,  and  erect,  as  you  are  commissioned  to  erect,  not  only 
a  Southern  but  a  slave  republic,  the  work  will  be  accomplished 

"  But  if  you  shall  not ;  if  you  shall  commence  by  ignoring  slavery, 
or  shall  be  content  to  edge  it  on  by  indirection ;  if  you  shall  exhibit 
29 


42  APPENDIX. 

care  but  for  the  republic,  respect  but  a  democracy ;  if  you  shall  stip 
ulate  for  the  toleration  of  slavery  as  an  existing  evil,  by  admitting 
assumptions  to  its  prejudice,  and  restrictions  to  its  power  and  prog 
ress,  you  reinaugurate  the  blunder  of  1789  ;  you  will  combine  States, 
whether  true  or  not,  to  slavery ;  you  will  have  no  tests  of  faith ;  some 
will  find  it  to  their  interest  to  abandon  it ;  slave  labor  will  be  fet 
tered,  hireling  labor  will  be  free ;  your  Confederacy  is  again  divided 
into  antagonistic  societies ;  the  irrepressible  conflict  is  again  com 
menced  ;  and  as  slavery  can  sustain  the  structure  of  a  stable  govern 
ment,  and  will  sustain  such  a  structure,  and  as  it  will  sustain  no 
structure  but  its  own,  another  revolution  comes ;  but  whether  in  the 
order  and  propriety  of  this,  is  gravely  to  be  doubted."  . 

In  another  part  of  this  protest  I  find  this  paragraph : 

"If  the  clause  be  carried  into  the  permanent  government,  our 
whole  movement  is  defeated.  It  will  abolitionize  the  border  slave 
States — it  will  brand  our  institution.  Slavery  cannot  share  a  gov 
ernment  with  democracy — it  cannot  bear  a  brand  upon  it ;  thence 
another  revolution.  It  may  be  painful,  but  we  must  make  it.  The 
Constitution  cannot  be  changed  without.  The  border  States,  dis 
charged  of  slavery,  will  oppose  it.  They  are  to  be  included  by  the 
concession ;  they  will  be  sufficient  to  defeat  it  It  is  doubtful  if  an 
other  movement  will  be  as  peaceful." 

In  this  connection,  let  me  read  the  following  paragraph  from  De 
Bow's  Review  : 

"  All  government  begins  ~by  usurpation,  and  is  continued  ty  force. 
Nature  put  the  ruling  elements  uppermost,  and  the  masses  below 
and  subject  to  those  elements.  Less  than  this  is  not  government. 
The  right  to  govern  resides  in  a  very  small  minority ;  the  duty  to 
obey  is  inherent  in  the  great  mass  of  mankind." 

We  find  by  an  examination  of  all  these  articles  that  the  whole 
idea  is  to  establish  a  republic  based  upon  slavery  exclusively,  in 
which  the  great  mass  of  the  people  are  not  to  participate.  We  find 
an  argument  made  here  against  the  admission  of  non-slaveholding 
States  into  their  Confederacy.  If  they  refuse  to  admit  a  non-slave- 
holding  State  into  the  Confederacy,  for  the  very  same  reason  they 
will  exclude  an  individual  who  is  not  a  slaveholder,  in  a  slavehold- 
ing  State,  from  participating  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  the 
government.  Taking  the  whole  argument  through,  that  is  the 
plain  meaning  of  it.  Mr.  Spratt  says  that  sooner  or  later  it  will  be 
done;  and  if  the  present  revolution  will  not  accomplish  it,  it  must 
be  brought  about  even  if  another  revolution  has  to  take  place.  We 
see,  therefore,  that  it  is  most  clearly  contemplated  to  change  the 
character  and  nature  of  the  government  so  far  as  they  are  concerned. 
They  have  lost  confidence  in  the  integrity,  in  the  capability,  in  the 
virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  to  govern. 


APPENDIX.  43 

Sir,  in  the  section  of  the  country  where  I  live,  notwithstanding  we 
reside  in  a  slave  State,  we  believe  that  freemen  are  capable  of  self- 
government.  We  care  not  in  what  shape  their  poverty  exists; 
whether  it  is  in  the  shape  of  slaves  or  otherwise.  We  hold  that  it 
is  upon  the  intelligent  free  white  people  of  the  country  that  all  gov 
ernments  should  rest,  and  by  them  all  governments  should  be  con 
trolled. 

I  think,  therefore,  sir,  that  the  President  and  Senator  from  Ken 
tucky  have  stated  the  question  aright.  This  is  a  struggle  between 
two  forms  of  government.  It  is  a  struggle  for  the  existence  of  the 
Government  we  have.  The  issue  is  now  fairly  made  up.  All  who 
favor  free  government  must  stand  with  the  Constitution,  and  in 
favor  of  the  Union  of  the  States  as  it  is.  That  Union  being  once 
restored,  the  Constitution  again  becoming  supreme  and  paramount, 
when  peace,  law,  and  order  shall  be  restored ;  when  the  Government 
shall  be  restored  to  its  pristine  position ;  then,  if  necessary,  we  can 
come  forward  under  proper  and  favorable  circumstances  to  amend, 
change,  alter,  and  modify  the  Constitution,  as  pointed  out  by  the 
fifth  article  of  the  instrument,  and  thereby  perpetuate  the  Govern 
ment.  This  can  be  done,  and  this  should  be  done. 

We  have  heard  a  great  deal  said  in  reference  to  the  violation  of 
the  Constitution.  The  Senator  from  Kentucky  seems  exceedingly 
sensitive  about  violations  of  the  Constitution.  Sir,  it  seems  to  me, 
admitting  that  his  apprehensions  are  well  founded,  that  a  violation 
of  the  Constitution  for  the  preservation  of  the  Government  is  more 
tolerable  than  one  for  its  destruction.  In  all  these  complaints,  in  all 
these  arraignments  of  the  present  Government  for  violation  of  law 
and  disregard  of  the  Constitution,  have  you  heard,  as  was  forcibly 
and  eloquently  said  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Browning) 
before  me,  one  word  uttered  against  violations  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  trampling  under  foot  of  law  by  the  States  or  the  party  now 
making  war  upon  the  Government  of  the  United  States  ?  Not  a 
word,  sir. 

The  Senator  enumerates  what  he  calls  violations  of  the  Constitu 
tion—the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  the  proclaiming 
of  martial  law,  the  increase  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  the  existing 
war;  and  then  he  asks,  "  Why  all  this?"  The  answer  must  be 
apparent  to  all. 

But  first,  let  me  supply  a  chronological  table  of  events  on  the 
other  side : 

December  27.  1860.  The  revenue  cutter  William  Aiken  surren 
dered  by  her  commander,  and  taken  possession  of  by  South  Carolina. 

December  28.  Fort  Moultrie  and  Castle  Pinckney,  at  Charleston, 
seized. 


44  APPENDIX. 

December  30.    The  United  States  arsenal  at  Charleston  seized. 

January  2,  1861.     Fort  Macon  and  tlie  United  States  arsenal  at 
Fayetteville  seized  by  North  Carolina. 

January  3.     Forts  Pulaski  and  Jackson,  and  the  United  States 
arsenal  at  Savannah,  seized  by  Georgia  troops. 

January  4.     Fort  Morgan  and  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Mobile 
seized  by  Alabama. 

January  8.     Forts  Johnson  and  Caswcll,  at  Smithville,  seized  by 
North  Carolina  ;  restored  by  order  of  Governor  Ellis. 

January  9.     The  Star  of  the  West,  bearing  reinforcements  to  Major 
Anderson,  fired  at  in  Charleston  harbor. 

January  10.     The   steamer    Marion    seized  by   South  Carolina ; 
restored  on  the  llth. 

January  11.  The  United  States  arsenal  at  Baton  Kouge,  and  Forts 
Pike,  St.  Philip,  and  Jackson,  seized  by  Louisiana. 

January  12.  Fort  Barancas  and  the  Navy  Yard  at  Pensacola 
seized  by  Florida. 

January  12.     Fort  McRae,  at  Pensacola,  seized  by  Florida. 

These  forts  cost  $5,947,000,  are  pierced  for  1,099  guns,  and  are 
adapted  for  a  war  garrison  of  5,430  men. 

We  find,  as  was  shown  here  the  other  day,  and  as  has  been  shown 
on  former  occasions,  that  the  State  of  South  Carolina  seceded,  or 
attempted  to  secede,  from  this  confederacy  of  States  without  cause. 
In  seceding,  her  first  step  was  a  violation  of  the  Constitution.  She 
seceded  on  the  20th  of  last  December,  making  the  first  innovation 
and  violation  of  the  law  and  the  Constitution  of  the  country.  On 
the  28th  day  of  December  what  did  she  do  ?  She  seized  Fort  Moul- 
trie  and  Castle  Pinckney,  and  caused  your  little  band  of  sixty  or 
seventy  men,  under  the  command  of  Major  Anderson,  to  retire  to  a 
little  pen  in  the  ocean— Fort  Sumter.  She  commenced  erecting  bat 
teries,  arraying  cannon,  preparing  for  war ;  in  effect,  proclaiming 
herself  at  once  our  enemy.  Seceding  from  the  Union,  taking  Fort 
Moultrie  and  Castle  Pinckney,  driving  your  men,  in  fact,  into  Fort 
Sumter,  I  say  were  piratical  acts  of  war.  You  need  not  talk  to  me 
about  technicalities,  and  the  distinction  that  you  have  got  no  war 
till  Congress  declares  it.  Congress  could  legalize  it,  or  could  make 
war,  it  is  true  ;  but  that  was  practical  war.  Who  began  it  ?  Then, 
sir,  if  South  Carolina  secedes,  withdraws  from  the  Union,  becomes 
our  common  enemy,  is  it  not  the  duty,  the  constitutional  duty  of 
the  Government,  and  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  make 
war,  or  to  resist  the  attacks  and  assaults  made  by  an  enemy  ?  Is 
she  not  as  much  our  enemy  as  Great  Britain  was  in  the  revolution 
ary  struggle  ?  Is  she  not  to-day  as  much  our  enemy  as  Great  Britain 
was  during  the  war  of  1812  ? 


APPENDIX.  45 

In  this  connection  I  desire  to  read  some  remarks  made  by  the 
Senator  from  Missouri  (Mr.  Polk)  in  his  speech  the  other  day,  in 
regard  to  this  general  idea  of  who  made  the  war : 

u  This  has  all  been  brought  about  since  the  adjournment  of  the 
last  Congress— since  the  4th  of  March ;  indeed,  since  the  15th  of 
April.  Congress  has  declared  no  war.  The  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  says  '  that  Congress  shall  be  authorized  to  declare 
war ;'  and  yet,  sir,  though  Congress  has  declared  no  war,  we  are  in 
the  midst  of  a  war  monstrous  in  its  character,  and  hugely  monstrous 
in  its  proportions.  That  war  has  been  brought  on  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States  since  the  4th  of  March,  of  his  own  motion  and 
of  his  own  wrong ;  and  under  what  circumstances  ?  Before  the 
close  of  the  last  Congress,  as  early  as  the  month  of  January,  seces 
sion  was  an  accomplished  fact.  t  Before  the  close  of  the  last  Congress, 
as  many  States  had  seceded  'from  the  Union,  or  had  claimed  to 
secede,  as  had  on  the  15th  of  April ;  and  yet  the  last  Congress  made 
no  declaration  of  war ;  the  last  Congress  passed  no  legislation  cal 
culated  to  carry  on  the  war  ;  the  last  Congress  refused  to  pass  bills 
ha>ing  this  direction  or  having  any  purpose  of  coercion.  Now,  sir, 
how  has  this  war  been  brought  on  ?  I  have  said  that,  in  my  judg 
ment,  it  has  been  brought  on  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  a  portion  of  the  procedure  which  has  resulted  in  it  is  named 
in  the  preamble  of  this  joint  resolution,  which  it  is  proposed  that 
we  shall  approve  and  legalize." 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Powell)  spoke  in  similar  lan 
guage.  Alluding  to  the  refusal  of  Kentucky  to  respond  to  the  first 
call  of  the  President  for  seventy-five  thousand  men,  he  said  : 

"  She  believed  that  the  calling  forth  of  such  an  immense  arma 
ment  was  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  war  of  subjugation  on  the 
Southern  States,  and  upon  that  ground  she  refused  to  furnish  the 
regiments  called  for.  The  Senator  seems  to  be  a  little  offended  at 
the  neutrality  of  Kentucky.  Sir,  Kentucky  has  assumed  a  position 
of  neutrality,  and  I  only  hope  that  she  may  be  able  to  maintain  it. 
She  has  assumed  that  position  because  there  is  no  impulse  of  her 
patriotic  heart  that  desires  her  to  imbrue  her  hands  in  a  brother's 
blood,  whether  he  be  frc  m  the  North  or  the  South.  Kentucky  looks 
upon  this  war  as  unholy,  unrighteous,  and  unjust.  Kentucky  be 
lieves  that  this  war,  if  carried  out,  can  result  in  nothing  else  than 
the  total  disruption  of  the  Confederacy.  She  hopes,  she  wishes,  she 
prays,  that  this  Union  may  be  maintained.  She  believes  that  can 
not  be  done  by  force  of  arms ;  that  it  must  be  done  by  compromise 
and  conciliation  if  it  can  be  done  at  all ;  and  hence,  being  devoted 
truly  to  the  Union,  she  desires  measures  of  peace  to  be  presented  for 
the  adjustment  of  our  difficulties." 

I  desire  in  this  connection  to  place  before  the  Senate  the  remarks 
of  both  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  and  the  Senator  from  Missouri, 
and  to  answer  them  at  the  same  time.  The  Senator  from  Missouri 


46  APPENDIX. 

says  the  war  was  brought  on  since  the  4th  of  March  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  of  his  own  motion.  The  Senator  from 
Kentucky  (Mr.  Powell)  pronounces  it  an  unjust,  an  unrighteous  and 
an  unholy  war. 

But,  sir,  I  commenced  enumerating  the  facts  with  the  view  of 
showing  who  commenced  the  war.  How  do  they  stand  ?  I  have 
just  stated  that  South  Carolina  seceded — withdrew  from  the  Con 
federacy  ;  and  in  the  very  act  of  withdrawing,  she  makes  practical 
war  upon  the  Government,  and  becomes  its  enemy.  The  Star  of  the 
West,  on  the  7th  of  January,  laden  simply  with  provisions  to  sup 
ply  those  starving  men  at  Fort  Sumter,  attempted  to  enter  the  harbor, 
and  was  fired  upon,  and  had  to  tack  about,  and  leave  the  men  in  the 
fort  to  perish  or  do  the  best  they  could.  We  also  find,  that  on  the 
llth  of  April,  General  Beauregard  had  an  interview  with  Major 
Anderson,  and  made  a  proposition  to  him  to  surrender.  Major 
Anderson  stated  in  substance,  that  he  could  do  no  such  thing ;  that 
he  could  not  strike  the  colors  of  his  country,  and  refused  to  surren 
der  ;  but  he  said,  at  the  same  time,  that  by  the  15th  of  the  month 
his  provisions  would  give  out,  and  if  not  reinforced  and  supplied 
starvation  must  take  place.  It  seems  that  at  this  time  Mr.  Pryor, 
from  Virginia,  was  in  Charleston.  The  Convention  of  Virginia  was 
sitting,  and  it  was  important  that  the  cannon's  roar  should  be  heard 
in  the  land.  Virginia  was  to  be  taken  out  of  the  Union,  although 
a  majority  of  the  delegates  in  the  Convention  were  elected  against 
secession,  and  in  favor  of  the  Union.  We  find  that  after  being  in 
possession  of  the  fact  that  by  the  15th  of  the  month  the  garrison 
would  be  starved  out  and  compelled  to  surrender,  on  the  morning 
of  the  12th  they  commenced  the  bombardment,  fired  upon  the  fort 
and  upon  your  men.  They  knew  that  in  three  days  they  would  be 
compelled  to  surrender,  but  they  wanted  war.  It  was  indispensable 
to  produce  an  excitement  in  order  to  hurry  Virginia  out  of  the 
Union,  and  they  commenced  the  war.  The  firing  was  kept  up  until 
such  time  as  the  fort  was  involved  in  smoke  and  flames,  and  Major 
Anderson  and  his  men  were  compelled  to  lie  on  the  floor  with  their 
wet  handkerchiefs  to  their  faces  to  save  them  from  suffocation  and 
death.  Even  in  the  midst  of  all  this,  they  refused  to  cease  their 
firing,  but  kept  it  up  until  he  was  compelled  to  surrender. 

Who,  then  commenced  the  war  ?  Who  struck  the  first  blow  ? 
Who  violated  the  Constitution  in  the  first  place  ?  Who  trampled 
the  law  under  foot,  and  violated  the  law  morally  and  legally  ?  Was 
it  not  South  Carolina  in  seceding  ?  And  yet  you  talk  about  the 
President  having  brought  on  the  war  by  his  own  motion,  when  these 
facts  are  incontrovertible.  No  one  dare  attempt  to  assail  them. 


APPENDIX.  47 

But  after  Fort  Sumter  was  attacked  and  surrendered,  what  do  we 
find  stated  in  Montgomery  when  the  news  reached  there  ?  Here  is 
the  telegraphic  announcement  of  the  reception  of  the  news  there  : 

"  MONTGOMERY,  Friday,  April  12,  1861. 

"An  immense  crowd  serenaded  President  Davis  and  Secretary 
Walker,  at  the  Exchange  Hotel  to-night." 

Mr.  Davis  refused  to  address  the  audience,  but  his  Secretary  of 
War  did.  The  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Walker,  said : 

"  No  man  could  tell  where  the  war  this  day  commenced  would 
end,  but  he  would  prophesy  that  the  flag  which  now  flaunts  the 
breeze  here  would  float  over  the  old  Capitol  at  Washington,  before 
the  1st  of  May.  Let  them  try  Southern  chivalry  and  test  the  extent 
of  Southern  resources,  and  it  might  float  eventually  over  Faneuil 
Hall  itself." 

What  is  the  announcement  ?  We  have  attacked  Fort  Sumter  and 
it  has  surrendered,  and  no  one  can  tell  where  this  war  will  end.  By 
the  1st  of  May  our  flag  will  wave  in  triumph  from  the  dome  of  the 
old  Capitol  at  Washington,  and  ere  long,  perhaps,  from  Faneuil  Hall 
in  Boston.  Then  was  this  war  commenced  by  the  President  on  his 
own  motion  ?  You  say  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  did 
wrong  in  ordering  out  seventy-five  thousand  men,  and  in  increasing 
the  army  and  navy  under  the  exigency.  Do  we  not  know,  in  con 
nection  with  these  facts,  that  so  soon  as  Fort  Sumter  surrendered 
they  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Washington  ?  Do  not  some  of 
us  who  were  here  know  that  we  did  not  even  go  to  bed  very  confi 
dently  and  securely,  for  the  fear  that  the  city  would  be  taken  before 
the  rising  sun  ?  Has  it  not  been  published  in  the  Southern  news 
papers  that  Ben  McCulloch  was  in  readiness,  with  five  thousand 
picked  men,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  to  make  a  descent  and  attack 
the  city,  and  take  it  ? 

What  more  do  we  find  ?  We  find  that  the  Congress  of  this  same 
pseudo-republic,  this  same  Southern  Confederacy  that  has  sprung  up 
in  the  South,  as  early  as  the  6th  of  March  passed  a  law  preparing 
for  this  invasion — preparing  for  this  war  which  they  commenced. 
Here  it  is : 

u  That  in  order  to  provide  speedily  forces  to  repel  invasion,  main 
tain  the  rightful  possession  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America  in 
every  portion  of  territory  belonging  to  each  State,  and  to  secure  the 
public  tranquility  and  independence  against  threatened  assault,  the 
President  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized  to  employ  the  militia, 
military,  and  naval  forces  of  the  Confederate  States  of  America,  and 
ask  for  and  accept  the  services  of  any  number  of  volunteers,  not 
exceeding  one  hundred  thousand." 


48  APPENDIX. 

When  your  forts  were  surrendered,  and  when  the  President  of  the 
so-called  Southern  Confederacy  was  authorized  to  call  out  the  entire 
militia,  naval,  and  military  forces,  and  then  to  receive  in  the  service 
of  the  Confederate  States  one  hundred  thousand  men,  the  President 
calls  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  to  defend  the  Capitol  and  the 
public  property.  Are  we  for  the  Government,  or  are  we  against  it  ? 
That  is  the  question.  Taking  all  the  facts  into  consideration,  do  we 
not  see  that  an  invasion  was  intended  ?  It  was  even  announced  by 
Mr.  Iverson  upon  this  floor  that  ere  long  their  Congress  would  be 
sitting  here,  and  this  Government  would  be  overthrown.  When  the 
facts  are  all  put  together  we  see  the  scheme,  and  it  is  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  executing  a  programme  deliberately  made  out ;  and  yet 
Senators  hesitate,  falter,  and  complain,  and  say  the  President  has 
suspended  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  increased  the  army  and  navy, 
and  they  ask,  where  was  the  necessity  for  all  this  ?  With  your  forts 
taken,  your  men  fired  upon,  your  ships  attacked  at  sea,  and  one  hun 
dred  thousand  men  called  into  the  field  by  this  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  with  the  additional  authority  to  call  out  the  entire 
military  and  naval  force  of  those  States,  Senators  talk  about  the 
enormous  call  of  the  President  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  and 
the  increase  he  has  made  of  the  army  and  navy.  Mr.  President,  it 
all  goes  to  show,  in  my  opinion,  that  the  sympathies  of  Senators  are 
with  the  one  Government  and  against  the  other.  Admitting  that 
there  was  a  little  stretch  of  power ;  admitting  that  the  margin  was 
pretty  wide  when  the  power  was  exercised,  the  query  now  comes, 
when  you  have  got  the  power,  when  you  are  sitting  here  in  a  legis 
lative  attitude,  are  you  willing  to  sustain  the  Government  and  give 
it  the  means  to  sustain  itself  ?  It  is  not  worth  while  to  talk  about 
what  has  been  done  before.  The  question  on  any  measure  should 
be,  is  it  necessary  now  ?  If  it  is,  it  should  not  be  withheld  from 
the  Government. 

Senators  talk  about  violating  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  A 
great  deal  has  been  said  about  searches  and  seizures,  and  the  right 
of  protection  of  persons  and  of  papers.  I  reckon  it  is  equally  as 
important  to  protect  a  Government  from  seizure  as  it  is  an  individual. 
I  reckon  the  moral  and  the  law  of  the  case  would  be  just  as  strong 
in  seizing  upon  that  which  belonged  to  the  Federal  Government  as 
it  would  upon  that  belonging  to  an  individual.  What  belongs  to 
us  in  the  aggregate  is  protected  and  maintained  by  the  same  law, 
moral  and  legal,  as  that  which  applies  to  an  individual.  These 
rebellious  States,  after  commencing  this  war,  after  violating  the  Con 
stitution,  seized  our  forts,  our  arsenals,  our  dock-yards,  our  custom 
houses,  our  public  buildings,  our  ships,  and  last,  though  not  least, 


APPENDIX.  49 

plundered  the  independent  treasury  at  New  Orleans  of  $1,000,000. 
And  yet  Senators  talk  about  violations  of  the  law  and  the  Constitu 
tion.  They  say  the  Constitution  is  disregarded,  and  the  Govern 
ment  is  about  to  be  overthrown.  Does  not  this  talk  about  violations 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  law  come  with  a  beautiful  grace  from 
that  side  of 'the  House?  I  repeat  again,  Sir,  are  not  violations  of 
the  Constitution  necessary  for  its  protection  and  vindication  more 
tolerable  than  the  violations  of  that  sacred  instrument  aimed  at  the 
overthrow  and  destruction  of  the  Government  ?  We  have  seen 
instances,  and  other  instances  might  occur,  where  it  might  be  indis 
pensably  necessary  for  the  Government  to  exercise  a  power  and  to 
assume  a  position  that  was  not  clearly  legal  and  constitutional,  in 
order  to  resist  the  entire  overthrow  and  upturning  of  the  Govern 
ment  and  all  our  institutions. 

But  the  President  issued  his  proclamation.  When  did  he  issue  it, 
and  for  what  ?  He  issued  his  proclamation  calling  out  seventy-five 
thousand  men  after  the  Congress  of  the  so-called  Southern  Confed 
eracy  had  passed  a  law  to  call  out  the  entire  militia,  and  to  receive 
into  their  service  one  hundred  thousand  men.  The  President  issued 
his  proclamation  after  they  had  taken  Fort  Moultrie  and  Castle 
Pinckney ;  after  they  had  fired  upon  and  reduced  Fort  Sumter. 
Fort  Sumter  was  taken  on  the  12th.  and  on  the  loth  he  issued  his 
proclamation.  Taking  all  these  circumstances  together,  it  showed 
that  they  intended  to  advance,  and  that  their  object  was  to  extend 
their  power,  to  subjugate  the  other  States,  and  to  overthrow  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  Government. 

Senators  talk  about  the  violation  of  the  Constitution.  Have  you 
heard  any  intimation  of  complaint  from  those  Senators  about  this 
Southern  Confederacy — this  band  of  traitors  to  their  country  and 
country's  institutions  ?  I  repeat,  substantially,  the  language  of  the 
Senator  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Browning)  :  "  Have  you  heard  any  com 
plaint  or  alarm  about  violations  of  constitutional  law  on  the  other 
side  ?  Oh,  no  1  But  we  must  stand  still ;  the  Government  must 
not  move  while  they  are  moving  with  a  hundred  thousand  men ; 
while  they  have  the  power  to  call  forth  the  entire  militia  and  the 
army  and  the  navy.  While  they  are  reducing  our  forts,  and  robbing 
us  of  our  property,  we  must  stand  still ;  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  must  not  be  violated ;  and  an  arraignment  is  made  to  weaken 
and  paralyze  the  Government  in  its  greatest  peril  and  trial." 

On  the  loth  of  April,  the  proclamation  was  issued  calling  out 
seventy-five  thousand  men,  after  the  Confederate  States  had  author 
ized  one  hundred  thousand  men  to  be  received  by  their  President — 
this  man  Davis,  who  stood  up  here  and  made  a  retiring  speech --a 


50  APPENDIX. 

man  educated  and  nurtured  by  the  Government ;  who  sucked  its 
pap  ;  who  received  all  his  military  instruction  at  the  hands  of  this 
Government ;  a  man  who  got  all  his  distinction,  civil  and  military, 
in  the  service  of  this  Government,  beneath  the  Stars  and  Stripes, 
and  then,  without  cause — without  being  deprived  of  a  single  right 
and  privilege — the  sword  he  unsheathed  in  vindication  of  that  flag 
in  a  foreign  land,  given  to  him  by  the  hand  of  his  cherishing  mother, 
he  stands  this  day  prepared  to  plunge  into  her  bosom.  Such  men 
as  these  have  their  apologists  here  in  Congress  to  excuse  and  exten 
uate  their  acts,  either  directly  or  indirectly.  You  never  hear  from 
them  of  law  or  Constitution  being  violated  down  there.  Oh,  no  ! 
that  is  not  mentioned. 

On  the  15th,  the  President  issued  his  proclamation  calling  seventy- 
five  thousand  men  into  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the 
17th,  this  same  Jeiferson  Davis,  President  of  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  issued  a  proclamation  proposing  or  opening  the  door  to  the 
issuance  of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  that,  too,  in  violation 
of  the  pseudo-hermaphrodite  Government  that  has  been  gotten  up 
down  there.  In  retaliation  for  the  proclamation  issued  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  he,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution  of 
this  pseudo-confederacy,  issued  his  proclamation  proposing  to  issue 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal.  In  other  words,  he  proposed  to 
open  an  office  and  say,  we  will  give  out  licenses  to  rob  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  of  all  their  property  wherever  it  can  be  picked 
up  upon  the  high  seas.  This  he  proposed  to  do,  not  only  in  viola 
tion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States,  but  in  violation 
of  the  law  of  nations  ;  for  no  people — I  care  not  by  what  name  you 
call  it — has  a  right  to  issue  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  until  its 
independence  is  first  acknowledged  as  a  separate  and  distinct  power. 
Has  that  been  done?  I  think,  therefore,  Senators  can  find  some 
little  violation  of  Constitution  and  law  down  there  among  them 
selves.  Sir,  they  have  violated  the  law  and  the  Constitution  every 
step  they  progressed  in  going  there,  and  now  they  vidlate  it  in 
trying  to  come  this  way.  There  was  a  general  license  offered,  a 
premium  offered,  to  every  freebooter,  to  every  man  who  wanted  to 
plunder  and  play  the  pirate  on  the  high  seas,  to  come  and  take  a 
commission,  and  plunder  in  the  name  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  ; 
to  take,  at  that  time,  the  property  of  Tennessee  or  the  property  of 
Kentucky— your  beef,  your  pork,  your  flour,  and  every  other  product 
making  its  way  to  a  foreign  market.  Mr.  Davis  authorized  letters 
of  marque  and  reprisal  to  pick  them  up  and  appropriate  them. 
After  that  their  Congress  saw  that  he  had  gone  ahead  of  their  Con 
stitution  and  the  laws  of  nations,  and  they  passed  a  law  modifying 


APPENDIX.  51 

the  issuance  of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  that  they  should  prey 
upon  the  property  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  excepting 
certain  States — excepting  Kentucky  and  Tennessee — holding  that 
out  as  a  bait,  as  an  inducement  to  get  them  in. 

I  do  not  think,  therefore,  when  we  approach  the  subject  fairly 
and  squarely,  that  there  was  any  very  great  wrong  in  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  19th,  issuing  his  proclamation  block 
ading  their  ports,  saying  you  shall  not  have  the  opportunity,  so  far 
as  I  can  prevent  it,  of  plundering  and  appropriating  other  people's 
property  on  the  high  seas.  I  think  he  did  precisely  what  was  right. 
He  would  have  been  derelict  to  his  duty,  and  to  the  high  behest  of 
the  American  people,  if  he  had  set  here  and  failed  to  exert  every 
power  within  his  reach  and  scope  to  protect  the  property  of  the 
United  States  on  the  high  seas. 

Senators  seem  to  think  it  is  no  violation  of  the  Constitution  to 
make  war  on  your  Government,  and  when  its  enemies  are  stationed 
in  sight  of  the  Capitol,  there  is  no  alarm,  no  dread,  no  scare,  no 
fright.  Some  of  us  would  not  feel  so  very  comfortable  if  they  were 
to  get  this  city.  I  believe  there  are  others  who  would  not  be  very 
much  disturbed.  I  do  not  think  I  could  sleep  right  sound  if  they 
were  in  possession  of  this  city  ;  not  that  I  believe  I  am  more  timid 
than  most  men,  but  I  do  not  believe  there  would  be  much  quarter 
for  me  ;  and,  by  way  of  self-protection,  and  enjoying  what  few  rights 
I  have  remaining,  I  expect  it  would  be  better,  if  they  were  in  posses 
sion  of  this  city,  for  me  to  be  located  in  some  other  point  not  too 
inconvenient  or  too  "remote.  I  believe  there  are  others  who  would 
feel  very  comfortable  here. 

Then,  Mr.  President,  in  tracing  this  subject  along,  I  cannot  see 
what  great  wrong  has  been  committed  by  the  Government  in  taking 
the  course  it  has  taken.  I  repeat  again,  this  Government  is  now 
passing  through  its  third  ordeal ;  and  the  time  has  arrived  when  it 
should  put  forth  its  entire  power,  and  say  to  the  rebels  and  traitors, 
wherever  they  are,  that  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  laws 
made  in  pursuance  thereof,  shall  be  sustained ;  that  those  citizens 
who  have  been  borne  down  and  tyrannized  over,  and  who  have  had 
laws  of  treason  passed  against  them  in  their  own  States,  threatened 
with  confiscation  of  property,  shall  be  protected.  I  say  it  is  the 
paramount  duty  of  this  Government  to  assert  its  power  and  main 
tain  its  integrity.  I  say  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Government  to  protect 
those  States,  or  the  loyal  citizens  of  those  States,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  a  republican  form  of  government,  for  we  have  seen  one  continued 
system  of  usurpation  carried  on  from  one  end  of  these  Southern 
States  to  the  other,  disregarding  the  popular  judgment,  disregarding 


52  APPENDIX. 

the  popular  will,  setting  at  defiance  the  judgment  of  the  people, 
disregarding  their  rights,  paying  no  attention  to  their  State  Consti 
tutions  in  any  sense  whatever.  We  are  bound,  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  to  protect  those  States  and  their  citizens.  We  are  bound  to 
guarantee  to  them  a  republican  form  of  government ;  it  is  our  duty 
to  do  it.  If  we  have  no  government,  let  the  delusion  be  dispelled, 
let  the  dream  pass  away,  and  let  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  nations  of  the  earth,  know  at  once  that  we  have  no  govern 
ment.  If  we  have  a  government,  based  on  the  intelligence  and  virtue 
of  the  American  people,  let  that  great  fact  be  now  established,  and 
once  established  this  Government  will  be  on  a  more  enduring  and 
permanent  basis  than  it  ever  was  before.  I  still  have  confidence  in 
the  integrity,  the  virtue,  the  intelligence,  and  the  patriotism  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  people ;  and  so  believing,  I  intend  to  stand  by  the 
Government  of  my  fathers  to  the  last  extremity. 

In  the  last  Presidential  contest,  I  am  free  to  say  that  I  took  some 
part.  I  advocated  the  pretensions  and  claims  of  one  of  the  distin 
guished  sons  of  Kentucky,  as  a  Democrat.  I  am  a  Democrat  to-day  ; 
I  expect  to  die  one.  My  Democracy  rests  upon  the  great  principle 
I  have  stated ;  and  in  the  support  of  measures,  I  have  always  tried 
to  be  guided  by  a  conscientious  conviction  of  right ;  and  I  have 
laid  down  for  myself,  as  a  rule  of  action  in  all  doubtful  questions, 
to  pursue  principle ;  and  in  the  pursuit  of  a  great  principle  I  can 
never  reach  a  wrong  conclusion.  I  intend,  in  this  case,  to  pursue 
principle.  I  am  a  Democrat,  believing  the  principles  of  this  govern 
ment  are  democratic.  It  is  based  upon  the  democratic  theory.  I 
believe  Democracy  can  stand,  notwithstanding  all  the  taunts  and 
jeers  that  are  thrown  at  it  throughout  the  Southern  Confederacy. 
The  principles  which  I  call  Democracy — I  care  not  by  what  name 
they  are  sustained,  whether  by  Republicans,  by  Whigs,  or  not — are 
the  great  principles  that  lie  at  the  foundation  of  this  Government, 
and  they  will  be  maintained.  We  have  seen  that  so  far  the  experi 
ment  has  succeeded  well ;  and  now  we  should  make  an  effort,  in  this 
last  ordeal  through  which  we  are  passing,  to  crush  out  the  fatal 
doctrine  of  Secession,  and  those  who  are  co-operating  with  it  in  the 
shape  of  rebels  and  traitors. 

I  advocated  the  professions  of  a  distinguished  son  of  Kentucky,  at 
the  late  election,  for  the  reason  that  I  believed  he  was  a  better  Union 
man  than  any  other  candidate  in  the  field.  Others  advocated  the 
claims  of  Mr.  Bell,  believing  him  to  be  a  better  Union  man  ;  others, 
those  of  Mr.  Douglas.  In  the  South  we  know  that  there  was  no 
Republican  ticket.  I  was  a  Union  man  then  ;  I  was  a  Union  man 
in  \  833 ;  I  am  a  Union  man  now.  And  what  has  transpired  since 


APPENDIX.  53 

the  election  in  November  last  that  has  produced  sufficient  cause  to 
break  up  this  Government  ?  The  Senator  from  California  enumer 
ated  the  facts  up  to  the  25th  day  of  May,  1860,  when  there  was  a 
vote  taken  in  this  body  for  the  protection  of  slave  property  in  the 
Territories.  Now,  from  the  6th  of  November  up  to  the  20th  of 
December,  tell  me  what  transpired  of  sufficient  cause  to  break  up 
this  Government  ?  Was  there  any  innovation,  was  there  any  addi 
tional  step  taken  in  reference  to  the  institution  of  slavery  ?  If  the 
candidate  whose  claims  I  advocated  had  been  elected  President— I 
speak  of  him  as  a  candidate,  of  course  not  meaning  to  be  personal — 
I  do  believe  this  Government  would  have  been  broken  up.  If 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  been  elected,  I  do  not  believe  this  Govern 
ment  would  have  been  broken  up.  Why  ?  Because  those  who 
advocated  the  pretensions  of  Mr.  Lincoln  would  have  done  as  all 
parties  have  done  heretofore. :  they  would  have  yielded  to  the  high 
behest  of  the  American  people. 

Then,  is  the  mere  defeat  of  one  man,  and  the  election  of  another 
according  to  the  forms  of  law  and  the  Constitution,  sufficient  cause 
to  break  up  this  Government  ?  No  ;  it  is  not  sufficient  cause.  Do 
we  not  know,  too,  that  if  all  the  seceding  Senators  had  stood  here 
as  faithful  sentinels,  representing  the  interests  of  their  States,  they 
had  it  in  their  power  to  check  any  advance  that  might  be  made  by 
the  incoming  administration.  I  showed  these  facts,  and  enumerated 
them  at  the  last  session.  They  were  shown  here  the  other  day.  On 
the  4th  of  March,  when  President  Lincoln  was  inaugurated,  we  had 
a  majority  of  six  upon  this  floor  in  opposition  to  his  administration. 
Where,  then,  is  there  even  a  pretext  for  breaking  up  the  Government, 
upon  the  idea  that  he  would  have  encroached  upon  our  rights  ? 
Does  not  the  nation  know  that  Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  made  his  Cabi 
net  without  the  consent  of  the  majority  of  the  Senate  ?  Do  we  not 
know  that  he  could  not  even  have  sent  a  minister  abroad  without 
the  majority  of  the  Senate  confirming  the  nomination  ?  Do  we  not 
know  that  if  any  minister  whom  he  sent  abroad  should  make  a 
treaty  inimical  to  the  institutions  of  the  South,  that  treaty  could 
not  have  been  ratified  without  a  majority  of  two-thirds  of  the 
Senate  ? 

With  all  these  facts  staring  them  in  the  face,  where  is  the  pretence 
for  breaking  up  the  Government  ?  Is  it  not  clear  that  there  has 
been  a  fixed  purpose,  a  settled  design,  to  break  up  the  Government 
and  change  the  nature  and  character,  and  whole  genius  of  the 
Government  itself?  Does  it  not  prove  conclusively,  as  there 
was  no  causa,  that  they  simply  selected  it  as  an  occasion  that  was 
favorable  to  excite  the  prejudices  of  the  South,  and  thereby  en- 


5'4  APPENDIX. 

able  them  to  break  up  this  Government  and  establish  a  Southern 
Confederacy  ? 

Then,  when  we  get  at  it,  what  is  the  real  cause  ?  If  Mr.  Breckin- 
ridge,  or  Mr.  Davis,  or  some  other  favorite  of  those  who  arc  now 
engaged  in  breaking  up  the  Government,  had  been  elected  President 
of  the  United  States,  it  would  have  been  a  very  nice  thing ;  they 
would  have  respected  the  judgment  of  the  people,  and  no  doubt 
their  confidence  in  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government 
would  have  been  increased ;  but  it  so  happened  that  the  people 
thought  proper  to  elect  somebody  else,  according  to  law  and  the 
Constitution.  Then,  as  all  parties  had  done  heretofore,  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  whole  people  to  acquiesce ;  if  he  made  a  good  President, 
sustain  him  ;  if  he  became  a  bad  one,  condemn  him  ;  if  he  violated 
the  law  and  the  Constitution,  impeach  him.  We  had  our  remedy 
under  the  Constitution,  and  in  the  Union. 

What  is  the  real  cause  ?  Disappointed  ambition ;  an  unhallowed 
ambition.  Certain  men  could  not  wait  any  longer,  and  they  seized  this 
occasion  to  do  what  they  had  been  wanting  to  do  for  a  long  time — 
break  up  the  Government.  If  they  could  not  rule  a  large  country, 
they  thought  they  might  rule  a  small  one.  Hence,  one  of  the  prime 
movers  in  the  Senate  ceased  to  be  a  Senator,  and  passed  out  to  be 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  Another,  who  was  bold 
enough  on  this  floor  to  proclaim  himself  a  rebel,  retired  as  a  Senator, 
and  became  Secretary  of  State.  All  perfectly  disinterested — no  am 
bition  about  it !  Another — Mr.  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana — one  who 
understands  something  about  the  idea  of  dividing  garments ;  who 
belongs  to  the  tribe  that  parted  the  garments  of  our  Saviour,  and 
upon  his  vesture  cast  lots — went  out  of  this  body,  and  was  made 
Attorney-General,  to  show  his  patriotism  and  disinterestedness — 
nothing  else  1  Mr.  Slidell,  disinterested  altogether,  is  to  go  as  Min 
ister  to  France.  I  might  enumerate  many  such  instances.  This  is 
all  patriotism,  pure  disinterestedness !  Do  we  not  see  where  it  all 
ends?  Disappointed,  impatient,  unhallowed  ambition.  There  has 
been  no  cause  for  breaking  up  this  Government ;  there  have  been  no 
rights  denied,  no  privileges  trampled  upon  under  the  Constitution 
and  Union,  that  might  not  have  been  remedied  more  effectually  in 
the  Union  than  outside  of  it.  What  rights  are  to  be  attained  outside 
of  the  Union  ?  The  seceders  have  violated  the  Constitution,  tramp 
led  it  under  foot ;  and  what  is  their  condition  now  ?  Upon  the  ab 
stract  idea  that  they  had  a  right  to  secede,  they  have  gone  out ;  and 
what  is  the  consequence?  Oppression,  taxation,  blood,  and  civil 
war  !  They  have  gone  out  of  the  Union ;  and,  I  repeat  again,  they 
have  got  taxes,  usurpations,  blood,  and  civil  war ! 


APPENDIX.  55 

I  said  just  now  that  I  had  advocated  the  election  to  the  Presidency 
of  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Kentucky,  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  a  good  Union  man.  I  wish  we  could  now  hear  his  eloquent 
voice  in  favor  of  the  old  Government  of  our  fathers,  and  in  vindica 
tion  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  that  have  been  borne  in  triumph  every 
where.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  document  which  was  our  text-book  in 
the  campaign.  It  is  headed  "  Breckinridge  and  Lane  Campaign  Docu 
ment,  No.  16.  Who  are  the  Disunionists  ?  Breckinridge  and  Lane 
the  true  Union  candidates."  It  contains  an  extract,  which  I  will 
read,  from  the  Senator's  address  on  the  removal  of  the  Senate  from 
the  old  to  the  new  chamber.  I  would  to  God  he  was  as  good  a 
Union  man  to-day  as  I  think  he  was  then : 

"Such  is  our  country;  ay,  and  more — far  more  than  my  mind 
could  conceive,  or  my  tongue  could  utter.  Is  there  an  American 
who  regrets  the  past  ?  Is  there  one  who  will  deride  his  country's 
laws,  pervert  her  Constitution,  or  alienate  her  people  ?  If  there  be 
s^ich  a  man,  let  his  memory  descend  to  posterity  laden  with  the  exe 
crations  of  all  mankind Let  us  devoutly  trust  that  another 

Senate,  in  another  age,  shall  bear  to  a  new  and  larger  chamber,  this 
Constitution,  vigorous  and  inviolate,  and  that  the  last  generation  of 
posterity  shall  witness  the  deliberations  of  the  Representatives  of 
American  States  still  united,  prosperous,  and  free." 

Now,  this  was  the  text — an  extract  from  a  speech  of  the  Senator, 
after  the  nomination  was  made : 

"  When  that  Convention  selected  me  as  one  of  its  candidates,  look 
ing  at  my  humble  antecedents  and  the  place  of  my  habitation,  it 
gave  to  the  country,  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  a  personal  and  geo 
graphical  guaranty  that  its  interest  was  in  the  Union." 

In  addition  to  that,  in  Tennessee  we  headed  our  electoral  ticket, 
as  if  to  give  unmistakeable  evidence  of  our  devotion  to  the  Union, 
and  the  reason  why  we  sustained  him,  "  National  Democratic  ticket 
'  Instead  of  dissolving  the  Union,  we  intend  to  lengthen  it  and  to 
strengthen  it.' — Breckinridge."  Where  are  his  eloquent  tones  now  ? 
They  are  heard  arraigning  the  Administration  for  what  he  conceives 
to  be  premature  action,  in  advance  of  the  law,  or  a  slight  departure 
from  the  Constitution.  Which  is  the  most  tolerable,  premature  ac 
tion,  action  in  advance  of  law,  a  slight  departure  from  the  Constitu 
tion  (putting  it  on  his  own  ground),  or  an  entire  overthrow  of  the 
Government  ?  Are  there  no  advances,  are  there  no  inroads,  being 
made  to-day  upon  the  Constitution  and  the  existence  of  the  Govern 
ment  itself?  Let  us  look  at  the  question  plainly  and  fairly.  Here  is 
an  invading  army  almost  within  cannon-shot  of  the  capital,  headed 
by  Jeff.  Davis  and  Beauregard.  Suppose  they  advance  on  the  city 


56  APPENDIX. 

to-night;  subjugate  it;  depose  the  existing  authorities;  expel  the 
present  Government :  what  kind  of  Government  have  you  then  ?  Is 
there  any  Constitution  in  it  ?  Is  there  any  law  in  it  ?  The  Senator 
can  stand  here  almost  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  see  the  citadel  of  free 
dom — the  Constitution — trampled  upon,  and  there  is  no  apprehen 
sion  ;  but  he  can  look  with  an  eagle  eye,  and,  with  an  analytic  pro 
cess,  almost  unsurpassed,  discriminate  against  and  attack  those  who 
are  trying  to  manage  your  Government  for  its  safety  and  preserva 
tion.  He  has  no  word  of  condemnation  for  the  invading  army  that 
threatens  to  overthrow  the  capital,  that  threatens  to  trample  the 
Constitution  and  the  law  under  foot.  I  repeat,  suppose  Davis  at  the 
head  of  his  advancing  columns  should  depose  your  Government  and 
expel  your  authority :  what  kind  of  government  will  you  have  ?  Will 
there  be  any  Constitution  left  ?  How  eloquent  my  friend  was  upon 
Constitutions !  He  told  us  the  Constitution  was  the  measure  of 
power,  and  that  we  should  understand  and  feel  constitutional  re 
straints  ;  and  yet  when  your  Government  is  perhaps  within  a  few 
hours  of  being  overthrown,  and  the  law  and  Constitution  trampled 
under  foot,  there  are  no  apprehensions  on  his  part ;  no  words  of  re 
buke  for  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  accomplish  such  results. 

The  Old  Dominion  has  got  the  brunt  of  the  war  upon  her  hands. 
I  sympathize  with  her  most  deeply,  and  especially  with  the  loyal 
portion  of  her  citizens,  who  have  been  brow-beaten  and  domineered 
over.  Now  the  war  is  transferred  to  Virginia,  and  her  plains  are 
made  to  run  with  blood ;  and  when  this  is  secured,  what  do  we  hear 
in  the  far  South  ?  Howell  Cobb,  another  of  these  disinterested  pa 
triots,  said  not  long  since,  in  a  speech  in  Georgia : 

"  The  people  of  the  Gulf  States  need  have  no  apprehensions  ;  they 
might  go  on  with  their  planting  and  their  other  business  as  usual ; 
the  war  would  not  come  to  their  section  ;  its  theatre  would  be  along 
the  borders  of  the  Ohio  river  and  in  Virginia." 

Virginia  ought  to  congratulate  herself  upon  that  position,  for  she 
has  got  the  war.  Now  they  want  to  advance.  Their  plans  and 
designs  are  to  get  across  into  Maryland,  and  carry  on  a  war  of  subju 
gation.  There  is  wonderful  alarm  among  certain  gentlemen  here  at 
the  term  "subjugate."  They  are  alarmed  at  the  idea  of  making 
citizens  who  have  violated  the  law  simply  conform  to  it  by  enforcing 
their  obedience.  If  a  majority  of  the  citizens  in  a  State  have  vio 
lated  the  Constitution,  have  trampled  it  under  foot  and  violated  the 
law,  is  it  subjugation  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  law  ?  Is  it  any  more  than  a  simple  enforcement  $f  the  law  ?  It 
would  be  one  of  the  best  subjugations  that  could  take  place  if  some 
of  them  were  subjugated  and  brought  back  to  the  constitutional 


APPENDIX.  57 

position  that  they  occupied  before.     I  would  to  God  that  Tennessee 
stood  to-day  where  she  did  three  months  ago. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  provided  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  that  "  no  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign 
power,  or  engage  in  war  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent 
danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay."  The  State  authorities  of  Ten 
nessee,  before  her  people  had  even  voted  upon  an  ordinance  to  sepa 
rate  her  from  the  Union,  formed  a  league  by  which  they  transferred 
fifty-five  thousand  men,  the  whole  army,  over  to  the  Confederate 
States  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  their  war.  Is  it  not  strange  that 
such  a  palpable  violation  of  the  Constitution  should  not  be  referred 
to  and  condemned  by  any  one  ?  Here  is  a  member  of  the  Union, 
without  even  having  the  vote  taken  upon  an  ordinance  of  separation 
or  secession,  forming  a  league,  by  its  commissioners  or  ministers,  and 
handing  over  fifty-five  thousand  men  to  make  war  upon  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States,  though  they  were  themselves  then  within 
the  Union.  No  one  seems  to  find  fault  with  that.  The  fact  is,  that 
in  the  whole  progress  of  secession,  the  Constitution  and  the  law  have 
been  violated  at  every  step  from  its  incipiency  to  the  present  point. 
How  have  the  people  of  my  State  been  treated  ?  I  know  that  this 
may  not  interest  the  Senate  to  any  very  great  extent ;  but  I  must 
briefly  refer  to  it.  The  people  of  a  portion  of  that  State,  having 
devotion  and  attachment  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Government 
as  framed  by  the  sires  of  the  Revolution,  still  adhering  to  it,  gave  a 
majority  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  votes  in  favor  of  the  Union 
at  the  election.  After  that,  this  portion  of  the 'State,  East  Tennessee, 
called  a  convention,  and  the  convention  published  an  address,  in 
which  they  sum  up  some  of  the  grievances  which  we  have  been  bear 
ing  in  that  portion  of  the  country.  They  say : 

"  The  Memphis  Appeal,  a  prominent  disunion  paper,  published  a 
false  account  of  our  proceedings,  under  the  head  '  The  Traitors  in 
Council,'  and  styled  us,  who  represent  every  county  but  two  in  East 
Tennessee,  the  little  batch  of  disaffected  traitors  who  hover  around 
the  noxious  atmosphere  of  Andrew  Johnson's  home.  Our  meeting 
was  telegraphed  to  the  New  Orleans  Deltay  and  it  was  falsely  said 
that  we  had  passed  a  resolution  recommending  submission  if  seventy 
thousand  votes  were  not  cast  against  secession.  The  dispatch  added 
that  '  the  Southern  Rights  men  are  determined  to  hold  possession  of 
the  State,  though  they  should  be  in  a  minority.'  " 

They  had  fifty-five  thousand  men  and  $5,000,000  to  sustain  them, 
the  State  authorities  with  them,  and  made  the  declaration  that  they 
intended  to  hold  the  State  though  they  should  be  in  a  minority 
30 


58  APPENDIX. 

This  shows  the  advance  of  tyranny  and  usurpation.  By  way  of  show 
ing  the  Senate  some  of  the  wrongs  borne  and  submitted  to  by  that 
people  who  are  loyal  to  the  Government — who  have  been  deprived 
of  the  arms  furnished  by  the  Government  for  their  protection — with 
held  by  this  little  man  Harris,  the  Governor  of  the  State — I  will  read 
a  few  paragraphs  from  the  address : 

"  It  has  passed  laws  declaring  it  treason  to  say  or  do  anything  in 
favor  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  or  against  the  Confed 
erate  States ;  and  such  a  law  is  now  before,  and  we  apprehend  will 
soon  be  passed  by,  the  Legislature  of  Tennessee. 

"  It  has  involved  the  Southern  States  in  a  war  whose  success  is 
hopeless,  and  which  must  ultimately  lead  to  the  ruin  of  the  people. 

"  Its  bigoted,  overbearing,  and  intolerant  spirit  has  already  sub 
jected  the  people  of  East  Tennessee  to  many  petty  grievances ;  our 
people  have  been  insulted ;  our  flags  have  been  fired  upon  and  torn 
down ;  our  houses  have  been  rudely  entered;  our  families  have  been 
subjected  to  insult ;  our  peaceable  meetings  interrupted ;  our  women 
and  children  shot  at  by  a  merciless  soldiery ;  our  towns  pillaged ; 
our  citizens  robbed,  and  some  of  them  assassinated  and  murdered. 

"  No  effort  has  been  spared  to  deter  the  Union  men  of  East  Tennes 
see  from  the  expression  of  their  free  thoughts.  The  penalties  of 
treason  have  been  threatened  against  them,  and  murder  and  assassin 
ation  have  been  openly  encouraged  by  leading  secession  journals.  As 
secession  has  been  thus  overbearing  and  intolerant  while  in  the  minor 
ity  in  East  Tennessee,  nothing  better  can  can  be  expected  of  the  pre 
tended  majority  than  wild,  unconstitutional,  and  oppressive  legisla 
tion  ;  an  utter  contempt  and  disregard  of  law,  a  determination  to 
force  every  Union  man  in  the  State  to  swear  to  the  support  of  a  con 
stitution  he  abhors,  to  yield  his  money  and  property  to  aid  a  cause 
he  detests,  and  to  become  the  object  of  scorn  and  derision,  as  well  as 
the  victim  of  intolerable  and  relentless  oppression." 

These  are  some  of  the  wrongs  that  we  are  enduring  in  that  section 
of  Tennessee ;  not  near  all  of  them,  but  a  few  which  I  have  presented 
that  the  country  may  know  what  we  are  submitting  to.  Since  I  left 
my  home,  having  only  one  way  to  leave  the  State,  through  two  or 
three  passes  coming  out  through  Cumberland  Gap,  I  have  been  ad 
vised  that  they  had  even  sent  their  armies  to  blockade  these  passes 
in  the  mountains,  as  they  say,  to  prevent  Johnson  from  returning 
with  arms  and  munitions  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the  people  to  vin 
dicate  their  rights,  repel  invasion,  and  put  down  domestic  insurrec 
tion  and  rebellion.  Yes,  sir,  there  they  stand  in  arms,  environing  a 
population  of  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  loyal,  brave, 
patriotic,  and  unsubdued  people ;  but  yet  powerless,  and  not  in  a 
condition  to  vindicate  their  rights.  Hence  I  come  to  the  Govern 
ment,  and  I  do  not  ask  it  as  a  suppliant,  but  I  demand  it  as  a  consti 
tutional  right,  that  you  give  us  protection,  give  us  arms  and  muni- 


APPEXDIX.  59 

tions ;  and  if  they  cannot  be  got  there  in  any  other  way,  to  take  them 
there  with  an  invading  array,  and  deliver  the  people  from  the  op 
pression  to  which  they  are  now  subjected.  We  claim  to  be  the 
State.  The  other  divisions  may  have  seceded  and  gone  off;  and  if 
this  Government  will  stand  by  and  permit  those  portions  of  the  State 
to  go  off,  and  not  enforce  the  laws  and  protect  the  loyal  citizens  there, 
we  cannot  help  it;  but  we  still  claim  to  be  the  State,  and  if  two- 
thirds  have  fallen  off,  or  have  been  sunk  by  an  earthquake,  it  does 
not  change  our  relation  to  this  Government.  If  the  Government  will 
let  them  go  and  not  give  us  protection,  the  fault  is  not  ours ;  but  if 
you  give  us  protection  we  intend  to  stand  as  a  State,  as  a  part  of  this 
Confederacy,  holding  to  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  the  flag  of  our  coun 
try.  We  demand  it  according  to  law  ;  we  demand  it  upon  the  guar 
antees  of  the  Constitution.  You  are  bound  to  guarantee  to  us  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  we  ask  it  as  a  constitutional 
right.  We  do  not  ask  you  to  interfere  as  a  party,  as  your  feelings  or 
prejudices  may  be  one  way  or  another  in  reference  to  the  parties  of 
the  country ;  but  we  ask  you  to  interfere  as  a  Government,  according 
to  the  Constitution.  Of  course  we  want  your  sympathy,  and  your 
regard,  and  your  respect ;  but  we  ask  your  interference  on  constitu 
tional  grounds. 

The  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  which  constitute  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  declare  that  "  a  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the 
security  of  a  free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear 
arms  shall  not  be  infringed."  Our  people  are  denied  this  right  se 
cured  to  them  in  their  own  Constitution  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States ;  yet  we  hear  no  complaints  here  of  violations  of  the 
Constitution  in  this  respect.  We  ask  the  Government  to  interpose 
to  secure  us  this  Constitutional  right,  We  want  the  passes  in  our 
mountains  opened,  we  want  deliverance  and  protection  for  a  down 
trodden  and  oppressed  people  who  are  struggling  for  their  independ 
ence  without  arms. 

If  we  had  had  ten  thousand  stand  of  arms  and  ammunition,  when 
the  contest  commenced,  we  should  have  asked  no  further  assistance. 
We  have  not  got  them.  We  are  a  rural  people  ;  we  have  villages 
and  small  towns— no  large  cities.  Our  population  is  homogeneous, 
industrious,  frugal,  brave,  independent;  but  now  harmless,  and 
powerless,  and  oppressed  by  usurpers.  You  may  be  too  late  in  com 
ing  to  our  relief;  or  you  may  not  come  at  all,  though  I  do  not  doubt 
that  you  will  come ;  they  may  trample  us  under  foot ;  they  may  con 
vert  our  plains  into  graveyards,  and  the  caves  of  our  mountains  into 
sepulchres;  but  they  will  never  take  us  out  of  this  Union,  or  make 
us  a  land  of  slaves— no,  never !  We  intend  to  stand  as  firm  as  ada- 


co  APPENDIX. 

mant,  and  as  unyielding  as  our  own  majestic  mountains  that  sur 
round  us.  Yes,  we  will  be  as  fixed  and  as  immovable  as  are  they 
upon  their  bases.  We  will  stand  as  long  as  we  can ;  and  if  we  are 
overpowered  and  liberty  shall  be  driven  from  the  land,  we  intend 
before  she  departs  to  take  the  flag  of  our  country,  with  a  stalwart 
arm,  a  patriotic  heart,  and  an  honest  tread,  and  place  it  upon  the 
summit  of  the  loftiest  and  most  majestic  mountain.  We  intend  to 
plant  it  there,  and  leave  it,  to  indicate  to  the  inquirer  who  may  come, 
in  after  times,  the  spot  where  the  Goddess  of  Liberty  lingered  and 
wept  for  the  last  time,  before  she  took  her  flight  from  a  people  once 
prosperous,  free,  and  happy. 

We  ask  the  Government  to  come  to  our  aid.  We  love  the  Consti 
tution  as  made  by  our  fathers.  We  have  confidence  in  the  integrity 
and  capacity  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves.  We  have  lived 
entertaining  these  opinions ;  we  intend  to  die  entertaining  them. 
The  battle  has  commenced.  The  President  has  placed  it  upon  the 
true  ground.  It  is  an  issue  on  the  one  hand  for  the  people's  Govern 
ment,  and  its  overthrow  on  the  other.  We  have  commenced  the 
battle  of  freedom.  It  is  freedom's  cause.  We  are  resisting  usurpa 
tion  and  oppression.  We  will  triumph ;  we  must  triumph.  Right 
is  with  us.  A  great  and  fundamental  principle  of  right,  that  lies  at 
the  foundation  of  all  things,  is  with  us.  We  may  meet  with  impedi 
ments,  and  may  meet  with  disasters,  and  here  and  there  a  defeat ; 
but  ultimately  freedom's  cause  must  triumph,  for — 

"  Freedom's  battle  once  begun, 
Bequeathed  from  bleeding  sire  to  son, 
Though  baffled  oft,  is  ever  won." 

Yes,  we  must  triumph.  Though  sometimes  I  cannot  see  my  way 
clear  in  matters  of  this  kind,  as  in  matters  of  religion,  when  my 
facts  give  out,  when  my  reason  fails  me,  I  draw  largely  upon  my 
faith.  My  faith  is  strong,  based  on  the  eternal  principles  of  right, 
that  a  thing  so  monstrously  wrong  as  this  rebellion  cannot  triumph. 
Can  we  submit  to  it  ?  Is  the  Senate,  are  the  American  people,  pre 
pared  to  give  up  the  graves  of  Washington  and  Jackson,  to  be  en 
circled  and  governed  and  controlled  by  a  combination  of  traitors  and 
rebels  ?  I  say,  let  the  battle  go  on- — it  is  freedom's  cause — until  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  (God  bless  them !)  shall  again  be  unfurled  upon 
every  cross-road,  and  from  every  house-top  throughout  the  Confed 
eracy,  North  and  South.  Let  the  Union  be  reinstated ;  let  the  law 
be  enforced ;  let  the  Constitution  be  supreme. 

If  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  were  to  give  up  the  tombs  of 
Washington  and  Jackson,  we  should  have  rising  up  in  our  midst 


APPENDIX.  Gl 

another  Peter  the  Hermit,  in  a  much  more  righteous  cause — for  ours 
is  true,  while  his  was  a  delusion — who  would  appeal  to  the  American 
people,  and  point  to  the  tombs  of  Washington  and  Jackson,  in  the 
possession  of  those  who  are  worse  than  the  infidel  and  the  Turk  who 
held  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  I  believe  the  American  people  would  start 
of  their  own  accord,  when  appealed  to,  to  redeem  the  graves  of 
Washington  and  Jackson  and  Jefferson,  and  all  the  other  patriots 
who  are  lying  within  the  limits  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  I  do 
not  believe  they  would  stop  the  march  until  again  the  flag  of  this 
Union  would  be  placed  over  the  graves  of  those  distinguished  men. 
There  will  be  an  uprising.  Do  not  talk  about  Republicans  now ;  do 
not  talk  about  Democrats  now ;  do  not  talk  about  Whigs  or  Ameri 
cans  now ;  talk  about  your  country  and  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union.  Save  that ;  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  Government ;  once 
more  place  it  erect  among  the  nations  of  the  earth ;  and  then  if  we 
want  to  divide  about  questions  that  may  arise  in  our  midst,  we  have 
a  Government  to  divide  in. 

I  know  it  has  been  said  that  the  object  of  this  war  is  to  make  war 
on  Southern  institutions.  I  have  been  in  free  States  and  I  have  been 
in  slave  States ;  and  I  thank  God  that,  so  far  as  I  have  seen,  there 
has  been  one  universal  disclaimer  of  any  such  purpose.  It  is  a  war 
upon  no  section ;  it  is  a  war  upon  no  peculiar  institution ;  but  it  is  a 
war  for  the  integrity  of  the  Government,  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
supremacy  of  the  laws.  That  is  what  the  nation  understands  by  it. 

The  people  whom  I  represent  appeal  to  the  Government  and  to 
the  nation  to  give  us  the  constitutional  protection  that  we  need.  I 
am  proud  to  say  that  I  have  met  with  every  manifestation  of  that 
kind  in  the  Senate,  with  only  a  few  dissenting  voices.  I  am  proud 
to  say,  too,  that  I  believe  Old  Kentucky  (God  bless  her  I)  will  ulti 
mately  rise  and  shake  off  the  stupor  which  has  been  resting  upon 
her ;  and  instead  of  denying  us  the  privilege  of  passing  through  her 
borders,  and  taking  arms  and  munitions  of  war  to  enable  a  down 
trodden  people  to  defend  themselves,  will  not  only  give  us  that  priv 
ilege,  but  will  join  us  and  help  us  in  the  work.  The  people  of  Ken 
tucky  love  the  Union;  they  love  the  Constitution;  they  have  no 
fault  to  find  with  it ;  but  in  that  State  they  have  a  duplicate  to  tho 
Governor  of  ours.  When  we  look  all  around,  we  see  how  the  Gov 
ernors  of  the  different  States  have  been  involved  in  this  conspiracy — 
the  most  stupendous  and  gigantic  conspiracy  that  was  ever  forme  J, 
and  as  corrupt  and  ae  foul  as  that  attempted  by  Catiline  in  the  days 
of  Rome.  We  know  it  to  be  so.  Have  we  not  known  men  to  sit  at 
their  desks  in  this  chamber,  using  the  Government's  stationery  to 
write  treasonable  letters ;  and  while  receiving  their  pay,  sworn  to 


62  APPENDIX. 

support  the  Constitution  and  sustain  the  law,  engaging  in  midnight 
conclaves  to  devise  ways  and  means  by  which  the  Government  and 
the  Constitution  should  be  overthrown  ?  The  charge  was  made  and 
published  in  the  papers.  Many  things  we  know  that  we  cannot  put 
our  fingers  upon ;  but  we  know  from  the  regular  steps  that  were 
taken  in  this  work  of  breaking  up  the  Government,  or  trying  to 
break  it  up,  that  there  was  system,  concert  of  action.  It  is  a  scheme 
more  corrupt  than  the  assassination  planned  and  conducted  by  Cati 
line  in  reference  to  the  Roman  Senate.  The  time  has  arrived  when 
we  should  show  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  that  we  are  a  nation  capa 
ble  of  preserving  our  existence,  and  give  them  evidence  that  we  will 
do  it. 

T  have  already  detained  the  Senate  much  longer  than  I  intended 
when  I  rose,  and  I  shall  conclude  in  a  few  words  more.  Although 
the  Government  has  met  with  a  little  reverse  within  a  short  distance 
of  this  city,  no  one  should  be  discouraged  and  no  heart  should  be 
dismayed.  It  ought  only  to  prove  the  necessity  of  bringing  forth 
and  exerting  still  more  vigorously  the  power  ofjjie  Government  in 
maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  ILet  the  energies  of 
the  Government  be  redoubled,  and  let  it  go  on  with  this  war — not  a 
war  upon  sections,  not  a  war  upon  peculiar  institutions  anywhere ; 
but  let  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  be  its  frontispiece,  and  the 
supremacy  and  enforcement  of  the  laws  its  watchword.  Then  it  can, 
it  will,  go  on  triumphantly.  We  must  succeed.  This  Government 
must  not,  cannot  fall.  Though  your  flag  may  have  trailed  in  the 
dust ;  though  a  retrograde  movement  may  have  been  made ;  though 
the  banner  of  our  country  may  have  been  sullied,  let  it  still  be  borne 
onward ;  and  if,  for  the  prosecution  of  this  war  in  behalf  of  the  Gov 
ernment  and  the  Constitution,  it  is  necessary  to  cleanse  and  purify 
the  banner,  I  say,  let  it  be  baptized  in  fire  iromjthe  sun  and  bathed 
in  a  nation's  blood  f  The  nation  must  be  redeemed ;  it  must  be  tri 
umphant.  The  Constitution— which  is  based  upon  principles  immu 
table,  and  upon  which  rest  the  rights  of  man  and  the  hopes  and 
expectations  of  those  who  love  freedom  throughout  the  civilized 
world — must  be  maintained..! 


APPENDIX.  03 


SPEECH  ON  THE  PROPOSED  EXPULSION  OF  MR.  BRIGHT  ;  delivered 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  January  31,  1862. 

The  Senate  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  following  resolution, 
submitted  by  Mr.  Wilkinson  on  the  16th  of  December  1861  and 
which  had  been  reported  upon  adversely  by  the  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary : 

"  Whereas,  Hon.  Jesse  D.  Bright  heretofore,  on  the  1st  day  of  March, 
1861,  wrote  a  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy  : 

"MY  DEAR  SIR, — Allow  me  to  introduce  to  your  acquaintance 
my  friend  Thomas  B.  Lincoln,  of  Texas.  He  visits  your  capitol 
mainly  to  dispose  of  what  lie  regards  a  great  improvement  in  fire 
arms.  I  recommend  him  to  your'favorable  consideration  as  a  gentle 
man  of  the  first  respectability,  and  reliable  in  every  respect. 

"  Very  trulv,  yours, 

"JESSE  D.  BRIGHT. 
"  To  His  Excellency  JEFFERSON  DAVIS, 

"  President  of  the  Confederation  of  States." 

"And  whereas,  We  believe  the  said  letter  is  evidence  of  disloyalty 
to  the  United  States,  and  is  calculated  to  give  aid  and  comfort  to 
the  public  enemies  ;  therefore, 

"  Be  it  resolved,  That  the  said  Jesse  D.  Bright  is  expelled  from  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  JOHNSON  :  Mr.  President,  when  this  resolution  for  the  expul 
sion  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  was  first  presented  to  the  considera 
tion  of  the  Senate,  it  was  not  my  intention  to  say  a  single  word 
upon  it.  Presuming  that  action  would  be  had  upon  it  at  a  very 
early  day,  I  intended  to  content  myself  with  casting  a  silent  vote. 
But  the  question  has  assumed  such  a  shape  that,  occupying  the 
position  I  do,  I  cannot  consent  to  record  my  vote  without  giving 
some  of  the  reasons  that  influence  my  action. 

I  am  no  enemy  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  I  have  no  per 
sonally  unkind  feelings  towards  him.  I  never  had  any,  and  have 
none  now.  So  far  as  my  action  on  this  case  is  concerned,  it  will  be 
controlled  absolutely  and  exclusively  by  public  considerations,  and 
with  no  reference  to  partisan  or  personal  feeling.  I  know  that  since 
the  discussion  commenced,  an  -intimation  has  been  thrown  out, 
which  I  was  pained  to  hear,  that  there  was  a  disposition  on  the  part 
of  some  to  hound  down  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  Sir,  I  know  that 
I  have  no  disposition  to  "  hound "  any  man.  I  would  to  God  it 
were  otherwise  than  necessary  for  me.  as  I  think,  to  say  a  single 


64  APPENDIX. 

word  upon  the  question,  or  even  to  be  compelled  to  cast  a  vote  upon 
it.  So  far  as  I  know,  -there  has  never  been  any  unkind  feeling 
between  the  Senator  and  myself  from  the  time  we  made  our  advent 
into  public  life  down  to  this  moment.  Although  party  and  party 
associations,  and  party  considerations  influence  all  of  us  more  or  less 
—  and  I  do  not  pretend  to  be  exonerated  from  the  influence  of  party 
more  than  others— I  know,  if  I  know  myself,  that  no  such  considera 
tions  influence  me  now.  Not  many  years  ago  there  was  a  contest 
before  the  Senate  as  to  his  admission  as  a  Senator  from  the  State  of 
Indiana  ;  we  all  remember  the  struggle  that  took  place.  I  will  not 
say  that  the  other  side  of  the  House  were  influenced  by  party  con 
siderations  when  the  vote  upon  that  question  of  admission  took 
place ;  but  if  my  memory  serves  me  correctly,  there  was  upon  one 
side  of  the  Chamber  a  nearly  strict  party  vote  that  he  was  not 
entitled  to  his  seat,  while  on  the  other  side  his  right  was  sustained 
entirely  by  a  party  vote.  I  was  one  of  those  who  voted  for  the 
Senator's  admission  to  a  seat  upon  this  floor  under  the  circum 
stances.  I  voted  to  let  him  into  the  Senate,  and  I  am  constrained 
to  say  that,  before  his  term  has  expired,  I  am  compelled  to  vote  to 
expel  him  from  it.  In  saying  this,  I  repeat,  that  if  I  know  myself, 
and  I  think  I  do  as  well  as  ordinary  men  know  themselves,  I  cast 
this  vote  upon  public  considerations  entirely,  and  not  from  party  or 
personal  feeling. 

Mr.  President,  I  hold  that  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  we  clearly  have  the  power  to.  expel  a  member,  and  that,  too, 
without  our  assuming  the  character  of  a  judicial  body.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  have  articles  of  impeachment  preferred  by  the  other 
House  ;  it  is  not  necessary  to  organize  ourselves  into  a  court  for  the 
purpose  of  trial ;  but  the  principle  is  broad  and  clear,  inherent  in 
the  very  organization  of  the  body  itself,  that  we  have  the  power 
and  the  right  to  expel  any  member  from  the  Senate  whenever  we 
deem  that  the  public  interests  are  unsafe  in  his  hands,  and  that  he  is 
unfit  to  be  a  member  of  the  body.  We  all  know,  and  the  country 
understands,  that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  confers  this 
power  upon  the  Senate.  Judge  Story,  in  commenting  upon  the  case 
of  John  Smith,  in  connection  with  the  provision  of  the  Constitution 
to  which  I  have  referred,  used  the  following  language : 

"  The  precise  ground  of  the  failure  of  the  motion  does  not  appear ; 
but  it  may  be  gathered,  ff*om  the  arguments  of  his  counsel,  that  it 
did  not  turn  upon  any  doubt  that  the  power  of  the  Senate  extended 
to  cases  of  misdemeanor  not  done  in  the  presence  or  view  of  the 
body  ;  but  most  probably  it  was  decided  upon  some  doubt  as  to  the 
facts.  It  may  be  thought  difficult  to  draw  a  clear  line  of  distinction 
between  the  right  to  inflict  the  punishment  of  expulsion  and  any 


APPENDIX.  65 

other  punishment  upon  a  member,  founded  on  the  time,  place,  or 
nature  of  the  offense.  The  power  to  expel  a  member  is  not  in  the 
British  House  of  Commons  confined  to  offenses  committed  by  the 
party  as  a.  member,  or  during  the  session  of  Parliament ;  but  it 
extends  to  all  cases  where  the  offense  is  such  as,  in  the  judgment  of 
the  House,  unfits  him  for  parliamentary  duties." — Story"1  a  Commen 
taries  on  the  Constitution,  Sec.  836. 

The  rule  in  the  House  of  Commons  was  undoubtedly  in  the  view 
of  the  frainers  of  our  Constitution  ;  and  the  question  is,  has  the 
member  unfitted  himself,  has  he  disqualified  himself,  in  view  of  the 
extraordinary  condition  of  the  country,  from  discharging  the  duties 
of  a  Senator  ?  Looking  at  his  connection  with  the  Executive  ;  look 
ing  at  the  condition,  and,  probably,  the  destinies  of  the  country,  we 
are  to  decide — without  prejudice,  without  passion,  without  excite 
ment — can  the  nation  and  does  the  nation  have  confidence  in  com 
mitting  its  destinies  to  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  and  others  who 
are  situated  like  him  ? 

If  we  were  disposed  to  bring  to  our  aid,  and  were  willing  to  rely 
upon,  the  public  judgment,  what  should  we  find  ?  When  you  pass 
through  the  country,  the  common  inquiry  is,  u  Why  has  not  Senator 
Bright,  and  why  have  not  others  like  him,  been  expelled  from  the 
Senate  ?"  I  have  had  the  question  asked  me  again  and  again.  I  do 
not  intend,  though,  to  predicate  my  action  as  a  Senator  upon  what 
may  be  simply  rumor  and  popular  clamor  or  popular  indignation  ; 
but  still  it  is  not  often  the  case  that,  when  there  is  a  public  judg 
ment  formed  in  reference  to  any  great  question  before  the  country, 
that  public  judgment  is  not  well  founded,  though  it  is  true  there 
are  sometimes  exceptions. 

Having  shown  our  power  in  the  premises  to  be  clear  according  to 
the  general  authority  granted  by  the  Constitution  and  the  broad 
principle  stated  by  Judge  Story  in  its  elucidation,  I  next  turn  my 
attention  to  the  case  itself.  The  Senator  from  Indiana  is  charged 
with  having  written  a  letter  on  the  1st  of  March  last  to  the  chief  of 
the  rebellion,  which  is  the  basis  of  this  proceeding  against  him. 
What  was  the  condition  of  the  country  at  the  time  that  letter  was 
written  ?  Did  war  then  exist  or  not  ?  for  really  that  is  the  great 
point  in  the  case.  On  that  point,  allow  me  to  read  an  extract  from 
the  charge  of  Judge  David  A.  Smalley,  to  the  grand  jury  of  the 
United  States  district  court  for  the  Southern  district  of  New  York, 
published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  January  21,  1861  : 

"  It  is  well  known  that  war,  civil  war,  exists  in  portions  of  the 
Union ;  that  persons  owing  allegiance  to  the  United  States  have 
confederated  together,  and  with  arms,  by  force  and  intimidation, 
have  prevented  the  execution  of  the  constitutional  acts  of  Congress, 


66  APPENDIX. 

have  forcibly  seized  upon  and  hold  a  custom-house  and  post-office, 
forts,  arsenals,  vessels,  and  other  property  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  and  have  actually  fired  upon  vessels  bearing  the  United  States 
flag  and  carrying  United  States  troops.  This  is  a  usurpation  of  the 
authority  of  the  Federal  Government ;  it  is  high  treason  by  levying 
war.  Either  one  of  those  acts  will  constitute  high  treason.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  of  it." 

The  judge  here  defines  high  treason,  and  he  goes  on  to  say  : 

"  What  amounts  to  adhering  to  and  giving  aid  and  comfort  to 
our  enemies,  it  is  somewhat  difficult  in  all  cases  to  define  ;  but  cer 
tain  it  is  that  furnishing  them  with  arms  " — 

It  really  seems  that,  by  some  kind  of  intuition,  the  judge  had  in 
his  mind  the  precise  case  now  under  our  consideration,  and  had 
anticipated  it  last  January — 

"  certain  it  is  that  furnishing  them  with  arms  or  munitions  of  war, 
vessels  or  other  means  of  transportation,  or  any  materials  which  will 
aid  the  traitors  in  carrying  out  their  traitorous  purposes,  with  a 
knowledge  that  they  are  intended  for  such  purposes,  or  inciting  and 
encouraging  others  to  engage  in  or  aid  the  traitors  in  any  way,  does 
come  within  the  provisions  of  the  act." 

In  this  view,  even  if  we  were  sitting  as  a  court,  bound  by  the 
rules  and  technicalities  of  judicial  proceedings,  should  we  not  be 
bound  to  hold  that  this  case  comes  within  this  legal  definition. 
"  And  it  is  immaterial,"  adds  Judge  Smalley,  u  whether  such  acts 
are  induced  by  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  hostility  to  the  Govern 
ment,  or  a  design  for  gain." 

In  view  of  these  authorities,  let  us  look  at  the  letter.  It  was 
written  on  the  1st  of  March,  1861.  The  opinion  of  Judge  Smalley 
was  published  in  the  Intelligencer  of  the  21st  of  January,  1861,  and 
must,  of  course,  have  been  delivered  before  that  time.  It  would  be 
doing  the  Senator's  intelligence  great  injustice  to  presume  that  he 
was  not  as  well  informed  on  the  subject  as  the  judge  was  who  was 
charging  the  grand  jury  in  reference  to  an  act  of  Congress  passed  at 
an  early  day  in  the  history  of  the  Government.  It  would  be  doing 
him  great  injustice  to  suppose  that  he  was  not  familiar  with  the 
statute.  It  would  be  doing  him  great  injustice  to  suppose  that  he 
had  not  observed  the  fact  that  the  attention  of  the  country  was 
being  called  by  the  courts  to  the  treason  that  was  rampant  through 
out  the  land.  The  letter  complained  of  is  as  follows  : 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  1,  1861. 

"My  DEAR  SIR, — Allow  me  to  introduce  to  your  acquaintance  my 
friend,  Thomas  B.  Lincoln,  of  Texas.  He  visits  your  capital  mainly 


APPENDIX.  67 

to  dispose  of  what  he  regards  a  great  improvement  in  firearms.  I 
recommend  him  to  your  favorable  consideration  as  a  gentleman  of 
the  first  respectability,  and  reliable  in  every  respect. 

"  Very  truly  yours,  JESSE  D.  BRIGHT. 

"  To  His  Excellency  JEFFERSON  DAVIS, 

" President  of  the  Confederation  of  States" 

According  to  the  charge  of  Judge  Smalley,  which  I  have  already 
read,  the  flag  of  the  United  States  had  been  fired  upon  before  the 
21st  of  January,  1861,  and  war  then  did  in  fact  exist.  When  the 
rebels  were  taking  our  forts  ;  when  they  were  taking  possession  of 
our  post-offices  ;  when  they  were  seizing  our  custom-houses  ;  when 
they  were  taking  possession  of  our  mints  and  the  depositories  of  the 
public  money,  can  it  be  possible  that  the  Senator  from  Indiana  did 
not  know  that  war  existed,  and  that  rebellion  was  going  on  ?  It 
is  a  fact  that  the  ordinance  of  the  convention  of  Texas  seceding 
from  the  Union  and  attaching  herself  to  the  Southern  Confederacy, 
was  dated  back  as  far  as  the  1st  of  February,  1861.  Then,  at  the 
time  the  letter  was  written,  Thomas  B.  Lincoln  was  a  citizen  of  a 
rebel  State  ;  a  traitor  and  a  rebel  himself.  He  comes  to  the  Senator 
asking  him  to  do  what  ?  To  write  a  letter  by  which  he  could  be 
facilitated  in  his  scheme  of  selling  an  improved  firearm,  an  imple 
ment  of  war  and  of  death.  Can  there  lie  any  mistake  about  it  ? 
He  asks  for  a  letter  recommending  an  improved  firearm  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  rebel  States,  who  was  then  in  actual  war ;  the  man  who 
asked  for  this  being  himself  from  a  State  that  was  in  open  rebellion, 
and  he  himself  a  traitor. 

Now,  sir,  if  we  were  a  court,  how  would  the  case  be  presented  ? 
I  know  the  Constitution  says  that  "  no  person  shall  be  convicted  of 
treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt 
act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court."  Here  is  an  overt  act ;  it  is 
shown  clearly  and  plainly.  We  have  the  Senator's  confession  in 
open  Senate  that  he  did  write  the  letter.  Shall  we  with  this  discre 
tion,  in  view  of  the  protection  of  this  body  and  the  safety  of  the 
Government,  decide  the  case  upon  special  pleas,  or  hunt  up  techni 
calities  by  which  the  Senator  can  escape,  as  you  would  quash  an 
indictment  in  a  criminal  court  ?  The  case  of  John  Smith  has  already 
been  stated  to  the  Senate.  A  true  bill  had  been  found  against  him 
for  his  connection  with  Burr's  treason,  but  upon  a  technicality,  the 
proof  not  being  made  out  according  to  the  Constitution,  and  Bun- 
having  been  tried  first  and  acquitted,  the  bill  against  Smith  was 
quashed,  as  he  was  only  an  accomplice.  He  was,  therefore,  turned 
out  of  court;  the  proceedings  against  him  were  quashed  upon  a 
technicality ;  but  John  Smith  was  a  Senator,  and  he  came  here  to 


63  APPENDIX. 

this  body.  He  came  again  to  take  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  and  what  did  the  Senate  do  ?  They  took  up  his  case  ; 
they  investigated  it.  Mr.  Adams  made  a  report,  able,  full,  complete. 
I  may  say  he  came  well  nigh  exhausting  the  whole  subject.  The 
committee  reported  a  resolution  for  his  expulsion,  and  how  did  the 
rote  stand  ?  It  is  true  that  Mr.  Smith  was  not  expelled  for  the  want 
of  some  little  formality  in  this  body,  the  vote  standing  19  to  10. 
It  only  lacked  one  vote  to  put  him  out  by  a  two-third  majority 
according  to  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution.  What  was  the 
[judgment  of  the  nation  ?  It  was  that  John  Smith  was  an  accom 
plice  of  Burr,  and  the  Senate  condemned  him  and  almost  expelled 
him,  not  narrowing  itself  down  to  those  rules  and  technicalities  that 
are  resorted  to  in  courts  by  which  criminals  escape.  To  show  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  action  in  that  case  was  based,  I  beg  leave 
to  read  some  extracts  from  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams'  report  in  that 
case: 

"In  examining  the  question  whether  these  forms  of  judicial  pro 
ceedings,  or  the  rules  of  judicial  evidence  ought  to  be  applied  to 
the  exercise  of  that  censorial  authority  which  the  Senate  of  the 
States  possesses  over  the  conduct  of  its  members,  let  us  assume  as 
the  test  of  their  application  either  the  dictates  of  unfettered  reason, 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  or  precedents  domestic  or 
foreign,  and  your  committee  believe  that  the  result  will  be  same : 
that  the  power  of  expelling  a  member  must  in  its  nature  be  discre 
tionary,  and  in  its  exercise  always  more  summary  than  the  tardy 
process  of  judicial  proceedings. 

"  The  power  of  expelling  a  member  for  misconduct  results,  on  the 
principles  of  common  sense,  from  the  interests  of  the  nation  that 
the  high  trust  of  legislation  should  be  invested  in  pure  hands. 
"When  the  trust  is  elective,  it  is  .not  to  be  presumed  that  the  consti 
tuent  body  will  commit  the  deposit  to  the  keeping  of  worthless 
characters.  But  when  a  man,  whom  his  fellow  citizens  have  honored 
with  their  confidence  on  the  pledge  of  spotless  reputation,  has  de 
graded  himself  by  the  commission  of  infamous  crimes,  which  become 
suddenly  and  unexpectedly  revealed  to  the  w^orld,  defective,  indeed, 
would  be  that  institution  which  should  be  impotent  to  discard  from 
its  bosom  the  contagion  of  such  a  member ;  which  should  have  no 
remedy  of  amputation  to  apply  until  the  poison  had  reached  the  heart." 

"  But  when  a  member  of  a  legislative  body  lies  under  the  impu 
tation  of  gravated  offenses,  and  the  determination  upon  his  case  can 
operate  only  to  remove  him  from  a  station  of  extensive  powers  and 
important  trust,  this  disproportion  between  the  interest  of  the  jmblic 
and  the  interest  of  the  individual  disappears;  if  any  disproportion 
exists,  it  is  of  an  opposite  kind.  It  is  not  better  that  ten  traitors 
should  be  members  of  this  Senate,  than  that  one  innocent  man  should 
suffer  expulsion.  In  either  case,  no  doubt,  the  evil  would  be  great ; 


APPENDIX.  69 

but  in  the  former,  it  would  strike  at  the  vitals  of  the  nation ;  in  the 
latter  it  might,  though  deeply  to  be  lamented,  only  be  the  calamity 
of  an  individual." 

"  Yet  in  the  midst  of  all  this  anxious  providence  of  legislative 
virtue,  it  has  not  authorized  the  constituent  body  to  recall  in  any 
case  its  representative.  It  has  not  subjected  him  to  removal  by  im 
peachment  ;  and  when  the  darling  of  the  people's  choice  has  become 
their  deadliest  foe,  can  it  enter  the  imagination  of  a  reasonable  man, 
that  the  sanctuary  of  their  legislation  must  remain  polluted  with  his 
presence,  until  a  court  of  common  law,  with  its  pace  of  a  snail,  can 
ascertain  whether  his  crime  was  committed  on  the  right  or  on  the 
left  bank  of  a  river ;  whether  a  puncture  of  difference  can  be  found 
between  the  words  of  the  charge  and  the  words  of  the  proof; 
whether  the  witnesses  of  his  guilt  should  or  should  not  be  heard  by 
his  iury;  and  whether  he  was  punishable,  because  present  at  an 
overt  act,  or  intangible  to  public  justice  because  he  only  contrived 
and  prepared  it  ?  Is  it  conceivable  that  a  traitor  to  that  country 
which  has  loaded  him  with  favors,  guilty  to  the  common  under 
standing  of  all  mankind,  should  be  suffered  to  return  unquestioned 
to  that  post  of  honor  and  confidence  where,  in  the  zenith  of  his 
good  fame,  he  had  been  placed  by  the  esteem  of  countrymen,  and  in 
defiance  of  their  wishes,  in  mockery  of  their  fears,  surrounded  by 
the  public  indignation,  but  inaccessible  to  its  bolt,  pursue  the  pur 
poses  of  treason  in  the  heart  of  the  national  councils  ?  Must  the 
assembled  rulers  of  the  land  listen  with  calmness  and  indifference, 
session  after  session,  to  the  voice  of  notorious  infamy,  until  the 
sluggard  step  of  municipal  justice  can  overtake  his  enormities  ? 
Mmst  they  tamely  see  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  millions,  the  safety 
of  present  and  future  ages,  depending  upon  his  vote,  recorded  with 
theirs,  merely  because  the  abused  benignity  of  general  maxims  may 
have  remitted  to  him  the  forfeiture  of  his  life  ?" 

"  Such,  in  very  supposable  cases,  would  be  the  unavoidable  conse 
quences  of  a  principle  which  should  offer  the  crutches  of  judicial 
tribunals  as  an  apology  for  crippling  the  congressional  power  of 
expulsion.  Far  different,  in  the  opinion  of  your  committee,  is  the 
spirit  of  our  Constitution.  They  believed  that  the  very  purpose  for 
which  this  power  was  given  was  to  preserve  the  Legislature  from  the 
first  approaches  of  infection ;  that  it  was  made  discretionary  because 
it  could  not  exist  under  the  procrastination  of  general  rules.  That 
its  process  must  be  summary  because  it  would  be  rendered  nugatory 
by  delay." 

Mr.  President,  suppose  Aaron  Burr  had  been  a  senator,  and  after 
his  acquittal  he  had  come  back  here  to  take  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
what  would  have  been  done  ?  According  to  the  doctrine  avowed  in 
this  debate,  that  we  must  sit  as  a  court  and  subject  the  individual 
to  all  the  rules  and  technicalities  of  criminal  proceedings,  could  he 
have  been  expelled  ?  And  yet  is  there  a  Senator  here  who  would 
have  voted  to  allow  Aaron  Burr  to  take  a  seat  in  the  Senate  after  his 


70  APPENDIX. 

acquittal  by  a  court  and  jury  ?  No  ;  there  is  not  a  Senator  liere 
who  would  have  done  it.  Aaron  Burr  was  tried  in  court,  and  he 
was  found  not  guilty ;  he  was  turned  loose ;  but  was  the  public 
judgment  of  this  nation  less  satisfied  of  his  guilt  than  if  he  had  not 
been  acquitted  ?  What  is  the  nation's  judgment,  settled  and  fixed  ? 
That  Aaron  Burr  was  guilty  of  treason,  notwithstanding  he  was 
acquitted  by  a  court  and  jury. 

It  is  said  by  some  Senators  that  the  Senator  from  Indiana  wrote 
this  letter  simply  as  a  letter  of  friendship.  Sir,  just  think  of  it !  A 
Senator  of  the  United  States  was  called  upon  to  write  a  letter  for  a 
rebel,  for  a  man  from  a  rebel  State,  after  the  courts  of  the  country 
had  pronounced  that  civil  war  existed  ;  after  the  judicial  tribunals 
had  defined  what  aiding  and  adhering  to  the  enemies  of  the  coun 
try  was !  Under  such  circumstances,  what  would  have  been  the 
course  of  loyalty  and  of  patriotism  ?  Suppose  a  man  who  had  been 
your  friend,  sir,  who  had  rendered  you  many  acts  of  kindness,  had 
come  to  you  for  such  a  letter.  You  would  have  asked  where  he  was 
going  with  it.  You  would  have  said  :  "  Here  is  a  Southern  Confed 
eracy  ;  there  is  a  rebellion  ;  my  friend,  you  cannot  ask  me  to  write 
a  letter  to  anybody  there  ;  they  are  at  war  with  the  United  States  ; 
they  are  at  war  with  my  Government ;  I  cannot  write  you  a  letter 
giving  you  aid  and  assistance  in  selling  your  improved  firearm 
there."  Why  ?  "  Because  that  firearm  may  be  used  against  my 
own  country  and  against  my  own  fellow-citizens."  Would  not  that 
have  been  the  language  of  a  man  who  was  willing  to  recognize  his 
obligations  of  duty  to  his  country  ? 

What  was  the  object  of  writing  the  letter  ?  It  certainly  was  to 
aid,  facilitate  the  selling  of  his  firearms,  to  inspire  the  rebel  chief 
with  confidence  in  the  individual.  It  was  saying,  substantially,  "  I 
know  this  man ;  I  write  to  you  because  I  know  you  have  confidence 
in  me ;  I  send  him  to  you  because  I  know  you  need  firearms  ;  you 
need  improved  firearms  ;  you  need  the  most  deadly  and  destructive 
weapons  of  warfare  to  overcome  this  great  and  glorious  country; 
I  recommend  him  to  you,  and  I  recommend  his  firearms ;  he  is  a  man 
in  whom  entire  confidence  may  be  placed."  That,  sir,  is  the  letter. 
I  have  already  shown  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  written. 
If  such  a  letter  had  been  written  in  the  purest  innocence  of  inten 
tion,  with  no  treasonable  design,  with  no  desire  to  injure  his  own 
Government,  yet,  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  in  view  of  the 
facts  which  had  transpired,  a  Senator  who  would  be  so  unthought- 
ful,  and  so  negligent,  and  so  regardless  of  his  country's  interests  as 
to  write  such  a  letter,  is  not  entitled  to  a  seat  on  this  floor.  [Ap 
plause  in  the  galleries.] 


APPENDIX.  71 

The  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sherman)  :     Order  !     Order  ! 

Mr.  JOHNSON  :  Then,  Mr.  President,  what  has  been  the  bearing 
and  the  conduct  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  since  ?  I  desire  it  to 
be  understood  that  I  refer  to  him  in  no  unkinclness,  for  God  knows 
I  bear  him  none  ;  but  my  duty  I  will  perform.  "  Duties  are  mine, 
consequences  are  God's."  What  has  been  the  Senator's  bearing 
generally?  Have  you  heard  of  his  being  in  the  field?  Have  you 
heard  of  his  voice  and  his  influence  being  raised  for  his  bleeding 
and  distracted  country  ?  Has  his  influence  been  brought  to  bear 
officially,  socially,  politically,  or  in  any  respect,  for  the  suppression 
of  the  rebellion  ?  If  so,  I  am  unaware  of  it.  Where  is  the  evidence 
of  devotion  to  his  country  in  his  speeches  and  in  his  votes  ?  Where 
the  evidence  of  the  disposition  on  his  part  to  overthrow  and  put 
down  the  rebellion  ?  I  have  been  told,  Mr.  President,  by  honorable 
gentlemen,  as  an  evidence  of  the  Senator's  devotion  to  his  country 
and  his  great  opposition  to  this  Southern  movement,  that  they  heard 
him,  and  perhaps  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  remonstrate  with  the  leaders 
of  the  rebellion  that  they  should  not  leave  him  here  in  the  Senate, 
or  that  they  should  not  persist  in  their  course  after  the  relations  that 
had  existed  between  them  and  him,  and  the  other  Democrats  of  the 
country ;  that  he  thought  they  were  treating  him  badly.  This  was 
the  kind  of  remonstrance  he  made.  Be  it  so.  I  am  willing  to  give 
the  Senator  credit  for  all  he  is  entitled  to,  and  would  to  God  I  could 
credit  him  with  more. 

But  do  Senators  remember  that  when  this  battle  was  being  fought 
in  the  Senate  I  stood  here  on  this  side,  solitary  and  alone,  on  the  19th 
day  of  December,  1860,  and  proclaimed  that  the  Government  was 
at  an  end  if  you  denied  it  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws  ?  I  declared 
then  that  a  Government  which  had  not  the  power  to  coerce  obe 
dience  on  the  part  of  those  who  violated  the  law  was  no  Govern 
ment  at  all,  and  had  failed  to  carry  out  the  objects  of  its  creation, 
and  was,  ipso  facto,  dissolved.  When  I  stood  on  this  floor  and 
fought  the  battle  for  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws,  has  the  Senate  forgotten  that  a  bevy  of 
conspirators  gathered  in  from  the  other  House,  and  those  who  were 
here  crowded  around,  with  frowns  and  scowls,  and  expressions  of 
indignation  and  contempt  toward  me,  because  I  dared  to  raise  my 
feeble  voice  in  vindication  of  the  Constitution  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  of  the  Union  ?  Have  you  forgotten  the  taunts,  the  jeers, 
the  derisive  remarks,  the  contemptuous  expressions  that  were  in 
dulged  in  ?  If  you  have,  I  have  not.  If  the  Senator  felt  such  great 
reluctance  at  the  departure  from  the  Senate  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
rebellion,  I  should  have  been  glad  to  receive  one  encouraging  smile 


72  APPENDIX. 

from  him  when  I  was  fighting  the  battles  of  the  country.  I  did  net 
receive  one  encouraging  expression  ;  I  received  not  a  single  sustain- 
ing  look.  It  would  have  been  peculiarly  encouraging  to  me,  undei 
the  circumstances,  to  be  greeted  and  encouraged  by  one  of  the  Sena 
tor's  talents  and  long  standing  in  public  life  ;  but  lie  was  cold  as  aa 
iceberg,  and  I  stood  solitary  and  alone  amidst  the  gang  of  conspira 
tors  that  had  gathered  around  me.  So  much  for  the  Senator's  re 
monstrances  and  expressions  of  regret  for  the  retirement  of  thosq 
gentlemen. 

The  bearing  of  the  Senator  since  he  wrote  this  letter  has  not  been 
unobserved.  I  have  not  compared  notes  ;  I  have  not  hunted  up  the 
record  in  reference  to  it ;  but  I  have  a  perfect  recollection  of  it. 
Did  we  not  see,  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  the  line  being 
drawn  between  those  who  were  devoted  to  the  Union  and  those  who 
were  not  ?  Cannot  we  sometimes  see  a  great  deal  more  than  is  ex 
pressed?  Does  it  require  us  to  have  a  man's  sentiments  written 
down  in  burning  and  blazing  characters,  before  we  are  able  to  judge 
what  they  are  1  Has  it  not  been  observable  all  through  this  history 
where  the  true  Union  heart  has  stood  ?  What  was  the  Senator's 
bearing  at  the  last  session  of  Congress  ?  Do  we  not  know  that  in 
the  main  he  stood  here  opposed  substantially  to  every  measure  which 
was  necessary  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  trial  and  peril  ?  He 
may  perhaps  have  voted  for  some  measures  that  were  collateral, 
remote,  indirect  in  their  bearing  ;  but  do  we  not  know  that  his  vote 
and  his  influence  were  cast  against  the  measures  which  were  abso 
lutely  necessary  in  order  to  sustain  the  Government  in  its  hour  of 
peril? 

Some  gentlemen  have  said,  and  well  said,  that  we  should  not 
judge  by  party.  I  say  so,  too.  I  voted  to  let  the  Senator  from 
Indiana  into  the  body,  and  as  a  Democrat  rny  bias  and  prejudice 
would  rather  be  in  his  favor.  I  am  a  Democrat  now  ;  I  have  been 
one  all  my  life  ;  I  expect  to  live  and  die  one  ;  and  the  corner-stone 
of  my  Democracy  rests  upon  the  enduring  basis  of  the  Union. 
Democrats  may  come  and  go,  but  they  shall  never  divert  me  from 
the  polar  st^r  by  which  I  have  ever  been  guided  from  early  life— the 
great  principles  of  Democracy  upon  which  this  Government  rests, 
which  cannot  be  earned  out  without  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
of  these  States.  The  pretence  hitherto  employed  by  many  who  are 
now  in  the  traitors'  camp  has  been,  "  we  are  for  the  Union  ;  we  are 
not  for  dissolution ;  but  we  are  opposed  to  coercion."  How  long, 
Senators,  have  you  heard' that  syren  song  sung?  Where  are  now 
most  of  those  who  sang  those  syren  tones  to  us  ?  Look  back  to  the 
last  session,  and  jnqure  where  now  are  the  men  who  then  were  sing- 


APPEXDIX.  73 

ing  that  song  in  our  ears  ?  Where  is  Trusten  Polk,  who  then  stood 
here  so  gently  craving  for  peace  ?  He  is  in  the  rebel  camp.  Where 
is  John  C.  Breckinridge— a  man  for  whose  promotion  to  the  Presi 
dency  I  did  what  I  could  physically,  mentally,  and  pecuniarily  ;  but 
when  he  satisfied  me  that  he  was  for  breaking  up  this  Government, 
and  would  ere  long  be  a  traitor  to  his  country,  I  dropped  him  as  I 
would  the  Senator  from  Indiana  !  He  was  here  at  the  last  session 
of  Congress ;  and  everybody  could  see  then  that  he  was  on  the  road 
to  the  traitors'  camp.  Instead  of  sustaining  the  Government,  he, 
too,  was  crying  out  for  peace  ;  but  he  was  bitter  against  u  Lincoln's 
Government."  Sir,  when  I  talk  about  preserving  this  great  Govern 
ment,  I  do  not  have  its  executive  officer  in  my  mind.  The  execu 
tive  I- jad  of  the  Government  comes  in  and  goes  out  of  office  every 
four  years.  He  is  the  mere  creature  of  the  people.  I  talk  about 
the  Government  without  regard  to  the  particular  executive  officers 
who  have  charge  of  it.  If  they  do  well,  we  can  continue  them  ;  if 
they  do  wrong,  we  can  turn  them  out.  Mr.  Lincoln  having  come  in 
according  to  the  forms  of  law  and  the  Constitution,  I,  loving  my  Gov 
ernment  and  the  Union,  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  stand  by  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  to  stand  Ify  the  Administration  in  all  those  measures 
that  I  believed  to  be  necessary  and  proper  for  the  preservation  and 
perpetuation  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Polk  has  gone ;  Mr.  Breckinridge  has  gone ;  my  namesake, 
the  late  Senator  from  Missouri,  has  gone.  Did  you  not  see  the  line 
of  separation  at  the  last  session  ?  Although  Senators  make  speeches, 
in  which  they  give  utterance  to  disclaimers,  we  can  see  their  bearing. 
It  is  visible  now  ;  and  the  obligations  of  truth  and  duty  to  my  coun 
try  require  me  to  speak  of  it.  I  believe  there  are  treasonable  ten 
dencies  here  now  ;  and  how  long  it  will  be  before  they  will  land  in 
the  traitors'  camp,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  say.  The  great  point 
with  these  gentlemen  is,  that  they  are  opposed  to  coercion  and  to 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  Without  regard  to  the  general  bear 
ing  of  the  Senator  from  Indiana  upon  that  point,  let  me  quote  the 
conclusion  of  his  letter  of  the  7th  of  September,  1861,  to  J.  Fitch. 
I  will  read  only  the  concluding  portion  of  the  letter,  as  it  does  him 
no  injustice  to  omit  the  remainder  : 

"  And  hence  I  have  opposed,  and  so  long  as  my  present  convic 
tions  last  shall  continue  to  oppose,  the  entire  coercive  policy  of  the 
Government.  I  hope  this  may  be  satisfactory  to  my  friends.  For 
my  enemies  I  care  not." 

Does  this  not  correspond  with  the  Senator's  general  bearing  ?    Has 
he  given  his  aid  or  countenance  or  influence,  in  any  manner,  towards 
31 


74  APPENDIX. 

the  efforts  of  the  Government  to  sustain  itself?  What  has  been  his 
course  ?  We  know  that  great  stress  has  been  laid  upon  the  word 
"  coercion,"  and  it  has  been  played  upon  effectually  for  the  purpose 
of  prejudicing  the  Southern  mind,  in  connection  with  that  other 
term,  "  subjugation  of  the  States,"  which  has  been  used  so  often. 
We  may  as  well  be  honest  and  fair,  and  admit  the  truth  of  the  great 
proposition,  that  a  Government  cannot  exist — in  other  words,  it  is 
no  Government  if  it  is  without  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws  and 
coerce  obedience  to  them.  That  is  all  there  is  of  it ;  and  the  very 
instant  that  you  take  that  power  from  this  Government  it  is  at  an 
end ;  it  is  a  mere  rope  of  sand  that  will  fall  to  pieces  of  its  own 
weight.  It  is  idle,  Utopian,  chimerical,  to  talk  about  a  Government 
existing  without  the  power  to  enforce  its  laws.  How  is  the  Govern 
ment  to  enforce  its  laws  ?  The  Constitution  says  that  Congress  shall 
have  power  to  "  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions."  Let 
me  ask  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  with  all  his  astuteness,  how  is 
rebellion  to  be  put  down,  how  is  it  to  be  resisted,  unless  there  is 
some  power  in  the  Government  to  enforce  its  laws  ? 

If  there  be  a  citizen  who  violates  your  post-office  laws,  who  coun 
terfeits  the  coin  of  the  United  States,  or  who  commits  any  other 
offence  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  you  subject  him  to 
trial  and  punishment.  Is  not  that  coercion  ?  Is  not  that  enforcing 
the  laws  ?  How  is  rebellion  to  be  put  down  without  coercion,  with 
out  enforcing  the  laws  ?  Can  it  be  done  ?  The  Constitution  pro 
vides  that, 

"  The  United  States  shall  guaranty  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  from 
invasion  ;  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the  Executive, 
(when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic  violence." 

How  is  this  Government  to  put  down  domestic  violence  in  a  State 
without  coercion  ?  How  is  the  nation  to  be  protected  against  insur 
rection  without  coercing  the  citizens  to  obedience  ?  Can  it  be  done  ? 
When  the  Senator  says  he  is  against  the  entire  coercive  policy  of  the 
Government,  he  is  against  the  vital  principle  of  all  government.  I 
look  upon  this  as  the  most  revolutionary  and  destructive  doctrine 
that  ever  was  preached.  If  this  Government  cannot  call  forth  the 
militia,  if  it  cannot  repel  invasion,  if  it  cannot  put  down  domestic 
violence,  if  it  cannot  suppress  rebellion,  I  ask  if  the  great  objects  of 
the  Government  are  not  at  an  end  ? 

Look  at  my  own  State,  by  way  of  illustration.  There  is  open 
rebellion  there ;  there  is  domestic  violence ;  there  is  insurrection. 
An  attempt  has  been  made  to  transfer  that  State  to  another  power. 


APPENDIX.  75 

Let  toe  ask  the  Senator  from  Indiana  if  the  Constitution  does  not 
require  you  to  guaranty  us  a  republican  form  of  government  in  that 
State  ?  Is  not  that  your  sworn  duty  ?  We  ask  you  to  put  down 
this  unholy  rebellion.  What  answer  do  you  give  us  ?  We  ask  you 
to  protect  us  against  insurrection  and  domestic  violence.  What  is 
the  reply  ?  "  I  am  against  your  whole  coercive  policy ;  I  am  against 
the  enforcement  of  the  laws."  I  say  that  if  that  principle  be  acted 
on,  your  Government  is  at  an  end  ;  it  fails  utterly  to  carry  out  the 
object  of  its  creation.  Such  a  principle  leads  to  the  destruction  of 
the  Government,  for  it  must  inevitably  result  in  anarchy  and  confu 
sion.  "  I  am  opposed  to  the  entire  coercive  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment,"  says  the  Senator  from  Indiana.  That  cuckoo  note  has  been 
reiterated  to  satiety ;  it  is  understood ;  men  know  the  nature  and 
character  of  their  Government,  and  they  also  know  that  "  coercion  " 
and  "  subjugation  "  is  mere  ad  captandum,  idle  and  unmeaning  slang- 
wanging. 

Gir,  I  may  be  a  little  sensitive  on  this  subject  upon  the  one  hand, 
while  I  know  I  want  to  do  ample  justice  upon  the  other.  I  took 
an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  There  is 
rebellion  in  the  land  ;  there  is  insurrection  against  the  authority  of 
this  Government  ?  Is  the  Senator  from  Indiana  so  unobservant  or  so 
obtuse  that  he  does  not  know  now  that  there  has  been  a  deliberate 
design  for  years  to  change  the  nature  and  character  and  genius  of 
this  Government  ?  Do  we  not  know  that  these  schemers  have  been 
deliberately  at  work,  and  that  there  is  a  party  in  the  South,  with 
some  associates  in  the  North,  and  even  in  the  West,  that  become 
tired  of  free  government,  in  which  they  have  lost  confidence  ?  They 
raise  an  outcry  against  "  coercion,"  that  they  may  paralyze  the  Gov 
ernment,  cripple  the  exercise  of  the  great  powers  with  which  it  was 
invested,  finally  to  change  its  form  and  subject  us  to  a  Southern 
despotism.  Do  we  not  know  it  to  be  so  ?  Why  disguise  this  great 
truth  ?  Do  we  not  know  that  they  have  been  anxious  for  a  change 
of  Government  for  years  ?  Since  this  rebellion  commenced  it  has 
manifested  itself  in  many  quarters.  How  long  is  it  since  the  organ 
of  the  government  at  Richmond,  the  Richmond  Whig,  declared  that 
rather  than  live  under  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  they 
preferred  to  take  the  constitutional  Queen  of  Great  Britain  as  their 
protector ;  that  they  would  make  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  ?  Do  we  not  know  this  ?  Why  then  play  "  hide  and  go 
seek  ?"  Why  say,  "  Oh  yes,  I  am  for  the  Union,"  while  every  act, 
influence,  conversation,  vote,  is  against  it?  What  confidence  can 
we  have  in  one  who  takes  such  a  course  ? 


76  APPENDIX. 

The  people  of  my  State,  downtrodden  and  oppressed  by  tlie  iron 
heel  of  Southern  despotism,  appeal  to  you  for  protection.  They  ask 
you  to  protect  them  against  domestic  violence.  They  want  you  to 
help  them  to  put  down  this  unholy  and  damnable  rebellion.  They 
call  upon  this  Government  for  the  execution  of  its  constitutional 
duty  to  guaranty  to  them  a  republican  form  of  Government,  and  to 
protect  them  against  the  tyranny  and  despotism  which  is  stalking 
abroad.  What  is  the  cold  reply  ?  "  I  am  against  the  entire  coer 
cive  policy;  I  arn  not  for  enforcing  the  laws."  Upon  such  a  doc 
trine  the  Government  crumbles  to  pieces,  and  anarchy  and  despot 
ism  reign  throughout  the  land. 

Indiana,  God  bless  her,  is-  as  true  to  the  Union  as  the  needle  is  to 
the  pole.  She  has  sent  out  her  "  columns  ;"  she  has  sent  her  thou- 
ands  into  the  field,  for  what  ?  To  sustain  the  Constitution  and 
to  enforce  the  laws  ;  and  as  they  march  with  strong  arms  and  brave 
hearts  to  relieve  a  suffering  people,  who  have  committed  no  offence 
save  devotion  to  this  glorious  Union  ;  as  they  march  to  the  rescue 
of  the  Constitution  and  to  extend  its  benefits  again  to  a  people  who 
love  it  dearly,  and  who  have  been  ruthlessly  torn  from  under  its 
protecting  rcgis,  what  does  their  Senator  say  to  them  ?  "I  am 
against  the  entire  policy  of  coercion."  Do  you  ever  hear  a  Senator 
who  thus  talks  make  any  objection  to  the  exercise  of  unconstitu 
tional  and  tyrannical  power  by  the  so-called  Southern  Confederacy, 
or  say  a  word  against  its  practice  of  coercion  ?  In  all  the  speeches 
that  have  been  delivered  on  that  point,  has  one  sentence  against 
usurpation,  against  despotism,  against  the  exercise  of  doubtful  and 
unconstitutional  powers  by  that  confederacy,  been  uttered  ?  Oh,  no  1 
Have  you  heard  any  objection  to  their  practicing  not  only  coercion 
but  usurpation  ?  Have  they  not  usurped  government  ?  Have  they 
not  oppressed,  and  are  they  not  now  tyrannizing  over  the  people  ? 
The  people  of  my  State  are  coerced,  borne  down,  trodden  beneath 
the  iron  heel  of  power.  We  appeal  to  you  for  protection.  You 
stand  by  and  see  us  coerced  ;  you  stand  by  and  see  tyranny  triumph 
ing,  and  no  sympathy,  no  kindness,  no  helping  hand  can  be  extended 
to  us.  Your  Government  is  paralyzed  ;  your  Government  is  power 
less  ;  that  which  you  have  called  a  Government  is  a  dream,  an  idle 
thing.  You  thought  you  had  a  Government,  but  you  have  none. 
My  people  are  appealing  to  you  for  protection  under  the  Constitu 
tion.  They  are  arrested  by  hundreds  and  by  thousands ;  they  are 
dragged  away  from  their  homes  and  incarcerated  in  dungeons.  They 
ask  you  for  protection.  Why  do  you  not  give  it  ?  Some  of  them 
are  lying  chained  in  their  lowly  prison-house.  The  only  response  to 
their  murmur  is  the  rattling  and  clanking  of  the  chains  that  bind 


APPENDIX.  77 

their  limbs.  The  only  response  to  their  appeals  is  the  grating  of  the 
hinges  of  their  dungeon.  When  we  ask  for  help  under  the  Consti 
tution,  we  are  told  that  the  Government  has  no  power  to  enforce  the 
laws.  Our  people  are  oppressed  and  downtrodden,  and  you  give 
them  no  remedy.  They  were  taught  to  love  and  respect  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States.  What  is  their  condition  to-day  ?  They 
are  hunted  and  pursued  like  the  beasts  of  the  forest  by  the  secession 
and  disunion  hordes  who  are  enforcing  their  doctrine  of  coercion. 
They  are  shot  or  hung  for  no  crime  save  a  desire  to  stand  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Helpless  children  and  innocent 
females  are  murdered  in  cold  blood.  Our  men  are  hung  and  their 
bodies  left  upon  the  gibbet.  They  are  shot  and  left  lying  in  the  gorges 
of  mountains,  not  even  thrown  into  the  caves  there  to  lie,  but  are 
left  exposed  to  pass  through  all  tiie  loathsome  stages  of  decomposi 
tion,  or  to  be  devoured  by  the  birds  of  prey.  We  appeal  for  protec 
tion,  and  are  told  by  the  Senator  from  Indiana  and  others,  "  we  can 
not  enforce  the  laws  ;  we  are  against  the  entire  coercive  policy."  Do 
you  not  hear  their  groans  ?  Do  you  not  hear  their  cries  ?  Do  you 
not  hear  the  shrieks  of  oppressed  and  downtrodden  women  and 
children  ?  Sir,  their  tones  ring  out  so  loud  and  clear  that  even  lis 
tening  angels  look  from  heaven  in  pity. 

I  will  not  pursue  this  idea  further,  for  I  perceive  that  I  am  con 
suming  more  time  than  I  intended  to  occupy.  I  think  it  is  clear 
and  conclusive,  without  going  further  into  the  discussion,  that  the 
Senator  from  Indiana  has  sympathized  with  the  rebellion.  The  con 
clusion  is  fixed  upon  my  mind  that  the  Senator  from  Indiana  has 
disqualified  himself,  has  incapacitated  himself  to  discharge  the 
duties  in  this  body  of  a  loyal  Senator.  I  think  it  is  clear  that,  even 
if  we  were  a  court,  we  should  be  bound  to  convict  him ;  but  I  do 
not  narrow  the  case  down  to  the  close  rules  that  would  govern  a 
court  of  justice. 

But,  sir,  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  one  palliating  fact  was 
submitted  by  the  distinguished  Senator  from  New  Jersey  (Mr.  Ten 
Eyck),  and  he  knows  that  I  do  not  refer  to  him  in  any  spirit  of 
unkindness.  There  was  more  of  legal  learning  and  special  pleading 
in  his  suggestion  than  solidity  or  sound  argument.  He  suggested 
that  there  was  no  proof  that  this  letter  had  ever  been  delivered  to 
Jefferson  Davis,  and  that  therefore  the  Senator  from  Indiana  ought 
not  to  be  convicted.  Well,  sir,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  no  proof 
that  it  was  not  delivered.  It  is  true,  the  letter  was  found  in  Mr. 
Lincoln's  possession  ;  but  who  knows  that  Davis  did  not  read  the 
letter,  and  hand  it  back  to  Lincoln  ?  It  may  have  been  that,  being 
from  his  early  friend,  a  man  whom  he  respected,  Lincoln  desired  to 


78  APPENDIX. 

keep  the  letter  and  show  it  to  somebody  else.  We  have  as  much 
right  to  infer  that  the  letter  was  delivered  as  that  it  was  not ;  but 
be  that  as  it  may,  does  it  lessen  the  culpability  of  the  Senator  from 
Indiana  ?  He  committed  the  act,  and  so  far  as  he  was  concerned  it 
was  executed.  It  would  be  no  palliation  of  his  offence  if  the  man 
did  not  deliver  the  letter  to  Davis.  The  intent  and  the  act  were 
just  as  complete  as  if  it  had  been  delivered. 

During  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  in  1780,  Major  Andre,  a  British 
spy,  held  a  conference  with  Benedict  Arnold.  Arnold  prepared  his 
letters,  six  in  number,  and  they  were  handed  over  to  Major  Andre, 
who  put  them  between  the  soles  of  his  feet  and  his  stockings,  and  he 
started  on  his  way  to  join  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  Before  he  reached  his 
destination,  however,  John  Paulding  and  his  two  associates  arrested 
Major  Andre.  They  pulled  off  his  boots  and  his  stockings,  and  they 
got  the  papers;  they  kept  them,  and  Major  Andre"  was  tried  and 
hung  as  a  spy.  Arnold's  papers  were  not  delivered  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton ;  but  is  there  anybody  here  who  doubts  that  Arnold  was  a 
traitor?  Has  public  opinion  ever  changed  upon  that  subject?  He 
was  not  convicted  in  a  court,  nor  were  the  treasonable  dispatches 
which  were  to  expose  the  condition  of  West  Point,  and  make  the 
British  attack  upon  it  easy  and  successful,  ever  delivered  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  and  yet  AndrS  was  hung  as  a  spy.  Because  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  did  not  receive  the  treasonable  documents  was  the  guilt  of  Ben 
edict  Arnold  any  the  less  ?  I  do  not  intend  to  argue  this  question 
in  a  legal  way ;  I  simply  mention  this  circumstance  by  way  of  illus 
tration  of  the  point  which  has  been  urged  in  the  present  case,  and 
leave  it  for  the  public  judgment  to  determine. 

Sir,  it  has  been  said  by  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Delaware 
[Mr.  Saulsbury]  that  the  questions  of  controversy  might  all  have  been 
settled  by  compromise.  He  dealt  rather  extensively  in  the  party 
aspect  of  the  case,  and  seemingly  desired  to  throw  the  onus  of  the 
present  condition  of  affairs  entirely  on  one  side.  He  told  us  that  if 
so  and  so  had  been  done  these  questions  could  have  been  settled,  and 
that  now  there  would  have  been  no  war.  He  referred  particularly 
to  the  resolution  offered  during  the  last  Congress  by  the  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  [Mr.  Clark],  and  upon  the  vote  on  that  he  based  his 
argument.  I  do  not  mean  to  be  egotistical,  but  if  he  will  give  me 
his  attention  I  intend  to  take  the  staple  out  of  that  speech,  and  show 
how  much  of  it  is  left  on  that  point. 

The  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware  was  a  very  fine  one.  I 
have  not  the  power,  as  he  has,  to  con  over  and  get  by  rote,  and  mem 
orize  handsomely  rounded  periods,  and  make  a  great  display  of  rhet 
oric.  It  is  my  misfortune  that  I  am  not  so  skilled.  I  have  to  seize 


APPENDIX.  79 

on  fugitive  thoughts  as  they  pass  through  my  mind,  make  the  best 
application  of  them  I  can,  and  express  them  in  my  own  crude  way. 
I  am  not  one  of  those  who  prepare  rounding,  sounding,  bounding, 
rhetorical  flourishes,  read  them  over  twenty  times  before  I  come  into 
the  Senate  Chamber,  make  a  great  display,  and  have  it  said,  "  Oh, 
that  is  a  fine  ^speech  !"  I  have  heard  many  such  fine  speeches ;  but 
when  I  have  "had  time  to  follow  them  up,  I  have  found  that  it  never 
took  long  to  analyze  them,  and  reduce  them  to  th'eir  original  ele 
ments  ;  and  that  when  they  were  reduced,  there  was  not  very  much 
of  them.  [Laughter.] 

The  Senator  told  us  that  the  adoption  of  the  Clark  amendment  to 
the  Crittenden  resolutions  defeated  the  settlement  of  the  questions  of 
controversy ;  and  that,  but  for  that  vote,  all  could  have  been  peace 
and  prosperity  now.  We  were  told  that  the  Clark  amendment  de 
feated  the  Crittenden  compromise,  and  prevented  a  settlement  of  the 
controversy.  On  this  point  I  will  read  a  portion  of  the  speech  of 
my  worthy  and  talented  Mend  from  California  [Mr.  Latham],  and 
when  I  speak  of  him  thus,  I  do  it  in  no  unmeaning  sense.  I  intend 
that  he,  not  I,  shall  answer  the  Senator  from  Delaware.  I  know  that 
sometimes,  when  gentlemen  are  fixing  up  their  pretty  rhetorical  flour 
ishes,  they  do  not  take  time  to  see  all  the  sharp  corners  they  may 
encounter.  If  they  can  make  a  readable  sentence,  and  float  on  in  a 
smooth,  easy  stream,  all  goes  well,  and  they  are  satisfied.  As  I  have 
said,  the  Senator  from  Delaware  told  us  that  the  Clark  amendment 
was  the  turning-point  in  the  whole  matter ;  that  from  it  had  flowed 
rebellion,  revolution,  war,  the  shooting  and  imprisonment  of  people 
in  different  States— perhaps  he  meant  to  include  my  own.  This  was 
the  Pandora's  box  that  has  been  opened,  out  of  which  all  the  evils 
that  now  afflict  the  land  have  flown.  Thank  God,  I  still  have  hope 
that  all  will  yet  be  saved.  My  worthy  friend  from  California  [Mr. 
Latham],  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  made  one  of  the  best 
speeches  he  ever  made.  I  bought  five  thousand  copies  of  it  for  dis 
tribution,  but  I  had  no  constituents  to  send  them  to  [laughter] ;  and 
they  have  been  lying  in  your  document-room  ever  since,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few,  which  I  thought  would  do  good  in  some  quarters. 
In  the  course  of  that  speech,  upon  this  very  point,  he  made  use  of 
these  remarks : 

"  Mr.  President,  being  last  winter  a  careful  eye-witness  of  all  that 
occurred,  I  soon  became  satisfied  that  it  was  a  deliberate,  willful  de 
sign,  on  the  part  of  some  representatives  of  Southern  States,  to  seize 
upon  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  merely  as  an  excuse  to  precipitate 
this  revolution  upon  the  country.  One  evidence,  to  my  mind,  is  the 
fact  that  South  Carolina  never  sent  her  Senators  here." 


80  APPENDIX. 

Then  they  certainly  were  not  influenced  by  the  Clark  amendment. 

"  An  additional  evidence  is,  that  when  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  by 
their  votes,  could  have  controlled  legislation,  they  refused  to  cast 
them  for  fear  that  the  very  propositions  submitted  to  this  body  might 
have  an  influence  in  changing  the  opinions  of  their  constituencies. 
Why,  sir,  when  the  resolutions  submitted  by  the  Senator  from  New 
Hampshire  [Mr.  Clark]  were  offered  as  an  amendment  to  the  Critten- 
den  propositions,  for  the  manifest  purpose  of  embarrassing  the  latter, 
and  the  vote  taken  on  the  16th  of  January,  1861,  I  ask,  what  did  we 
see  ?  There  were  fifty-five  Senators  at  that  time  upon  this  floor  in 
person.  The  Globe  of  the  second  session,  Thirty-Sixth  Congress,  pail  1, 
page  409,  shows  that  upon  the  call  of  the  yeas  and  nays  immediately 
preceding  the  vote  on  the  substituting  of  Mr.  Clark's  amendment, 
there  were  fifty-five  votes  cast.  I  will  read  the  vote  from  the  Glole  : 

"YEAS — Messrs,  Anthony,  Baker,  Bingham,  Cameron,  Chandler, 
Clark,  Collamer,  Dixon,  Dooiittlo,  li::rkee,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster, 
Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  King,  Seward,  Simmons,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck, 
Trumbull,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wilson— 25. 

"  NAYS— Messrs.  Bayard,  Benjamin,  Bigler,  Bragg,  Bright,  Cling- 
man,  Crittenden,  Douglas,  Fitch,  Green,  Gwin,  Hemphill,  Hunter, 
Iverson,  Johnson  of  Arkansas,  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  Kennedy,  Lane, 
Latham,  Mason,  Nicholson,  Pearce,  Polk,  Powell,  Pugh,  Rice,  Sauls- 
bury,  Sebastian,  Slidell,  and  Wigfall— 30. 

"  The  vote  being  taken  immediately  after  on  the  Clark  proposition, 
was  as  follows : 

"YEAS — Messrs.  Anthony,  Baker,  Bingham,  Cameron,  Chandler, 
Clark,  Collamer,  Dixon,  Doolittle,  Durkee,  Fessenden,  Foot,  Foster, 
Grimes,  Hale,  Harlan,  King,  Seward,  Simmons,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck, 
Trumbull,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wilson— 25. 

"  NAYS— Messrs.  Bayard,  Bigler,  Bragg,  Bright,  Clingman,  Critten 
den,  Fitch,  Green,  GwTin,  Hunter,  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  Kennedy, 
Lane,  Latham,  Mason,  Nicholson,  Pearce,  Polk,  Powell,  Pugh,  Rice, 
Saulsbury,  and  Sebastian — 23. 

u  Six  Senators  retained  their  seats  and  refused  to  vote,  thus  them 
selves  allowing  the  Clark  proposition  to  supplant  the  Crittenden 
resolution  by  a  vote  of  twenty-five  to  twenty-three.  Mr.  Benjamin 
of  Louisiana,  Mr.  Hemphill  and  Mi1.  Wigfall,  of  Texas,  Mr.  Iversou 
of  Georgia,  Mr.  Johnson  of  Arkansas,  and  Mr.  Slidell  of  Louisiana, 
were  in  their  seats,  but  refused  to  cast  their  votes." 

I  sat  right  behind  Mr.  Benjamin,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  my  worthy 
friend  was  not  close  by,  when  he  refused  to  vote,  and  I  said  to  him, 
"Mr.  Benjamin,  why  do  you  not  vote?  Why  not  save  this  propo 
sition  and  see  if  we  cannot  bring  the  country  to  it  ?"  He  gave  me 
rather  an  abrupt  answer,  and  said  he  would  control  his  own  action 
without  consulting  me  or  anybody  else.  Said  I,  "  Vote,  and  show 
yourself  an  honest  man."  As  soon  as  the  vote  was  taken,  he  and 
others  telegraphed  South,  "  We  cannot  get  any  compromise."  Here 
were  six  southern  men  refusing  to  vote,  when  the  amendment  would 
have  been  rejected  by  four  majority  if  they  had  voted.  Who,  then, 


APPENDIX.  81 

has  brought  these  evils  on  the  country  ?  Was  it  Mr.  Clark  ?  He 
was  acting  out  his  own  policy ;  but  with  the  help  we  had  from  the 
other  side  of  the  Chamber,  if  all  those  on  this  side  had  been  true  to 
the  Constitution  and  faithful  to  their  constituents,  and  had  acted 
with  fidelity  to  the  country,  the  amendment  of  the  Senator  from 
New  Hampshire  could  have  been  voted  down,  the  defeat  of  which 
the  Senator  from  Delaware  says  would  have  saved  the  country. 
Whose  fault  was  it  ?  Who  is  responsible  for  it  ?  I  think  that  is  not 
only  getting  the  nail  through,  but  clinching  it  on  the  other  side,  and 
the  whole  staple  commodity  is  taken  out  of  the  speech.  Who  did 
it  ?  Southern  traitors,  as  was  said  in  the  speech  of  the  Senator  from 
California.  They  did  it.  They  wanted  no  compromise.  They  ac 
complished  their  object  by  withholding  their  votes;  and  hence  the 
country  has  been  involved  in  the  present  diiiiculty.  Let  me  rc^.d 
another  extract  from  this  speech  of  the  Senator  from  California  : 

"I  recollect  full  well  the  joy  that  pervaded  the  faces  of  some  of 
those  gentlemen  at  the  result,  and  the  sorrow  manifested  by  the  ven 
erable  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Crittenden].  The  record  shows 
that  Mr.  Pugh,  from  Ohio,  despairing  of  any  compromise  between 
the  extremes  of  ultra  Republicanism  and  disunionists,  working  mani 
festly  for  the  same  end,  moved,  immediately  after  the  vote  was  an 
nounced,  to  lay  the  whole  subject  on  the  table.  If  you  will  turn  to 
page  443,  same  volume,  you  will  find,  when,  at  a  late  period,  Mr. 
Cameron,  from  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  reconsider  the  vote,  appeals 
having  been  made  to  sustain  those  who  were  struggling  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  country,  that  the  vote  was  reconsidered  ;  and  when, 
at  last,  the  Crittenden  propositions  were  submitted  on  the  2d  day  of 
March,  these  Southern  States  having  nearly  all  seceded,  they  were 
then  lost  by  but  one  vote.  Here  is  the  vote : 

"YEAS  —  Messrs.  Bayard,  Bigler,  Bright,  Crittenden,  Douglas, 
Gwin,  Hunter,  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  Kennedy,  Lane,  Latham,  Ma 
son,  Nicholson,  Polk,  Pugh,  Rice,  Sebastian,  Thomson,  and  Wig- 
fall— 19. 

"NAYS  —  Messrs.  Anthony,  Bingham,  Chandler,  Clark,  Dixon, 
Doolittle,  Durkee,  Fessenden,  Foot.  Foster,  Grimes,  Harlan,  King, 
Morrill,  Sumner,  Ten  Eyck,  Trumbull,  Wade,  Wilkinson,  and  Wil 
son—  20. 

"•  If  these  seceding  Southern  Senators  had  remained,  there  would 
have  passed,  by  a  large  vote  (as  it  did  without  them),  an  amend 
ment,  by  a  two-third  vote,  forbidding  Congress  ever  interfering  with 
slavery  in  the  States.  The  Crittenden  proposition  would  have  been 
indorsed  by  a  majority  vote,  the  subject  finally  going  before  the 
people,  who  have  never  yet,  after  consideration,  refused  justice,  for 
any  length  of  time,  to  any  portion  of  the  country. 

"  I  believe  more,  Mr.  President,  that  these  gentlemen  were  acting 
in  pursuance  of  a  settled  and  fixed  plan  to  break  up  and  destroy  this 
Government." 


82  APPENDIX. 

When  we  had  it  in  our  power  to  vote  down  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  and  adopt  the  Crittenden  resolutions, 
certain  Southern  Senators  prevented  it ;  and  yet,  even  at  a  late  day 
of  the  session,  after  they  had  seceded,  the  Crittenden  proposition  was 
only  lost  by  one  vote.  If  rebellion  and  bloodshed  and  murder  have 
followed,  to  whose  skirts  does  the  responsibility  attach  ?  I  summed 
up  all  these  facts  myself  in  a  speech  during  the  last  session ;  but  I 
have  preferred  to  read  from  the  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Califor 
nia,  he  being  better  authority,  and  having  presented  the  facts  better 
than  I  could. 

What  else  was  done  at  the  very  same  session  ?  The  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  passed,  and  sent  to  this  body,  a  proposition  to  amend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  prohibit  Congress  from 
ever  hereafter  interfering  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States, 
making  that  restriction  a  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the  land.  That 
constitutional  amendment  came  here  after  the  Senators  from  seven 
States  had  seceded ;  and  yet  it  was  passed  by  a  two-third  vote  in  the 
Senate.  Have  you  ever  heard  of  any  one  of  the  States  which  had 
then  seceded,  or  which  has  since  seceded,  taking  up  that  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  and  saying  they  would  ratify  it,  and  make  it  a 
part  of  that  instrument  ?  No.  Does  not  the  whole  history  of  this 
rebellion  tell  you  that  it  was  revolution  that  the  leaders  wanted,  that 
they  started  for,  that  they  intended  to  have  ?  The  facts  to  which  I 
have  referred  show  how  the  Crittenden  proposition  might  have  been 
carried ;  and  when  the  Senators  from  the  slave  States  were  reduced 
to  one  fourth  of  the  members  of  this  body,  the  two  Houses  passed  a 
proposition  to  amend  the  Constitution,  so  as  to  guaranty  to  the 
States  perfect  security  in  regard  to  the  institution  of  slavery  in  all 
future  time,  and  prohibiting  Congress  from  legislating  on  the  subject. 

But  what  more  was  done  ?  After  southern  Senators  had  treacher 
ously  abandoned  the  Constitution  and  deserted  their  posts  here, 
Congress  passed  bills  for  the  organization  of  three  new  Territories, 
Dakota,  Nevada,  and  Colorado ;  and  in  the  sixth  section  of  each  of 
those  bills,  after  conferring,  affirmatively,  power  on  the  Territorial 
Legislature,  it  went  on  to  exclude  certain  powers  by  using  a  nega 
tive  form  of  expression ;  and  it  provided,  among  other  things,  that 
the  Legislature  should  have  no  power  to  legislate  so  as  to  impair  the 
right  to  private  property ;  that  it  should  lay  no  tax  discriminating 
against  one  description  of  property  in  favor  of  another  ;  leaving  the 
power  on  all  these  questions  not  in  the  Territorial  Legislature,  but  in 
the  people  when  they  should  come  to  form  a  State  constitution. 

Now,  I  ask,  taking  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  and  taking 
the  three  territorial  bills,  embracing  every  square  inch  of  territory  in 


APPENDIX.  83 

the  possession  of  the  United  States,  how  much  of  the  slavery  ques 
tion  was  left  ?  What  better  compromise  could  have  been  made  ? 
Still  we  are  told  that  matters  might  have  been  compromised,  and 
that  if  we  had  agreed  to  compromise,  bloody  rebellion  would  not 
now  be  abroad  in  the  land.  Sir,  Southern  Senators  are  responsible 
for  it.  They  stood  here  with  power  to  accomplish  the  result,  and 
yet  treacherously,  and,  I  may  say,  tauntingly,  they  left  this  Chamber, 
and  announced  that  they  had  dissolved  their  connection  with  the 
Government.  Then,  when  we  were  left  in  the  hands  of  those  whom 
we  had  been  taught  to  believe  would  encroach  upon  our  rights, 
they  gave  us,  in  the  constitutional  amendment  and  in  the  three  terri 
torial  bills,  all  that  had  ever  been  asked ;  and  yet  gentlemen  talk 
about  compromise.  Why  was  not  this  taken  and  accepted  ?  No ;  it 
was  not  compromise  that  the  leaders  wanted ;  they  wanted  power ; 
they  wanted  to  destroy  this  Government,  so  that  they  might  have 
place  and  emolument  for  themselves.  They  had  lost  confidence  in 
the  intelligence  and  virtue  and  integrity  of  the  people,  and  their 
capacity  to  govern  themselves ;  and  they  intended  to  separate  and 
form  a  government,  the  chief  corner-stone  of  which  should  be  slav 
ery,  disfranchising  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  of  which  we  have 
seen  constant  evidence,  and  merging  the  powers  of  government  in 
the  hands  of  the  few.  I  know  what  I  say.  I  know  their  feelings 
and  their  sentiments.  I  served  in  the  Senate  here  with  them.  I 
know  they  were  a  close  corporation,  that  had  no  more  confidence 
in  or  respect  for  the  people  than  has  the  Dey  of  Algiers.  I  fought 
that  close  corporation  here.  I  knew  that  they  were  no  friends 
of  the  people.  I  knew  that  Slidell  and  Mason  and  Benjamin  and 
Iverson  and  Toombs  were  the  enemies  of  free  government,  and  I 
know  so  now.  I  commenced  the  war  upon  them  before  a  State 
seceded ;  and  I  intend  to  keep  on  fighting  this  great  battle  before 
the  country  for  the  perpetuity  of  free  government.  They  seek  to 
overthrow  it,  and  to  establish  a  despotism  in  its  place.  That  is  the 
great  battle  which  is  upon  our  hands.  The  great  interests  of  civil 
liberty  and.  free  government  call  upon  every  patriot  and  every  lover 
of  popular  rights  to  come  forward  and  discharge  his  duty. 

We  see  this  great  struggle ;  we  see  that  the  exercise  of  the  vital 
principle  of  government  itself  is  denied  by  those  who  desire  our 
institutions  to  be  overthrown  and  despotism  established  on  their 
ruins.  If  we  have  not  the  physical  and  moral  courage  to  exclude 
from  our  midst  men  whom  we  believe  to  be  unsafe  depositors  of 
public  power  and  public  trust — men  whose  associates  were  rolling 
off  honeyed  accents  against  coercion,  and  are  now  in  the  traitor's 
camp— if  we  have  not  the  courage  to  force  these  men  from  our  midst, 


84  APPENDIX. 

because  we  have  known  them,  and  have  been  personal  friends  with 
them  for  years,  we  are  not  entitled  to  sit  here  as  Senators  ourselves. 
Can  you  expect  your  brave  men,  your  officers  and  soldiers  that  are 
now  in  "  the  tented  field,"  subject  to  all  the  hardships  and  privations 
pertaining  to  a  civil  war  like  this,  to  have  courage,  and  to  march  on 
with  patriotism  to  crush  treason  on  every  battle-field,  when  you  have 
not  the  courage  to  expel  it  from  your  midst  ?  Set  those  brave  men 
an  example  ;  say  to  them  by  your  acts  and  voice  that  you  evidence 
your  intention  to  put  down  traitors  in  the  field  by  ejecting  them 
from  your  midst,  without  regard  to  former  associations. 

I  do  not  say  these  things  in  unkindness.  I  say  them  in  obedience 
to  duty,  a  high  constitutional  duty  that  I  owe  to  my  country ;  yes, 
sir,  that  I  owe  to  my  wife  and  children.  By  your  failure  to  exercise 
'the  powers  of  this  Government,  by  your  failure  to  ?-Mbrce  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  I  am  separated  from  those  most  dear  to  me.  Pardon  me, 
sir,  for  this  personal  allusion.  My  wife  and  children  have  been  turned 
into  the  street,  and  my  house  has  been  turned  into  a  barracks,  and 
for  what  ?  Because  I  stand  by  the  Constitution  and  the  institutions 
of  the  country  that  I  have  been  taught  to  love,  respect,  and  venerate. 
This  is  my  offense.  Where  are  my  sons-in-law  ?  One  to-day  is  lying 
in  prison ;  another  is  forced  to  fly  to  the  mountains  to  evade  the  pur 
suit  of  the  hell-born  and  hell-bound  conspiracy  of  disunion  and  seces 
sion  ;  and  when  their  cries  come  up  here  to  you  for  protection,  we 
are  told,  "  No ;  I  am  against  the  entire  coercive  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment." 

The  speech  of  the  Senator  from  California  the  other  day  had  the 
effect  in  some  degree,  and  seemed  to  be  intended  to  give  the  question 
a  party  tinge.  If  I  know  myself— although,  as  I  avowed  before,  I 
am  a  Democrat,  and  expect  to  live  and  die  one — I  know  no  party  in 
this  great  struggle  for  the  existence  of  my  country.  The  argument 
presented  by  the  Senator  from  California  was,  that  we  need  not  be 
in  such  hot  pursuit  of  Mr.  Bright,  or  those  Senators  who  entertain 
his  sentiments,  who  are  still  here,  because  we  had  been  a  little  dila 
tory  in  expelling  other  traitorous  Senators  heretofore,  and  he  referred 
us  to  the  resolution  of  the  Senator  from  Maine  [Mr.  Fessenden], 
which  wa«  introduced  at  the  special  session  in  March  last,  declaring 
that  certain  Senators  having  withdrawn,  and  their  seats  having 
thereby  become  vacant,  the  Secretary  should  omit  their  names  from 
the  roll  of  the  Senate.  I  know  there  seemed  to  be  a  kind  of  timidity, 
a  kind  of  fear,  to  make  use  of  the  word  "  expel "  at  that  time ;  but 
the  fact  that  we  declared  the  seats  vacant,  and  stopped  there,  did 
not  preclude  us  from  afterwards  passing  a  vote  of  censure.  The  reso 
lution,  which  was  adopted  in  March,  merely  stated  the  fact  that  Sena- 


APPENDIX.  85 

ators  had  withdrawn,  and  left  their  seats  vacant.  At  the  next  session 
a  resolution  was  introduced  to  expel  the  other  Senators  from  the 
seceded  States  who  did  not  attend  in  the  Senate ;  and  my  friend 
[Mr.  Latham]  moved  to  strike  out  that  very  resolution  the  word 
'"  expelled,"  and  insert  "vacated;"  so  that  I  do  not  think  he  ought 
to  be  much  offended  at  it.  I  simply  allude  to  it  to  show  how  easy 
it  is  for  us  to  forget  the  surrounding  circumstances  that  influenced 
our  action  at  the  time  it  took  place.  We  know  that  a  year  ago  there 
was  a  deep  and  abiding  hope  that  the  rebellion  would  not  progress 
as  it  has  done ;  that  it  would  cease ;  and  that  there  might  be  circum 
stances  which,  at  one  time,  would  to  some  extent  justify  us  in  allow 
ing  a  wide  margin  which,  at  another  period  of  time,  would  be  wholly 
unjustifiable. 

All  this,  however,  amounts  to  nothing.  We  have  a  case  now  before 
us  that  requires  our  action,  and  we  should  act  upon  it  conscientiously 
in  view  of  the  facts  which  are  presented.  Because  we  neglected  to 
expel  traitors  before,  and  omitted  to  have  them  arrested,  and  per 
mitted  them  to  go  away  freely,  and  afterwards  declared  their  seats 
vacant  because  they  had  gone,  we  are  not  now  prevented  from  expel 
ling  a  Senator  who  is  not  worthy  to  be  in  the  Senate.  I  do  not  say 
that  other  traitors  may  not  be  punished  yet.  I  trust  in  God  the  time 
will  come,  and  that  before  long,  when  these  traitors  can  be  overtaken 
in  the  aggregate,  and  we  may  mete  out  to  them  condign  punishment, 
such  as  their  offense  deserves.  I  know  who  was  for  arresting  them. 
I  know  who  declared  their  conduct  to  be  treason.  Here  in  their 
midst  I  told  them  it  was  treason,  and  they  might  make  the  best  of  it 
they  could. 

Sir,  to  sum  up  the  argument,  I  think  there  is  but  little  in  the  point 
presented  by  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey,  of  there  being  no  proof 
of  the  reception  of  the  letter ;  and  I  think  I  have  extracted  the  staple 
commodity  entirely  out  of  the  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Delaware ; 
and  so  far  as  the  force  of  the  argument,  based  upon  the  Senate  hav 
ing  at  one  session  expelled  certain  members,  while  at  the  previous 
session  it  only  vacated  their  seats,  I  think  the  Senator  from  California 
answers  that  himself.  As  to  the  polished  and  ingenious  statement 
of  the  case  made  by  the  Senator  from  New  York  [Mr.  Harris],  I 
think  I  have  answered  that  by  putting  the  case  upon  a  different  basis 
from  that  presented  by  him,  and  which  seems  to  control  his  action. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  alluded  to  the  talk  about  compromise.  If  I 
know  myself,  there  is  no  one  who  desires  the  preservation  of  this 
Government  more  than  I  do ;  and  I  think  I  have  given  as  much 
evidence  as  mortal  man  could  give  of  my  devotion  to  the  Union. 
My  property  has  been  sacrificed ;  my  wife  and  children  have  been 


86  APPENDIX. 

turned  out  of  doors ;  my  sons  have  been  imprisoned  ;  my  son-in-law 
has  had  to  run  to  the  mountains ;  I  have  sacrificed  a  large  amount 
of  bonds  in  trying  to  give  some  evidence  of  my  devotion  to  the 
Government  under  which  I  was  raised.  I  have  attempted  to  show 
you  that  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  of  this  rebellion  there  was  no 
desire  to  compromise — compromise  was  not  what  they  wanted  ;  and 
now  the  great  issue  before  the  country  is  the  perpetuation  or  the 
destruction  of  free  Government.  I  have  shown  how  the  resolution 
of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Ciittendeu]  was  defeated,  and 
that  Southern  men  are  responsible  for  that  defeat— six  sitting  in 
their  places  and  refusing  to  vote.  His  proposition  was  only  lost  by 
two  votes  ;  and  in  the  end,  when  the  seceders  had  gone,  by  only  one. 
Well  do  I  remember,  as  was  described  by  the  Senator  from  California, 
the  sadness,  the  gloom,  the  anguish  that  played  over  his  venerable 
face  when  the  result  was  announced ;  and  I  went  across  the  Cham 
ber,  and  told  him  that  here  were  men  refusing  to  vote,  and  that  to 
me  was  administered  a  rebuke  by  one  of  them  for  speaking  to  him 
on  the  subject. 

Now,  the  Senator  from  Delaware  tells  us  if  that  compromise  had 
been  made,  all  these  consequences  would  have  been  avoided.  It  is  a 
mere  pretense  ;  it  is  false.  Their  object  was  to  overturn  the  Govern 
ment,  If  they  could  not  get  the  control  of  this  Government,  they 
were  willing  to  divide  the  country  and  govern  a  part  of  it.  Talk 
not  of  compromise  now.  What,  sir,  compromise  with  traitors  with 
arms  in  their  hands  ?  Talk  about  "our  Southern  brethren "  when 
they  lay  their  swords  at  your  throat  and  their  bayonets  at  your 
bosoms  ?  Is  this  a  time  to  talk  about  compromise  ?  Let  me  say, 
and  I  regret  I  have  to  say  it,  that  there  is  but  one  way  to  compro 
mise  this  matter,  and  that  is  to  crush  the  leaders  of  this  rebellion 
and  put  down  treason.  You  have  got  to  subdue  them ;  you  have 
got  to  conquer  them  ;  and  nothing  but  the  sacrifice  of  life  and  blood 
will  do  it.  The  issue  is  made.  The  leaders  of  rebellion  have  decreed 
eternal  separation  between  you  and  them.  Those  leaders  must  be 
conquered,  and  a  new  set  of  men  brought  forward  who  are  to  vitalize 
and  develop  the  Union  feeling  in  the  South.  You  must  show  your 
courage  here  as  Senators,  and  impart  it  to  those  who  are  in  the  field. 
If  you  were  to  compromise  they  would  believe  that  they  could  whip 
you  one  to  five,  and  you  could  not  live  in  peace  six  months,  or  even 
three  months.  Settle  the  question  now;  settle  it  well;  settle  it 
finally  ;  crush  out  the  rebellion  and  punish  the  traitors.  I  want  to 
see  peace,  and  I  believe  that  is  the  shortest  way  to  get  it,  Blood 
must  be  shed,  life  must  be  sacrificed,  and  you  may  as  well  begin  at 
first  as  last.  I  only  regret  that  the  Government  has  been  so  tardy  in 


APPENDIX.  87 

its  operations.  I  wish  the  issue  had  been  met  sooner.  I  believe 
that  if  we  had  seen  as  much  in  the  beginning  as  we  see  to-day,  this 
rebellion  would  have  been  wound  up  and  peace  restored  to  the  land 
by  this  time. 

But  let  us  go  on  ;  let  us  encourage  the  Army  and  the  Navy ;  let 
us  vote  the  men  and  the  means  necessary  to  vitalize  and  to  bring 
into  requisition  the  enforcing  and  coercive  power  of  the  Govern 
ment  ;  let  us  crush  out  the  rebellion,  and  anxiously  look  forward  to 
the  day — God  grant  it  may  come  soon — when  that  baneful  comet  of 
fire  and  of  blood  that  now  hovers  over  this  distracted  people  may 
be  chased  away  by  the  benignant  star  of  peace.  Let  us  look  for 
ward  to  the  time  when  we  can  take  the  flag,  the  glorious  .flag  of 
our  country,  and  nail  it  below  the  cross,  and  there  let  it  wave  as  it 
waved  in  the  olden  time,  and  let  us  gather  around  it,  and  inscribe 
as  our  motto,  "  Liberty  and  Union,  one  and  inseparable,  now  and 
forever."  Let  us  gather  around  it,  and  'while  it  hangs  floating 
beneath  the  cross,  let  us  exclaim,  "  Christ  first,  our  country  next !" 
Oh,  how  gladly  rejoiced  I  should  be  to  see  the  dove  returning  to  the 
ark  with  the  fig  leaf,  indicating  that  land  was  found,  and  that  the 
mighty  waters  had  abated.  I  trust  the  time  will  soon  come  when 
we  can  do  as  they  did  in  the  olden  times,  when  the  stars  sang 
together  in  the  morning  and  all  creation  proclaimed  the  glory  of 
God.  Then  let  us  do  our  duty  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  councils  of 
the  nation,  and  thereby  stimulate  our  brave  officers  and  soldiers  to 
theirs  in  the  field. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Senate  much 
longer  than  I  intended.  In  view  of  the  whole  case,  without  personal 
unkind  feeling  towards  the  Senator  from  Indiana,  I  am  of  opinion 
that  duty  to  myself,  duty  to  my  family,  duty  to  the  Constitution, 
duty  to  the  country,  obedience  to  the  public  judgment,  require  me 
to  cast  my  vote  to  expel  Mr.  Bright  from  the  Senate,  and  when  the 
occasion  arrives  I  shall  so  record  my  vote. 


PRESIDENT    JOHNSON'S    OPINIONS    ON    THE    USE    OF 

ARDENT   SPIRITS. 

The  New  York  Observer  contained  the  following  communication 
conveying  President  Johnson's  opinions  on  the  use  of  ardent  spirits  : 

SOUTH  RALSTON,  SARATOGA  Co.,  April  29,  1865. 
MESSRS.  EDITORS, — In  1833  I  visited  ex-President  Madison,  who 
signed  the  declaration  below.     On  my  return  from  Virginia,  I  called 


88  APPENDIX. 

on  President  Jackson  and  ex-President  Adams.  They  added  their 
signatures.  The  declaration  is  on  parchment.  Every  succeeding 
President  has  added  his  name  except  President  Harrison.  He  died 
before  I  had  time  to  forward  it ;  but  that  he  would  have  signed  it  I 
have  no  doubt,  had  he  lived,  as  I  was  given  to  understand,  after  his 
death,  that  he  had  abandoned  his  interest  in  a  distillery,  from  prin 
ciple President  Johnson  has  now  returned  the  document  to 

jne  with  his  autograph. 

Yours,  truly,  EDWARD   C.   DELAVAN. 

PRESIDENTIAL   DECLARATION. 

Being  satisfied  from  observation  and  experience,  as  well  as  from 
medical  testimony,  that  ardent  spirits,  as  a  drink,  is  not  only  need 
less,  bat  hurtful ;  and  that  the  entire  disuse  of  it  would  tend  to 
promote  the  health,  the-  virtue,  and  the  happiness  of  the  commu 
nity,  we  hereby  express  our  conviction,  that  should  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  and  especially  the  young  men,  discontinue  entirely 
the  use  of  it,  they  would  not  only  promote  their  own  personal  bene 
fit,  but  the  good  of  our  country  and  the  world. 

JAMES  MADISON,  FRANKLIN  PIERCE,  ZACHARY  TAYLOR, 

JOHN  Q.  ADAMS,  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  JAMES  K.  POLK, 

JOHN  TYLER,  ANDREW  JACKSON,  JAMES  BUCHANAN, 

MlLLARD  FlLLMORE,  M.  VAN  BUREN,  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


THE  HOME  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

REV.  RANDALL  Ross,  Chaplain  of  the  Fifteenth  Ohio  regiment, 
writes  an  interesting  letter  to  the  United  Presbyterian,  descriptive 
of  the  village  of  Greenville,  East  Tenn.,  the  home  of  President  John 
son.  The  place  contains  only  about  one  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
consists  of  four  squares,  with  streets  running  through  at  right  angles. 

Many  years  ago,  on  a  certain  evening,  a  rude,  black-headed,  black- 
eyed,  good-looking  boy,  said  my  informant,  drove  into  town  with  a 
poor  old  horse  in  a  little  one-horse  vehicle,  in  which  he  had  his 
mother  and  a  few  household  things.  They  succeeded  in  securing  a 
bumble  habitation  by  rent.  This  secured,  the  next  object  was  to 
secure  labor  by  which  to  live.  He  began  to  inquire  for  tailoring  to 


APPENDIX.  89 

do.  His  youthful  appearance  made  it  seem  to  be  somewhat  of  a 
risk  to  put  cloth  in  his  hands.  His  honest  appearance,  together 
Math  his  anxiety  to  obtain  work,  however,  induced  an  influential 
citizen  to  give  him  a  coat  to  make  for  himself,  with  the  advice  to  do 
his  best  on  it,  and  if  he  made  a  good  job  of  it  he  then  would  have 
no  difficulty  in  getting  work.  He  did  his  best ;  he  succeeded  with 
the  job,  and  he  began  immediately  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the 
public  and  to  get  plenty  to  do. 

This  was  the  first  appearance  of  Andrew  Johnson  in  Greenville, 
Tenn.,  and  this  was  the  first  job  of  work  he  did  on  his  own  respon 
sibility.  The  first  house  he  lived  in,  I  was  told,  is  not  now  standing. 
He  was  industrious  and  attentive  to  business,  and  he  succeeded  well. 
In  process  of  time  he  was  married.  The  marriage  ceremony  was 
performed  by  Mordecai  Lincoln,  Esq.,  said  to  be  a  distant  relation 
of  the  late  President  Lincoln.  The  house  in  which  he  was  married 
has  been  removed.  At  this  time,  my  informant  told  me,  Andrew 
Johnson  could  not  read,  and  was  taught  to  read  by  his  wife  after 
their  marriage.  Things  prospered  with  him,  and  in  due  time  he 
became  able  to  own  his  own  house  and  lot. 

Just  down  there  at  the  base  of  this  hill  stands  a  small  brick  build 
ing,  with  a  back  porch,  and  around  it  the  necessary  fixtures.  It 
stands  on  the  corner  of  the  square,  near  where  the  mill  race  passes 
under  the  street  on  its  way  down  to  the  little  mill. 

That  is  the  first  house  ever  Andrew  Johnson  owned.  It  now 
belongs  to  another  person.  I  sit,  and  almost  directly  opposite  the 
mill,  whose  large  wheel  is  still  moving,  but  whose  motion  is  scarcely 
perceptible,  you  will  see  a  rather  humble,  old-fashioned  looking  two- 
story  brick  house,  standing  near  the  south  end  of  Main  Street.  It 
has  but  one  entrance  from  the  street.  In  front  of  it  stand  three  or 
four  small  shade  trees.  The  fences  of  the  lot  and  windows  of  the 
house  show  evident  signs  of  dilapidation,  the  consequences  of  rebel 
lion  and  of  rebel  rule.  Like  many  other  windows  in  the  South,  a 
number  of  panes  of  glass  are  broken  out  and  their  places  supplied 
with  paper.  Glass  could  not  be  obtained  in  the  Confederacy.  As 
you  pass  along  the  pavement  on  Main  Street,  by  looking  into  the 
lot  you  see  several  young  apple  trees,  and  in  the  spaces  between  two 
of  them  are  potatoes  growing.  In  the  rear  of  the  kitchen  stands  a 
small  aspen  shade  tree,  and  down  there  in  the  lower  end  of  the  lot 
is  a  grape  vine,  trained  upon  a  trellis,  forming  a  pleasant  bower. 
Scattered  over  the  lot  are  a  number  of  rose,  currant,  and  gooseberry 
bushes.  At  the  lower  end  of  the  lot,  and  just  ouside,  stand  two 
large  weeping  willows,  and  under  their  shade  is  a  very  beautiful 
spring.  This  is  the  residence  of  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
32 


90  APPENDIX. 

United  States.  Up  the  street  stands  his  former  tailor  shop,  with  the 
old  sign  still  on  it.  And  in  an  old  store  room  up  the  street  is  the 
remains  of  his  library.  At  present  it  consists  principally  of  law 
books  and  public  documents,  most  of  his  most  valuable  books  hav 
ing  been  destroyed  by  the  rebel  soldiers. 


ORDER  RELATING  TO  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE 
FREEDMEN. 

Previous  to  leaving  on  his  Southern  tour,  General  Howard,  of  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  received  the  following  order  from  the  President, 
which  will  sufficiently  explain  the  objects  of  his  visit : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 
WASHINGTON,  October  9,  1865. 

GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  145. —  Whereas,  Certain  tracts  of  land  situ 
ated  on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Florida,  at  the 
time  for  the  most  part  vacant,  were  set  apart  by  Major-General  Sher 
man's  Special  Field  Orders,  No.  15,  for  the  benefit  of  refugees  and 
freedmen  that  had  congregated  by  operations  of  war,  or  had  been 
left  to  take  care  of  themselves  by  their  former  owners  ;  and 

Whereas,  An  expectation  was  thereby  created  that  they  would  be 
able  to  retain  possession  of  said  lands  ;  and  whereas,  a  large  number 
of  the  former  owners  are  earnestly  soliciting  the  restoration  of  the 
same,  and  promising  to  absorb  the  labor  and  care  of  the  freedmen, 
it  is  ordered  that  Major-General  Howard,  Commissioner  of  the  Bureau 
of  Refugees,  Freedmen  and  Abandoned  Lands,  proceed  to  the  seve 
ral  above-named  States  and  endeavor  to  effect  an  arrangement 
mutually  satisfactory  to  the  freedmen  and  the  landowners,  and  make 
a  report,  and,  in  case  a  mutually  satisfactory  arrangement  can  be 
effected,  he  is  duly  empowered  and  directed  to  issue  such  orders  as 
may  become  necessary  after  a  full  and  careful  investigation  of  the 
interests  of  the  parties  concerned. 

By  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 


SPEECH  TO  THE  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 

On  Tuesday,  October  10,  the  First  District  of  Columbia  colored 
regiment  marched  to  the  Executive  mansion,  where  it  was  reviewed 
by  the  President,  who  addressed  the  soldiers  as  follows  : 

MY  FRIENDS  :  My  object  in  presenting  myself  before  you  on  this 


APPENDIX.  91 

occasion  is  simply  to  thank  you,  members  of  one  of  the  colored  regi 
ments  which  has  been  in  the  service  of  the  country  to  sustain  and 
carry  its  banner  and  its  laws  triumphantly  in  every  part  of  this 
broad  land.  I  repeat  that  I  appear  before  you  on  the  present  occa 
sion  merely  to  tender  you  my  thanks  for  the  compliment  you  have 
paid  me  on  your  return  home  to  again  be  associated  with  your  friends 
and  your  relations  and  those  you  hold  most  sacred  and  dear.  I 
repeat,  I  have  little  to  say,  it  being  unusual  in  this  Government  and 
in  most  other  governments  to  have  colored  troops  engaged  in  their 
service,  ^ou  have  gone  forth,  as  events  have  shown,  and  served 
with  patience  and  endurance  in  the  cause  of  your  country.  This  is 
your  country  as  well  as  anybody  else's  country.  [Cheers.]  This  is 
the  country  in  which  you  expect  to  live  and  in  which  you  should 
expect  to  do  something  by  your  example  in  civil  life,  as  you  have 
done  in  the  field.  This  country  is  founded  upon  the  principles  o.f 
equality?  and  at  the  same  time  the  standard  by  which  persons  are  to 
be  estimated  is  according  to  their  merit  and  their  worth  ;  and  you 
have  observed,  no  doubt,  that  for  him  who  does  his  duty  faithfully 
and  honestly  there  is  always  a  just  public  judgment  that  will  appre 
ciate  and  measure  out  to  him  his  proper  reward.  I  know  that  there 
is  much  well  calculated  in  this  Government,  and  since  the  late  rebel 
lion  commenced,  to  excite  the  white  against  the  black  and  the  black 
against  the  white  man ;  there  are  things  you  should  all  understand 
and  at  the  same  time  prepare  yourselves  for  what  is  before  you.  Upon 
the  return  of  peace  and  the  surrender  of  the  enemies  of  the  country, 
it  should  be  the  duty  of  every  patriot  and  every  one  who  calls  him 
self  a  Christian,  to  remember  that  with  the  termination  of  the  war 
his  resentments  should  cease,  that  angry  feelings  should  subside,  and 
that  every  man  should  become  calm  and  tranquil,  and  be  prepared 
for  what  is  before  him.  This  is  another  part  of  your  mission.  You 
have  been  engaged  in  the  effort  to  sustain  your  country  in  the  past, 
but  the  future  is  more  important  to  you  than  the  period  in  which 
you  have  just  been  engaged.  One  great  question  has  been  settled 
in  this  Government,  and  that  is  the  question  of  slavery.  The  insti 
tution  of  slavery  made  war  against  the  United  States,  and  the  United 
States  has  lifted  its  strong  arm  in- vindication  of  the  Government 
and  of  free  government,  and  on  lifting  that  arm  and  appealing  to 
the  God  of  battles,  it  has  been  decided  that  the  institution  of  slavery 
must  go  down.  [Cheers.]  This  has  been  done,  and  the  Goddess 
of  Liberty,  in  bearing  witness  over  many  of  our  battlefields  since 
the  struggle  commenced,  has  made  her  loftiest  flight,  and  proclaimed 
that  true  liberty  has  been  established  upon  a  more  permanent  and 


92  APPENDIX. 

enduring  basis  than  heretofore.  [Applause.]  But  this  is  not  all ; 
and  as  you  have  paid  me  the  compliment  to  call  upon  me,  I  shall 
take  the  privilege  of  saying  one  or  two  words  as  I  am  before  you. 
I  repeat  that  it  is  not  all.  Now,  when  the  sword  is  returned  to  the 
scabbard,  when  your  arms  are  reversed  and  the  olive  branch  of  peace 
is  extended,  as  I  remarked  before,  resentment  and  revenge  should 
subside.  Then  what  is  to  follow  ?  You  do  understand,  no  doubt, 
and  if  you  do  not,  you  cannot  understand  too  soon,  4,hat  simple 
liberty  does  not  mean  the  privilege  of  going  into  the  battlefield,  or 
into  the  service  of  the  country  as  a  soldier.  It  means  other  things 
as  well ;  and  now  when  you  have  laid  down  your  arms  there  are 
other  objects  of  equal  importance  before  you.  Now  that  the  Gov 
ernment  has  triumphantly  passed  through  this  mighty  "rebellion, 
after  the  most  gigantic  battles  the  world  ever  saw,  the  problem  is 
before  you,  and  it  is  best  that  you  should  understand  it ;  and  there 
fore  I  speak  simply  and  plainly.  Will  you  now,  when  you  have 
returned  from  the  army  of  the  United  States  and  taken  the  position 
of  the  citizen  ;  when  you  have  returned  to  the  avocations  of  peace, 
will  you  give  evidence  to  the  world  that  you  are  capable  and  com 
petent  to  govern  yourselves  ?  That  is  what  you  will  have  to  do. 
Liberty  is  not  a  mere  idea,  a  mere  vagary.  It  is  an  idea,  or  it  is  a 
reality ;  and  when  you  come  to  examine  this  question  of  liberty, 
you  will  not  be  mistaken  in  a  mere  idea  for  the  reality.  It  does  not 
consist  in  idleness.  Liberty  does  not  consist  in  being  worthless. 
Liberty  does  not  consist  in  doing  all  things  as  we  please,  and  there 
can  be  no  liberty  without  law.  In  a  government  of  freedom  and  of 
liberty  there  must  be  law,  and  there  must  be  obedience  and  submis 
sion  to  the  law,  without  regard  to  color.  [Cheers.]  Liberty  (and 
may  I  not  call  you  my  countrymen) — liberty  consists  in  the  glorious 
privilege  of  work— of  pursuing  the  ordinary  avocations  of  peace 
with  industry  and  with  economy ;  j  and  that  being  done,  all  those 
who  have  been  industrious  and  economical  are  permitted  to  appro 
priate  and  enjoy  the  products  of  their  own  labor.  [Cheers.]  This 
is  one  of  the  great  blessings  of  freedom ;  and  hence  we  might  ask 
the  question  and  answer  it  by  stating  that  liberty  means  freedom  to 
work  and  enjoy  the  products  of  your  own  labor.  You  will  soon  be 
mustered  out  of  the  ranks.  It  is  for  you  to  establish  the  great  fact 
that  you  are  fit  and  qualified  to  be  free.  Hence  freedom  is  not  a 
mere  idea,  but  is  something  that  exists  in  fact.  Freedom  is  not 
simply  the  privilege  to  live  in  idleness ;  liberty  does  not  mean 
simply  to  resort  to  the  low  saloons  and  other  places  of  disreputable 
character.  Freedom  and  liberty  do  not  mean  that  the  people 


APPENDIX.  93 

ought  to  live  in  licentiousness ;'  but  liberty  means  simply  to  be  indus 
trious,  to  be  virtuous,  to  be  upright  in  all  our  dealings  and  relations 
with  menj;  and  those  now  before  me,  members  of  the  First  Regiment 
of  Colored  Volunteers  from  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  capital 
of  the  United  States,  I  have  to  say  that  a  great  deal  depends  upon 
yourselves.  You  must  give  evidence  that  you  are  competent  for  the 
rights  that  the  Government  has  guaranteed  to  you.  Henceforth 
each  and  all  of  you  must  be  measured  according  to  your  merit.  If 
one  man  is  more  meritorious  than  the  other,  they  cannot  be  equals  ; 
and  he  is  the  most  exalted  that  is  the  most  meritorious,  without 
regard  to  color.  And  the  idea  of  having  a  law  passed  in  the  morn 
ing  that  will  make  a  white  man  a  black  man  before  night,  and  a 
black  man  a  white  man  before  day,  is  absurd.  That  is  not  the 
standard.  It  is  your  own  conduct ;  it  is  your  own  merit ;  it  is  the 
development  of  your  own  talents  and  of  your  own  intellectuality 
and  moral  qualities.  HCet  this  then  be  your  course  :  adopt  a  system 
of  morality ;  abstain  from  all  licentiousness.  •  And  let  me  say  one 
thing  here,  for  I  am  going  to  talk  plain.  I  have  lived  in  a  Southern 
State  all  my  life,  and  know  what  has  too  often  been  the  case.  There 
is  one  thing  you  should  esteem  higher  and  more  supreme  than 
almost  all  others,  and  that  is  the  solemn  contract,  with  all  the  penal 
ties,  in  the  association  of  married  life.  Men  and  women  should 
abstain  from  those  qualities  and  habits  that  too  frequently  follow  a 
war.  Inculcate  among  your  children  and  among  your  associations, 
notwithstanding  you  are  just  back  from  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  that  virtue,  that  merit,  that  intelligence  are  the  standards  to 
be  observed,  and  those  which  you  are  determined  to  maintain  during 
your  future  lives.  This  is  the  way  to  make  white  men  black  and 
black  men  white.  [Cheers.]  fUe  that  is  most  meritorious  and  vir 
tuous,  and  intellectual  and  well-informed,  must  stand  highest,  with 
out  regard  to  colorj^  It  is  the  very  basis  upon  which  Heaven  rests 
itself.  Each  individual  takes  his  degree  in  the  sublimer  and  more 
exalted  regions  in  proportion  to  his  merits  and  his  virtue.  Then  I 
shall  say  to  you  on  this  occasion — in  returning  to  your  homes  and 
firesides,  after  feeling  conscious  and  proud  of  having  faithfully  dis 
charged  your  duty,  returning  with  the  determination  that  you  will 
perform  your  duty  in  the  future  as  you  have  in  the  past — abstain 
from  all  those  bickerings  and  jealousies,  and  revengeful  -  feelings 
which  too  often  spring  up  between  different  races.  There  is  a  great 
problem  before  us,  and  I  may  as  well  allude  to  it  here  in  this  con 
nection,  and  that  is  whether  this  race  can  be  incorporated  and  mixed 
with  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  be  made  a  harmonious  and 


94  APPENDIX. 

permanent  ingredient  in  the  population.  This  is  a  problem  not  yet 
settled,  but  we  are  in  the  right  line  to  do  so.  Slavery  raised  its 
head  against  the  Government,  and  the  Government  raised  its  strong 
arm  and  struck  it  to  the  ground.  So  that  part  of  the  problem  is 
settled  ;  the  institution  of  slavery  is  overthrown.  But  another  part 
remains  to  be  solved,  and  that  is  :  Can  four  millions  of  people,  raised 
as  they  have  been  with  all  the  prejudices  of  the  whites,  can  they 
take  their  places  in  the  community  and  be  made  to  work  harmo 
niously  and  congruously  in  our  system  ?  This  is  a  problem  to  be 
considered.  Are  the  digestive  powers  of  the  American  Government 
sufficient  to  receive  this  element  in  a  new  shape,  and  digest  it,  and 
make  it  work  healthfully  upon  the  system  that  has  incorporated  it  ? 
This  is  the  question  to  be  determined.  Let  us  make  the  experiment, 
and  make  it  in  good  faith.  If  that  cannot  be  done,  there  is  another 
problem  before  us.  If  we  have  to  become  a  separate  and  distinct 
people  (although  I  trust  that  the  system  can  be  made  to  work  har 
moniously,  and  that  the  great  problem  will  be  settled  without  going 
any  further)  ;  if  it  should  be  so  that  the  two  races  cannot  agree  and 
live  in  peace  and  prosperity,  and  the  laws  of  Providence  require 
that  they  should  be  separated,  in  that  event,  looking  to  the  far-dis 
tant  future,  and  trusting  that  it  may  never  come  ;  if  it  should  come, 
Providence,  that  works  mysteriously,  but  unerringly  and  certainly, 
will  point  out  the  way  and  the  mode  and  the  manner  by  which  these 
people  are  to  be  separated,  and  they  are  to  be  taken  to  their  lands 
of  inheritance  and  promise — for  such  a  one  is  before  them.  Hence 
we  are  making  the  experiment.  Hence,  let  me  impress  upon  you 
the  importance  of  controlling  your  passions,  developing  your  intel 
lect  and  of  applying  your  physical  powers  to  the  industrial  interests 
of  the  country  ;  and  that  is  the  true  process  by  which  this  question 
can  be  settled.  Be  patient,  persevering  and  forbearing,  and  you 
will  help  to  solve  the  problem.  Make  for  yourselves  a  reputation  in 
this  cause,  as  you  have  won  for  yourselves  a  reputation  in  the  cause 
in  which  you  have  been  engaged.  In  speaking  to  the  members  of 
this  regiment  I  want  them  to  understand  that,  so  far  as  I  am  con 
cerned,  I  do  not  assume  or  pretend  that  I  am  stronger  than  the  laws, 
of  course,  of  nature,  or  that  I  am  wiser  than  Providence  itself.  It 
is  our  duty  to  try  and  discover  what  those  great  laws  are  which  are 
at  the  foundation  of  all  things ;  and,  having  discovered  what  they 
are,  conform  our  actions  and  our  conduct  to  them  and  to  the  will  of 
God,  who  ruleth  all  things.  He  holds  the  destinies  of  nations  in 
the  palm  of  His  hand,  and  He  will  solve  the  question  and  rescue 
thess  people  from  the  difficulties  that  have  so  long  surrounded  them. 


APPENDIX.  95 

Then  let  us  be  patient,  industrious,  and  persevering.  Let  us  develop 
any  intellectual  and  moral  worth.  I  trust  what  I  have  said  may  be 
understood  and  appreciated.  Go  to  your  homes  and  lead  peaceful, 
prosperous,  and  happy  lives,  in  peace  with  all  men.  Give  utterance 
to  no  word  that  would  cause  dissensions,  but  do  that  which  will  be 
creditable  to  yourselves  and  to  your  country.  To  the  officers  who 
have  led  and  so  nobly  commanded  you  in  the  field,  I  also  return  my 
thanks  for  the  compliment  you  have  conferred  upon  me. 

The  troops  then  returned  to  Campbell  Hospital,  where  they  par 
took  of  the  abundant  hospitalities  of  their  colored  fellow  citizens. 


THE   PRESIDENT   PAROLES   ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS 
AND  OTHERS. 

ORDER. 

WASHINGTON,  Wednesday,  Oct.  11,  1865. 

Whereas,  The  following-named  persons,  to  wit :  John  A.  Camp 
bell,  of  Alabama,  John  H.  Reagan,  of  Texas,  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
of  Georgia,  George  A.  Trenholm,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Charles 
Clark,  of  Mississippi,  lately  engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  United 
States  Government,  who  are  now  in  close  custody,  have  made  their 
submission  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States  and  applied  to  the 
President  for  pardon  under  his  proclamation  ;  and 

Whereas,  The  authority  of  the  Federal  Government  is  sufficiently 
restored  in  the  aforesaid  States  to  admit  of  the  enlargement  of  said 
persons  from  close  custody,  it  is  ordered  that  they  be  released  on 
giving  their  respective  paroles  to  appear  at  such  time  and  place  as 
the  President  may  designate,  to  answer  any  charge  that  he  may 
direct  to  be  preferred  against  them ;  and  also  that  they  will  respect 
ively  abide,  until  further  orders,  in  the  places  herein  designated,  and 
not  depart  therefrom  :  John  A.  Campbell,  in  the  State  of  Alabama  ; 
John  H.  Reagan,  in  the  State  of  Texas  ;  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  in 
the  State  of  Georgia ;  George  A.  Trenholm,  in  the  State  of  South 
Carolina,  and  Charles  Clark  in  the  State  of  Mississippi.  And  if  the 
President  should  grant  his  pardon  to  any  of  said  persons,  such  per 
son's  parole  will  thereby  be  discharged. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President. 


PROCLAMATION  RESCINDING  MARTIAL  LAW  IN 
KENTUCKY. 

WASHINGTON,  Thursday,  October  12,  1865. 
Whereas,  By  a  proclamation  of  the  oth  day  of  July,  1864,  the  Presi- 


96  APPENDIX. 

dent  of  the  United  States,  when  the  civil  war  was  flagrant,  and  when 
combinations  were  in  progress  in  Kentucky  for  the  purpose  of  incit 
ing  insurgent  raids  into  that  State,  directed  that  the  proclamation 
suspending  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  should  be  made 
effectual  in  Kentucky,  and  that  martial  law  should  be  established 
there  and  continue  until  said  proclamation  should  be  revoked  or  mod 
ified  ;  and  whereas,  since  then,  the  danger  from  insurgent  raids  into 
Kentucky  has  substantially  passed  away ;  now,  therefore,  be  it  known 
that  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  by  virtue  of 
the  authority  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution,  do  hereby  declare 
that  the  said  proclamation  of  the  fifth  day  of  July,  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty-four,  shall  be  and  is  hereby  modified  in  so 
far  that  martial  law  shall  be  no  longer  in  force  in  Kentucky  from  and 
after  the  date  hereof. 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 

seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  City  of  Washington  this  12th  day  of  October,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five, 
[LI.  s.]       and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  the  ninetieth. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
By  the  President : 

W.  HUNTER,  Acting  Secretary  of  State. 


INTERESTING  INTERVIEW  OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA  DELE 
GATION  WITH  THE  PRESIDENT— IMPORTANT  VIEWS. 

On  the  afternoon  of  October  13th,  Judge  Wardlow,  Alfred  Huger, 
Colonel  Dawkins  and  W.  H.  Trescott  of  South  Carolina,  had  an  in 
terview  with  President  Johnson : 

The  PRESIDENT,  after  the  customary  preliminaries  of  reception, 
invited  them  to  be  seated,  when  at  once  the  conversation  commenced 
by  Judge  Wardlow  informing  him  that  they  were  a  delegation  from 
the  State  Convention  of  South  Carolina,  sent  there  to  present  certain 
memorials  of  that  body.  These  memorials  had  been  very  carefully 
considered  in  the  Convention,  and  he  believed  they  told  exactly  the 
truth.  The  President  inquired  the  object  of  the  memorials.  Judge 
Wardlow  informed  him  that  one  of  them  was  in  behalf  of  Jefferson 
Davis,  A.  II.  Stephens,  George  A.  Trcnholm  and  Governor  Magrath. 
He  said  they  had  understood  that  by  the  late  interference  of  the 
President,  Messrs.  Stephens  and  Trenholm  had  already  been  released 


APPENDIX.  97 

from  close  confinement  and  permitted  to  return  to  their  homes.  He 
would  ask  for  Governor  Magrath  either  a  pardon  or  that  he  might 
be  released  on  his  parole.  They  could  assure  the  President  no  harm 
worM  result  from  such  an  act  of  clemency. 

The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  all  could  not  be  pardoned  at  once. 
The  business  must  be  proceeded  with  gradually,  and  an  effort  made 
to  execute  the  law.  A  discrimination  was  necessary  as  we  went 
along.  It  was  a  too  common  expression,  by  way  of  argument  in  re 
gard  to  clemency,  that  such  a  one  had  been  pardoned,  and  that  he 
was  just  as  bad  as  another  who  had  not  been  pardoned. 

Judge  WARDLOW  replied  that  the  delegation  presented  no  such 
argument  as  that. 

The  PRESIDENT  said  sometimes  the  peculiar  locality  had  much  to 
do  with  pardons.  Like  many  other  things  in  human  affairs  we  can 
not  have  a  fixed  rule.  Much  depends  on  discretion  and  circum 
stances.  If  we  know  ourselves,  we  want  to  do  what  is  best  and  just, 
and  to  show  a  proper  degree  of  humanity  on  the  part  of  the  Govern 
ment. 

Judge  WARDLOW  remarked  that  they  had  not  come  there  to  ex 
press  their  own  hopes  and  desires,  but  as  delegates  from  the  South 
Carolina  Convention  to  present  the  memorials  of  that  body  in  a  for 
mal  manner. 

The  PRESIDENT  :  We  will,  gentlemen,  extend  all  the  facilities  and 
courtesies  which  the  question  requires.  We  would  prefer  to  pardon 
twenty  men  than  to  refuse  one. 

Judge  WARDLOW  replied,  that  they  did  not  design  to  say  any 
thing  with  reference  to  Governor  Magrath,  further  than  that  they 
believed  much  good  would  result  by  the  exercise  of  the  Executive 
clemency  toward  him. 

Colonel  HAWKINS  said  if  they  could  get  Governor  Magrath  paroled 
it  would  be  a  great  relief  to  him  at  the  present  time. 

Judge  WARDLOW  thanked  the  President  for  having  released  Messrs. 
Stephens  and  Trenholm. 

The  PRESIDENT  :  We  have  thus  far,  then,  anticipated  your  me 
morial. 

Mr.  HUGER  said  Mr.  Trenholm  was  one  of  their  most  useful  men, 
and  there  was  no  doubt  he  would  exert  all  his  power  with  a  view  to 
entire  harmony  between  the  State  and  the  Government. 

The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  he  understood  that  was  so  ;  adding, 
if  treason  was  committed,  there  ought  to  be  some  test  to  determine 
the  power  of  the  Goverment  to  punish  the  crime.  He  was  free  to  say 
that  it  was  not  a  mere  contest  between  political  parties,  or  a  question 


98  APPENDIX. 

as  to  de  fac.to  governments.  Looking  at  the  Government  as  we  do, 
the  laws  violated,  and  an  attempt  made  at  the  life  of  the  nation, 
there  should  be  a  vindication  of  the  Government  and  the  Constitu 
tion,  even  if  the  pardoning  power  were  exercised  thereafter.  If  trea 
son  has  been  committed,  it  ought  to  be  determined  by  the  highest 
tribunal,  and  the  fact  declared,  even  if  clemency  should  come  after 
ward.  There  was  no  malice  or  prejudice  in  carrying  out  that  duty. 

Judge  WARDLOW  remarked  they  were  well  aware  of  that. 

The  PRESIDENT  resuming,  said  there  might  be  some  unkind  feeling 
on  this  subject,  but  it  did  not  exist  to  any  great  extent. 

Judge  WARDLOW  said,  although  not  instructed  by  the  Convention, 
he  was  induced  to  ask  whether  Mrs.  Jefferson  Davis,  who  was  now 
confined  to  Georgia,  could  not  cross  into  South  Carolina  to  see  her 
friends. 

The  PRESIDENT  replied  that  he  had  received  letters  from  Mrs. 
Davis,  but  they  were  not  very  commendable.  The  tone  of  one  of 
them,  however,  was  considerably  improved,  but  the  others  were  not 
of  the  character  beseeming  one  asking  leniency. 

Judge  WARDLOW  interposed  by  saying  she  was  a  woman  of  strong 
feeling. 

The  PRESIDENT  :  Yes ;  I  suppose  she  is  a  woman  of  strong  feeling 
and  temper,  but  there  is  no  intention  to  persecute  her.  There  is  as 
much  magnanimity  and  independence,  and  nobleness  of  spirit,  in 
submitting,  as  in  trying  to  set  the  Government  at  defiance.  True 
magnanimity  takes  things  as  they  are,  and  when  taken  in  the  proper 
way  I  disconnect  them  from  humiliation.  Manifestations  of  temper 
and  defiance  do  no  good. 

Judge  WARDLOW  remarked  that  the  tone  of  the  newspapers  was 
more  favorable,  and  different  from  what  it  was.  He  then  asked  if 
the  President  had  seen  a  copy  of  the  amended  Constitution  of  South 
Carolina.  Of  course  he  had  seen  they  accepted  emancipation.  He  felt 
perfectly  satisfied  that  the  person  and  property  of  the  negro  would 
be  protected,  and  spoke  .of  the  great  difficulties  of  regulating  labor 
and  restraining  vagrancy,  etc. 

Mr.  HUGER  remarked  that  they  had  a  deep  consciousness  of  the 
truth  of  all  the  President  said. 

The  PRESIDENT,  resuming,  observed  that  the  character  of  an  indi 
vidual  may  characterize  a  nation,  which  is  nothing  but  an  aggregate 
of  individuals ;  and  when  a  proper  spirit  is  manifested,  ah1  can  act 
harmoniously.  The  man  who  goes  to  the  stake  is  almost  dignified 
by  his  bearing :  it  lifts  him  above  humiliation.  In  these  cases,  gen 
tlemen,  we  will  do  the  best  we  can.  While  there  is  sympathy,  there 


APPENDIX.  90 

is  a  public  judgment  which  must  be  met.  But,  I  assure  you,  gentle 
men,  no  disposition  exists  for  persecution,  or  thirst  for  blood. 

The  PRESIDENT  thought  many  of  the  evils  would  disappear  if  they 
inaugurated  the  right  system.  Pass  laws  protecting  the  colored  man 
in  his  person  and  property,  and  he  can  collect  his  debts.  lie  knew 
how  it  was  in  the  South.  The  question  when  first  presented  of  putting 
a  colored  man  in  the  witness  stand,  made  them  shrug  their  shoulders. 
But  the  colored  man's  testimony  was  to  be  taken  for  what  it  is  worth 
by  those  who  examined  him,  and  the  jury  who  hear  it.  After  all, 
there  was  not  so  much  danger  as  was  supposed.  Those  coming  out 
of  slavery  cannot  do  without  work ;  they  cannot  lie  down  in  dissipa 
tion  ;  they  must  work ;  they  ought  to  understand  that  liberty  means 
simply  the  right -to  work  and  enjoy  the  products  of  labor,  and  that 
the  laws  protect  them.  That  being  clone,  and  when  we  come  to  the 
period  to  feel  that  men  must  work  or  starve,  the  country  will  be  pre 
pared  to  receive  a  system  applicable  to  both  white  and  black — pre 
pared  to  receive  a  system  necessary  to  the  case.  A  short  time  back 
you  could  not  enforce  the  vagrant  law  on  the  black,  but  could  on 
the  white  man.  But  get  the  public  mind  right  and  you  can  treat 
both  alike.  Let  us  get  the  general  principles,  and  the  details  and 
collaterals  will  follow. 

A  conversation  of  some  length  ensued  between  the  President  and 
Judge  Wardlow  and  Mr.  Trescott  as  to  the  legislation  of  the  State 
necessary  in  reference  to  the  condition  of  the  Freedmen,  and  to  the 
scope  and  consequences  of  the  Circular  No.  15  and  General  Orders 
No.  145,  from  the  Adjutant-General's  Department,  relative  to  aban 
doned  lands  in  South  Carolina  and  other  Southern  States.  The  ex 
amination  of  these  objects,  it  is  understood,  is  to  be  continued  at 
another  interview. 

The  PRESIDENT  said :  We  must  be  practical,  and  come  up  to  sur 
rounding  circumstances. 

Judge  Wardlow,  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr.  Huger,  all  expressed 
to  the  President  their  conviction  that  the  State  had  accepted  in  good 
faith  the  result  of  the  issue  which  had  been  made ;  that  the  people 
felt  that  the  President  had  stood  between  them  and  a  harsh  use  of 
the  power  of  the  Government ;  that  they  felt  entire  confidence  in  his 
purposes  and  actions,  and  hoped,  in  return,  to  entitle  themselves  to 
his  confidence  as  to  their  feelings  and  actions. 

The  PRESIDENT  replied,  he  was  glad  to  hear  it ;  that  whenever 
such  mutual  confidence  existed,  there  would,  he  thought,  be  an  open 
road  to  the  restoration  of  good  feeling  and  a  prosperous  condition ; 
and  that  if  he  knew  himself,  and  he  thought  he  did,  he  would  rec- 


100  APPENDIX. 

ommend  nothing  but  what  would  advance  their  interests.  So  far  from 
pandering  or  looking  to  future  elevation,  he  must  be  believed,  wheu 
he  said  he  had  not  an  eye  single  to  such  preferment.  If,  he  contin 
ued,  I  could  be  instrumental  in  restoring  the  Government  to  its  for 
mer  relation,  and  sec  the  people  once  more  united  and  happy,  I  should 
feel  that  I  had  more  than  filled  the  measure  of  my  ambition.  If  I 
could  feel  that  I  had  contributed  to  this  in  any  degree,  my  heart 
would  be  more  than  gratified,  and  my  ambition  full. 

Judge  WARDLOW  :  Every  man  in  South  Carolina  would  respond 
to  that. 

Mr.  HUGER  :  I  am  sure  there  is  on  their  part  no  Punic  faith.  They 
deserve  your  confidence,  and  I  am  sure  they  will  earn  it. 

The  PRESIDENT  expressed  himself  gratified  with  what  had  been 
said  by  these  gentlemen. 

Mr.  DAWKINS  remarked  that  all  South  Carolina  reposed  confidence 
in  the  President,  and  that  the  memorials  presented  by  the  Chairman 
of  the  delegation  represented  the  true  sentiments  of  the  people  of 
that  State,  both  in  regard  to  those  whom  they  wished  pardoned  and 
the  feeling  and  position  of  South  Carolina. 


THE  PRESIDENT  TO  SOUTH  CAROLINA  CONVENTION. 

South  Carolina  papers  contain  the  following  dispatch,  dated  29th 
September : 

"  GOVERNOR  B.  F.  PERRY  :  I  thank  you  for  your  dispatch  of  the 
28th  instant.  I  have  to  congratulate  your  Convention  upon  its  har 
monious  and  successful  amendments  to  the  constitution.  It  affords 
great  satisfaction  here  to  all  who  favor  a  speedy  restoration  of  all 
the  States  in  the  Union.  Let  this  work  go  on,  and  we  will  soon  be 
once  more  united,  a  prosperous  and  happy  people,  forgetting  the 
past,  looking  with  confidence  to  a  prosperous  and  harmonious  future. 

"  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President  United  States." 


THE  PRESIDENT  ON  THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  SOUTH 
ERN  STATES  AND  THE  STATUS  OF  THE  NEGRO. 

Mr.  George  L.   Stearns,   of   Medford,   Mass.,  has  published  an 
authenticated  report  of  an  interview  with  the  President,  which,  if 


APPENDIX.  101 

it  does  not  add  anything  to,  tends  very  explicitly  to  illustrate,  the 
President's  views  on  the  restoration  of  the  lately  insurgent  States 
and  the  status  of  the  negro.  I  therefore  give  it  as  follows  : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  3,  Hi  A.  M. 

I  have  just  returned  from  an  interview  with  President  Johnson, 
in  which  he  talked  for  an  hour  on  the  process  of  reconstruction  of 
rebel  States.  His  manner  was  as  cordial,  and  his  conversation  as 
free,  as  in  1863,  when  I  met  him  daily  in  Nashville. 

His  countenance  is  healthy — even  more  so  than  when  I  first  knew 
him. 

I  remarked  that  the  people  of  the  North  were  anxious  that  the 
process  of  reconstruction  should  be  thorough,  and  they  wished  to 
support  him  in  the  arduous  work ;  but  their  ideas  were  confused  by 
the  conflicting  reports  constantly  circulated,  and  especially  by  the 
present  position  of  the  democratic  party.  It  is  industriously  circu 
lated  in  the  democratic  clubs  that  he  was  going  over  to  them.  He 
laughingly  replied  :  "  Major,  have  you  never  known  a  man  who  for 
many  years  had  differed  from  your  views  because  you  were  in  advance 
of  him,  claim  them  as  his  own  when  he  came  up  to  your  standpoint  ?" 

I  replied  :  "  I  have  often."  He  said  :  "  So  have  I,"  and  went  on  : 
"  The  democratic  party  finds  its  old  position  untenable,  and  is  coming 
to  ours.  If  it  has  come  up  to  our  position  I  am  glad  of  it.  You 
and  I  need  no  preparation  for  this  conversation  ;  we  can  talk  freely 
on  this  subject,  for  the  thoughts  are  familiar  to  us  ;  we  can  be  per 
fectly  frank  with  each  other."  He  then  commenced  with  saying 
that  the  States  are  in  the  Union,  which  is  whole  and  indivisible. 

Individuals  tried  to  carry  them  out  but  did  not  succeed,  as  a  man 
may  try  to  cut  his  throat  and  be  prevented  by  the  bystanders,  and 
you  cannot  say  he  cut  his  throat  because  he  tried  to  do  it. 

Individuals  may  commit  treason  and  be  punished,  and  a  large  num 
ber  of  individuals  may  constitute  a  rebellion  and  be  punished  as 
traitors.  Some  States  tried  to  get  out  of  the  Union  and  we  opposed 
it,  honestly,  because  we  believed  it  to  be  wrong ;  and  we  have  suc 
ceeded  in  putting  down  the  rebellion.  The  power  of  those  persons 
who  made  the  attempt  has  been  crushed,  and  now  we  want  to  recon 
struct  the  State  governments,  and  have  the  power  to  do  it.  The 
State  institutions  are  prostrated,  laid  out  on  the  ground,  and  they 
must  be  taken  up  and  adapted  to  the  progress  of  events  ;  this  can 
not  be  done  in  a  moment.  We  are  making  very  rapid  progress — 
so  rapid  I  sometimes  cannot  realize  it ;  it  appears  like  a  dream. 

We  must  not  be  in  too  much  of  a  hurry.  It  is  better  to  let  them 
reconstruct  themselves  than  to  force  them  to  it;  for  if  they  go 


102  APPENDIX. 

wrong,  the  power  is  in  our  hands  and  we  can  check  them  at  any 
stage,  to  the  end,  and  oblige  them  to  correct  their  errors.  We  must 
be  patient  with  them.  I  did  not  expect  to  keep  out  all  who  were 
excluded  from  the  amnesty,  or  even  a  large  number  of  them ;  but 
I  intended  they  should  sue  for  pardon,  and  so  realize  the  enormity 
of  the  crime  they  had  committed. 

You  could  not  have  broached  the  subject  of  equal  suffrage,  at  the 
North,  seven  years  ago  ;  and  we  must  remember  that  the  changes  at 
the  South  have  been  more  rapid,  and  that  they  have  been  obliged 
to  accept  more  unpalatable  truth  than  the  North  has.  We  must 
give  them  time  to  digest  a  part ;  for  we  cannot  expect  such  large 
affairs  will  be  comprehended  and  digested  at  once.  We  must  give 
them  time  to  understand  their  new  position. 

I  have  nothing  to  conceal  in  these  matters,  and  have  no  desire  or 
willingness  to  take  indirect  courses  to  obtain  what  we  want. 

Our  Government  is  a  grand  and  lofty  structure  ;  in  searching  for 
its  foundation  we  find  it  rests  on  the  broad  basis  of  popular  rights. 
The  elective  franchise  is  not  a  natural  right,  but  a  political  right. 
I  am  opposed  to  giving  the  States  too  much  power,  and  also  to  a 
great  consolidation  of  power  in  the  central  government. 

If  I  interfered  with  the  vote  in  the  rebel  States,  to  dictate  that 
the  negro  shall  vote,  I  might  do  the  same  thing  for  my  own  pur 
poses  in  Pennsylvania.  Our  only  safety  lies  in  allowing  each  State 
to  control  the  right  of  voting  by  its  own  laws,  and  we  have  the 
power  to  control  the  rebel  States  if  they  go  wrong.  If  they  rebel 
we  have  the  army,  and  can  control  them  by  it,  and,  if  necessary,  by 
legislation  also.  If  the  general  government  controls  the  right  to 
vote  in  the  States,  it  may  establish  such  rules  as  will  restrict  the  vote 
to  a  small  number  of  persons,  and  thus  create  a  central  despotism. 

My  position  here  is  different  from  what  it  would  be  if  I  was  in 
Tennessee. 

There  I  should  try  to  introduce  negro  suffrage  gradually ;  first, 
those  who  had  served  in  the  army  ;  those  who  could  read  and  write, 
and  perhaps  a  property  qualification  for  others,  say  $200  or  $250. 

It  will  not  do  to  let  the  negroes  have  universal  suffrage  now,  it 
would  breed  a  war  of  races. 

There  was  a  time  in  the  Southern  States  when  the  slaves  of  large 
owners  looked  down  upon  non-slave  owners  because  they  did  not 
own  slaves ;  the  larger  the  number  of  slaves  their  masters  owned 
the  prouder  they  were,  and  this  has  produced  hostility  between  the 
mass  of  the  whites  and  the  negroes.  The  outrages  are  mostly  from 
non-slaveholding  whites  against  the  negro,  and  from  the  negro  upon 
the  non-slaveholding  whites. 


APPENDIX.  103 

The  negro  will  vote  with  the  late  master  whom  he  does  not  hate, 
rather  than  with  the  non-slaveholding  white,  whom  he  does  hate. 
Universal  suffrage  would  create  another  war,  not  against  us,  but  a 
war  of  races. 

Another  thing.  This  Government  is  the  freest  and  best  on  the 
earth,  and  I  feel  sure  is  destined  to  last ;  but  to  secure  this  we  must 
elevate  and  purify  the  ballot.  I  for  many  years  contended  at  the 
South  that  slavery  was  a  political  weakness,  but  others  said  it  was 
political  strength ;  they  thought  we  gained  three-fifths  representa 
tion  by  it ;  I  contended  that  we  lost  two-fifths. 

If  we  had  no  slaves  we  should  have,  had  twelve  representatives 
more,  according  to  the  then  ratio  of  representation.  Congress 
apportions  representation  by  States,  not  districts,  and  the  State 
apportions  by  districts. 

Many  years  ago,  I  moved  in  the  Legislature  that  the  apportion 
ment  of  representatives  to  Congress  in  Tennessee,  should  be  by 
qualified  voters. 

The  apportionment  is  now  fixed  until  1872  ;  before  that  time  we 
might  change  the  basis  of  representation  from  population  to  quali 
fied  voters,  North  as  well  as  South,  and  in  due  course  of  time,  the 
States,  without  regard  to  color,  might  extend  the  elective  franchise 
to  all  who  possessed  certain  mental,  moral,  or  such  other  qualifica 
tions,  as  might  be  determined  by  an  enlightened  public  judgment. 

The  above  having  been  submitted  to  the  President,  received  the 
following  endorsement : 

'*  I  have  read  the  within  communication  and  find  it  substantially 
correct.  I  have  made  some  verbal  alterations. 

"  ANDREW  JOHNSON." 


THE  PRESIDENT  ON  THE  REBEL  WAR  DEBT. 

Governor  W.  W.  Holden  communicated  the  following  important 
dispatch  from  the  President  to  the  Restoration  Convention  sitting 
at  Raleigh,  October  18  : 

"  WASHINGTON  CITY,  Oct.  18,  1865. 
"  W.  W.  HOLDEN,  Provisional  Governor : 

"  Every  dollar  of  the  State  debt  created  to  aid  the  rebellion  against 
the  United  States  should  be  repudiated,  finally  and  forever.  The 
great  mass  of  the  people  should  not  be  taxed  to  pay  a  debt  to  aid 
in  carrying  on  a  rebellion  which  they,  in  fact,  if  left  to  themselves? 


104  APPENDIX. 

•were  opposed  to.  Let  those  who  have  given  their  means  for  the 
obligations  of  the  State,  look  to  that  power  they  tried  to  establish 
in  violation  of  law,  Constitution  and  will  of  the  people.  They 
must  meet  their  fate.  It  is  their  misfortune,  and  cannot  be  recog 
nized  by  the  people  of  any  State  professing  themselves  loyal  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  in  the  Union. 

"  I  repeat  that  the  loyal  people  of  North  Carolina  should  be  ex 
onerated  from  tbe  payment  of  every  dollar  of  indebtedness  created 
to  aid  in  cairying  on  the  rebellion.  I  trust  and  hope  that  the  people 
of  North  Carolina  will  wash  their  hands  of  everything  that  partakes 
in  the  slightest  degree  of  the  rebellion  which  has  been  so  recently 
crushed  by  the  strong  arm  of  the  Government,  in  carrying  out  the 
obligations  imposed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  Union. 

"  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President  United  States." 

On  the  next  day  an  ordinance  prohibiting  for  ever  the  assump 
tion  of  the  debt  indicated,  was  passed  by  the  Convention.  It  was 
greeted  with  loud  applause. 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  EMBASSY  FROM  TUNIS. 

The  Embassy  from  the  Bey  of  Tunis  was  presented  by  Secretary 
Seward  to  the  President  in  the  blue  room  of  the  Executive  Mansion 
on  the  30th  of  October,  when  his  Excellency  General  Otman  Hashem 
read  from  a  paper,  written  in  Arabic,  an  address,  of  which  the  follow 
ing  is  a  translation : 

EXCELLENCY  :  His  Highness  the  Bey  of  Tunis,  my  august  sovereign, 
presents  to  your  Excellency  his  warmest  greetings  and  the  respectful 
homage  which  is  due  to  your  exalted  position.  He  has  sent  me  to 
appear  in  your  presence  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  to  your  Excel 
lency  and  to  your  people  the  great  pleasure  which  he  experienced  on 
the  cessation  of  your  calamitous  war,  and  on  the  restoration  of  peace 
and  tranquillity  in  your  great  country.  My  august  sovereign  has  also 
instructed  me  to  present  to  your  Excellency  expressions  of  condo 
lence  for  the  tragic  end  of  the  illustrious  man,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
whose  death  justly  excited  national  grief  and  exceedingly  affected 
his  Highness.  We  ardently  hope  and  pray  that  with  this  event  may 
end  the  misfortunes  of  the  United  States.  In  view  of  the  friendship 
which  unites  the  two  countries,  his  Highness  the  Bey  sends  to  your 
Excellency  his  portrait  as  a  souvenir  of  his  friendship,  for  the  aug 
mentation  of  which,  between  our  respective  people,  his  Highness  has 
a  lively  interest  and  a  warm  desire.  I  feel  myself  flattered  and  ex 
ceedingly  fortunate  that  the  choice  of  his  Highness  has  fallen  upon 
me  to  accomplish  this  important  and  honorable  mission,  whose  suc 
cess  I  should  regard  as  one  of  the  noblest  results  of  my  life.  I  take 
pleasure  in  stating  on  this  occasion,  in  the  presence  of  your  Excel 
lency,  that  since  my  arrival  in  this  country  I  have  everywhere  re- 


APPENDIX.  io5 

ceived  the  most  cordial  and  flattering  greetings,  and  the  liveliest 
expressions  of  sympathy  for  my  country,  for  which  I  am  duly  grateful. 
The  President  replied : 

GENERAL  :  This  inauguration  of  national  courtesies  between  the 
old  continent  of  Africa  and  the  new  continent  of  America  seems  to 
us  to  be  suggestive,  and  we  trust  that  it  is  auspicious.  I  am  glad 
that  Tunis  has  sent  us  an  envoy,  and  am  especially  pleased  that  you 
have  been  chosen  by  his  Highness  the  Bey  to  be  that  minister.  You 
are  favorably  known  to  us  as  a  soldier  and  a  scholar,  and,  above  all 
as  a  statesman  devoted  to  the  extinction  of  slavery.  You  will  be 
able  to  report  to  his  Highness  the  Bey  that  the  American  nation  are 
trying  a  humanitarian  experiment.  It  is  nothing  less  than  this: 
Whether  a  people  can  have  liberty  and  at  the  same  time  govern 
itself.  The  events,  pleasing  and  painful,  to  which  you  have  referred 
in  your  speech,  and  to  which  your  Government  has  referred  so  kindly 
in  your  letters  of  credence,  were  incidents  of  this  great  trial  We 
have  accepted  them  as  such;  and  while  we  thank  God  that  He  has 
saved  us  from  the  calamities  which  were  threatened  us  by  jrreat 
crimes,  we  thank  Him  for  having  inclined  the  nations  of  the  earth  to 
interpret  these  crimes  and  their  consequences  so  justly.  We  humbly 
trust  that  our  success  will  be  beneficent,  not  only  at  home,  but 
throughout  the  world  ;  because  it  will  give  assurance  that  although 
war  and  conquest  are  so  directed  by  Providence  as  to  produce  be 
neficent  effects,  yet  that  benevolence  and  peace  are  even  better  agen 
cies  to  promote  the  progress  of  civilization.  The  portrait  of  the'Bey 
which  he  has  sent  us,  besides  being  interesting  to  us  as  the  likenes's 
of  a  national  friend,  is  valuable  too  as  a  work  of  art.  It  is  received 
with  satisfaction,  and  Congress  will  be  apprised  of  the  gift.  The 
Executive  Government  will  endeavor  to  make  your  sojourn  agreeable 
as  it  will  at  all  times  be  pleased  to  know  the  wishes  of  your  Govern 
ment. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  FENIANS. 

The  release  of  Mr.  John  Mitchel  having  been  granted  by  the  Presi 
dent,  on  an  application  made  by  the  Congress  of  Fenian  Societies  of 
the  United  States,  held  in  Philadelphia  in  October,  the  Congress  sent 
a  deputation  composed  of  Colonel  Roberts  of  New  York,  President 
of  the  Fenian  Senate,  and  B.  Doran  Killian  of  St.  Louis,  to  express 
the  thanks  of  the  organization.  The  deputation  was  accompanied 
by  Mr.  Stephen  J.  Meany  of  Toledo,  Ohio.  These  gentlemen  were 
favored  with  an  early  interview.  Having  been  presented,  Colonel 
Roberts  addressed  the  President  as  follows : 

Mr.  PEESIDEXT  :  I  have  the  honor  of  being  delegated  by  the  Con 
vention  of  Irish-American  citizens,  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  repre 
senting  large  social  classes  in  thirty  States  and  Territories,  to  wait 
upon  your  Excellency  and  express  to  you  how  deeply  they  feel  the 
act  restoring  to  freedom  a  man  whom  they  love  and  venerate  for  his 
33 


10G  APPENDIX. 

self-sacrificing  devotion  to  his  native  land.  They  remember  nothing 
of  John  Mitch  el's  American  career.  They  can  never  forget  that  he 
risked  all  a  patriot  should  for  Ireland.  I  am  sure,  your  Excellency, 
the  American  people  will  have  no  cause  to  regret  the  sympathy  they 
feel  and  the  friendship  we  believe  they  entertain  for  their  fellow- 
citizens  of  Irish  birth.  We,  sir,  are  not  unconscious  of  the  fact  that 
we  have  found  in  America  liberty,  justice  and  an  asylum. 

President  Johnson  replied  in  substance  as  follows : 

GENTLEMEN  :  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  the  steps  which  have  been 
taken  in  the  matter  referred  to  have  met  with  the  approval  of  the 
gentlemen  who  have  sent  you  here.  As  you,  sir,  delicately  remarked, 
we  could  not  remember  Mr.  Mitchel's  American  career ;  but  we  were 
anxious,  as  a  mark  of  respect  and  compliment  to  the  large  section  of 
our  countrymen  with  whom  Mr.  Mitchel  was  previously  identified, 
to  yield  to  their  expressed  wishes  in  that  regard. 


THANKSGIVING  FOR  PEACE  AND  UNION. 

Proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Whereas,  it  has  pleased  Almighty  God,  during  the  year  which  is 
now  coming  to  an  end,  to  relieve  our  beloved  country  from  the  fear 
ful  scourge  of  civil  war,  and  to  permit  us  to  secure  the  blessings  of 
peace,  unity  and  harmony,  with  a  great  enlargement  of  civil  liberty; 
and 

Whereas,  our  Heavenly  Father  has,  also,  daring  the  year,  graciously 

averted  from  us  the  calamities  of  foreign  war,  pestilence  ftnd  famine, 

while  our  granaries  are  full  of  the  fruits  of  an  abundant^  season ;  and 

Whereas,  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  while  sin  is  a  reproach 

to  any  people ; 

Now,  therefore,  I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  hereby  recommend  to  the  people  thereof,  that  they  do  set  apart 
and  observe  the  First  Thursday  of  December  as  a  day  of  National 
Thanksgiving  to  the  Creator  of  the  Universe  for  these  deliverances 
and  blessings. 

And  I  do  further  recommend  that  on  that  occasion  the  whole  peo 
ple  make  confession  of  our  national  sins  against  His  infinite  good 
ness,  and  with  one  heart  and  one  mind  implore  the  Divine  guidance 
in  the  ways  of  national  virtue  and  holiness. 

ILL  testimony  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed.  Done  at  the  City  of 
Washington  this  twenty-eighth  clay  of  October,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five,  and  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  the  ninetieth. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
By  the  President: 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 


APPENDIX.  107 


THE    PRESIDENT    TO    GOVERNOR    HUMPHREYS    OF 
MISSISSIPPI. 

WASHINGTON,  Nov.  17,  1865. 
B.  G.  HUMPHREYS,  Governor  elect,  Jackson,  Miss. : 

The  troops  will  be  withdrawn  from  Mississippi  when,  in  the  opin 
ion  of  the  government,  peace  and  order  and  the  civil  authority  have 
been  restored  and  can  be  maintained  without  them.  Every  step 
will  be  taken  while  they  are  there  to  enforce  strict  discipline  and 
subordination  to  the  civil  authority.  There  can  be  no  other  or 
greater  assurance  given  than  has  heretofore  been  on  the  part  of  the 
President  or  Government.  There  is  no  concession  required  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  Mississippi  or  the  legislature,  other  than  a 
loyal  compliance  with  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  adoption  of  such  measures  giving  protection  to  all 
freedmen  or  freemen  in  person  and  property,  without  regard  to 
color,  as  will  entitle  them  to  resume  all  their  constitutional  relations 
in  the  Federal  Union. 

The  people  of  Mississippi  may  feel  well  assured  that  there  is  no 
disposition,  arbitrarily,  on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  dictate 
what  action  should  be  had ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  simply  and 
kindly  advise  a  policy  that  is  believed  will  result  in  restoring  all  <the 
relations  which  should  exist  between  the  States  comprising  the 
Federal  Union. 

It  is  hoped  that  they  will  appreciate  and  feel  the  suggestions 
herein  made,  for  they  are  offered  in  that  spirit  which  should  pervade 
the  bosom  of  all  those  who  desire  peace  and  harmony  and  a  thorough 
restoration  of  the  Union. 

There  must  be  confidence  between  the  Government  and  the  States, 
and  while  the  Government  confides  in  the  people  the  people  must 
have  faith  in  the  Government.  This  must  be  mutual  and  reciprocal, 
or  all  that  has  been  done  will  be  thrown  away. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON, 

President  of  the  United  States. 


108  APPENDIX. 

REVOCATION  OF  REWARDS. 
GENERAL  ORDERS — NO.  164. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE, 
WASHINGTON,  Nov.  24,  1865. 

Ordered— First :  That  all  persons  claiming  reward  for  the  appre 
hension  of  John  Wilkes  Booth,  Lewis  Payne,  G.  A.  Atzerott,  and 
David  E.  Harold  and  Jeff.  Davis,  or  either  of  them,  are  notified  to 
file  their  claims  and  proofs  with  the  Adjutant  General  for  final 
adjudication  by  the  special  commission  appointed  to  award  and 
determine  upon  the  validity  of  such  claims  before  the  first  of  Janu 
ary  next,  after  which  time  no  claims  will  be  received. 

Second :  The  rewards  offered  for  the  arrest  of  Jacob  Thompson, 
Beverly  Tucker,  George  N.  Saunders,  William  G.  Cleary,  and  John 
H.  Surratt,  are  revoked. 

By  order  of  the 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 


rf          THE  PRESIDENT  TO  GOVERNOR  HOLDEN. 

WASHINGTON.  Nov.  27,  1865. 
HON.  W.  W.  HOLDEN,  Provisional  Governor  of  North  Carolina  : 

Accept  my  thanks  for  the  noble  and  efficient  manner  in  which 
you  have  discharged  your  duty  as  Provisional  Governor.  You  will 
be  sustained  by  the  Government. 

The  results  of  the  recent  elections  in  North  Carolina  have  greatly 
damaged  the  prospects  of  the  State  in  the  restoration  of  its  govern 
mental  relations. 

Should  the  action  and  spirit  of  the  Legislature  be  in  the  same 
direction  it  will  greatly  increase  the  mischief  already  done,  and 
might  be  fatal. 

It  is  listed  the  action  and  spirit  manifested  by  the  Legislature  will 
be  so  directed  as  rather  to  repair  than  increase  the  difficulties  under 
which  the  State  has  already  placed  itself. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON, 

President  of  the  United  States. 


APPENDIX.  109 


GOVERNOR  HOLDER  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

RALEIGH,  N.  C.,  Dec.  1,  18G5. 
To  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

The  Legislature  has  ratified,  with  but  six  dissenting  voices,  the 
Congressional  amendment  abolishing  slavery. 

Five  judges  have  been  elected— all  good  selections.  Three  of  my 
personal  appointments  have  been  confirmed. 

W.  W.  HOLDEN,  Provisional  Governor. 


PROCLAMATION    RESTORING    THE    WRIT    OF    HABEAS 
CORPUS  IN  CERTAIN  STATES. 

Whereas,  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  of  the  fifteenth  day  of  December,  one  thousand  eight  hun 
dred  and  sixty-three,  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in 
certain  cases  therein  set  forth  was  suspended  throughout  the  United 
States ;  and,  whereas,  the  reasons  for  that  suspension  may  be  regarded 
as  having  ceased  in  some  of  the  States  and  Territories ; 

Now,  therefore,  be  it  known  that  I,  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President 
of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  sus 
pension  aforesaid  and  all  other  proclamations  and  orders  suspending 
the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  in  the  States  and  Terri 
tories  of  the  United  States,  are  revoked  and  annulled,  excepting  as 
to  the  States  of  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Arkansas,  and  Texas,  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Territories  of 
New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  tho 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this  first  day  of  December,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-five,  and 
of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  ninetieth. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
By  the  President : 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWABD,  Secretary  of  State. 


[Official  copy.] 
MESSAGE  OF  THE  PRESIDES!  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

TO   THE 

TWO  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS, 


COMMENCEMENT     OF     THE     FIRST     SESSION     OF     THE     THIRTY- 
NINTH    CONGRESS. 

Fellow -Citizens  of  tlie  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

To  express  gratitude  to  God,  in  the  name  of  the  People,  for  the 
preservation  of  the  United  States,  is  my  first  duty  in  addressing 
you.  Our  thoughts  next  revert  to  the  death  of  the  late  President 
by  an  act  of  parricidal  treason.  The  grief  of  the  nation  is  still 
fresh;  it  finds  some  solace  in  the  consideration  that  he  lived  to 
enjoy  the  highest  proof  of  its  confidence  by  entering  on  the  renewed 
term  of  the  Chief  Magistracy,  to  which  he  had  been  elected ;  that 
he  brought  the  civil  war  substantially  to  a  close  ;  that  his  loss  was 
deplored  in  all  parts  of  the  Union ;  and  that  foreign  nations  have 
rendered  justice  to  his  memory.  His  removal  cast  upon  me  a  heavier 
weight  of  cares  than  ever  devolved  upon  any  one  of  his  predeces 
sors.  To  fulfill  my  trust  I  need  the  support  and  confidence  of  all 
who  are  associated  with  me  in  the  various  departments  of  Govern 
ment,  and  the  support  and  confidence  of  the  people.  There  is  but 
one  way  in  which  I  can  hope  to  gain  their  necessary  aid  ;  it  is,  to 
state  with  frankness,  the  principles  which  guide  my  conduct,  and 
their  application  to  the  present  state  of  affairs,  well  aware  that  the 
efficiency  of  my  labors  will,  in  a  great  measure,  depend  upon  your 
and  their  undivided  approbation. 

The  Union  of  the  United  States  of  America  was  intended  by  its 
authors  to  last  as  long  as  the  States  themselves  shall  last.  "  THE 
UNION  SHALL  BE  PERPETUAL,"  are  the  words  of  the  Confederation. 
"To  FORM  A  MORE  PERFECT  UNION"  by  an  ordinance  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  is  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Constitution. 
The  hand  of  Divine  Providence  was  never  more  plainly  visible  in 
the  affairs  of  men  than  in  the  framing  and  the  adopting  of  that 
instrument.  It  is,  beyond  comparison,  the  greatest  event  in  American 
history ;  and  indeed  is  it  not,  of  all  events  in  modern  times,  the 
most  pregnant  with  consequences  for  every  people  of  the  earth  ?  The 
members  of  the  Convention  which  prepared  it,  brought  to  their 
work  the  experience  of  the  Confederation,  of  their  several  States, 


APPENDIX.  HI 

and  of  other  Republican  Governments,  old  and  new;  but  they 
needed,  and  they  obtained,  a  wisdom  superior  to  experience.  And 
when  for  its  validity  it  required  the  approval  of  a  people  that  occu 
pied  a  large  part  of  a  continent,  and  acted  separately  in  many  dis 
tinct  conventions,  what  is  more  wonderful  than  that,  after  earnest 
contention  and  long  discussion,  all  feelings  and  all  opinions  were 
ultimately  drawn  in  one  way  to  its  support  ? 

The  Constitution  to  which  life  was  thus  imparted  contains  within 
itself  ample  resources  for  its  own  preservation.  It  has  power  to 
enforce  the  laws,  punish  treason  and  insure  domestic  tranquillity. 
In  case  of  the  usurpation  of  the  Government  of  a  State  by  one  man 
or  an  oligarchy,  it  becomes  a  duty  of  the  United  States  to  make 
good  the  guarantee  to  that  State  of  a  republican  form  of  govern 
ment,  and  so  to  maintain  the  homogeneousness  of  all.  Does  the 
lapse  of  time  reveal  defects  ?  A  simple  mode  of  amendment  is  pro- 
•^ided  in  the  Constitution  itself,  so  that  its  conditions  can  always  be 
made  to  conform  to  the  requirements  of  advancing  civilization.  No 
room  is  allowed  even  for  the  thought  of  a  possibility  of  its  coming 
to  an  end.  And  these  powers  of  self-preservation  havo  always  been 
asserted  in  their  complete  integrity  by  every  patriotic  Chief  Magis 
trate—by  Jeiferson  and  Jackson,  not  less  than  by  Washington  and 
Madison.  The  parting  advice  of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  while 
yet  President,  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  was,  that  "  the  free 
Constitution,  which  was  the  work  of  their  hands,  might  be  sacredly 
maintained,"  and  the  inaugural  words  of  President  Jefferson  held 
up  "  the  preservation  of  the  General  Government,  in  its  constitu 
tional  vigor,  as  the  sheet-anchor  of  our  peace  at  home  and  safety 
abroad."  The  Constitution  is  the  work  of  "  the  People  of  the  United 
States,"  and  it  should  be  as  indestructible  as  the  people. 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  which  had 
no  modfl  in  the  past,  should  not  have  fully  comprehended  the 
excellence  of  their  own  work.  Fresh  from  a  struggle  against  arbi 
trary  power,  many  patriots  suffered  from  harassing  fears  of  an 
absorption  of  the  State  Governments  by  the  General  Government, 
and  many  from  a  dread  that  the  States  would  break  away  from 
their  orbits.  But  the  very  greatness  of  our  country  should  allay  the 
apprehension  of  encroachments  by  the  General  Government.  The 
subjects  that  come  unquestionably  within  its  jurisdiction  are  so 
numerous  that  it  must  ever  naturally  refuse  to  be  embarrassed  by 
questions  that  lie  beyond  it.  Were  it  otherwise,  the  Executive 
would  sink  beneath  the  burden ;  the  channels  of  iustice  would  be 


112  APPENDIX. 

choked ;  legislation  would  be  obstructed  by  excess  ;  so  that  there  is 
a  greater  temptation  to  exercise  some  of  the  functions  of  the  General 
Government  through  the  States  than  to  trespass  on  their  rightful 
sphere.  "  The  absolute  acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majo 
rity,"  was,  at  the  beginning  of  the  century,  enforced  by  Jefferson 
"  as  the  vital  principle  of  republics,"  and  the  events  of  the  last  four 
years  have  established — we  will  hope  forever — that  there  lies  no  ap 
peal  to  force. 

The  maintenance  of  the  Union  brings  with  it  "  the  support  of 
the  State  Governments  in  all  their  rights ;"  but  it  is  not  one  of  the 
rights  of  any  State  Government  to  renounce  its  own  place  in  the 
Union,  or  to  nullify  the  laws  of  the  Union.  The  largest  liberty  is  to 
be  maintained  in  the  discussion  of  the  acts  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  ;  but  there  is  no  appeal  from  its  laws,  except  to  the  various 
branches  of  that  Government  itself,  or  to  the  people,  who  grant  to 
the  members  of  the  Legislative  and  of  the  Executive  Departments 
no  tenure  but  a  limited  one,  and  in  that  manner  always  retain  the 
powers  of  redress. 

"  The  sovereignty  of  the  States"  is  the  language  of  the  Confede 
racy,  and  not  the  language  of  the  Constitution.  The  latter  contains 
the  emphatic  words  :  "  The  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties 
made  or  which  shall  be  made  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  the  judges  in 
every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  constitution  or 
laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 

Certainly  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  a  limited  gov 
ernment;  and  so  is  every  State  Government  a  limited  government. 
"With  us,  this  idea  of  limitation  spreads  through  every  form  of  admi 
nistration,  general,  State,  and  municipal,  and  rests  on  the  great  dis 
tinguishing  principle  of  the  recognition  of  the  rights  of  man.  The 
ancient  republics  absorbed  the  individual  in  the  State,  prescribed 
his  religion,  and  controlled  his  activity.  The  American  system  rests 
on  the  assertion  of  the  equal  right  of  every  man  to  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  to  freedom  of  conscience,  -to  the  culture 
and  exercise  of  all  his  faculties.  As  a  consequence,  the  State  Gov 
ernment  is  limited,  as  to  the  General  Government  in  the  interest  of 
Union,  as  to  the  individual  citizen  in  tlie  interest  of  freedom. 

States,  with  proper  limitations  of  power,  are  essential  to  the 
existence  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  At  the  very 
commencement,  when  we  assumed  a  place  among  the  Powers  of  the 


APPENDIX.  113 

earth,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted  by  States ;  so 
also  were  the  Articles  of  Confederation ;  and  when  "  the  People  of 
the  United  States"  ordained  and  established  the  Constitution,  it 
was  the  assent  of  the  States,  one  by  one,  which  gave  it  vitality.  In 
the  event,  too,  of  any  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  the  proposi 
tion  of  Congress  needs  the  confirmation  of  States.  Without  States, 
one  great  branch  of  the  Legislative  Government  would  be  wanting. 
And,  if  we  look  beyond  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  to  the  char 
acter  of  our  country,  its  capacity  for  comprehending  within  its  juris 
diction  a  vast  continental  empire  is  due  to  the  system  of  States.  The 
best  security  for  the  perpetual  existence  of  the  States  is  the  "supreme 
authority"  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The  perpe 
tuity  of  the  Constitution  brings  with  it  the  perpetuity  of  the  States ; 
their  mutual  relation  makes  us  what  we  are,  and  in  our  political 
system  their  connexion  is  indissoluble.  The  whole  cannot '  exist 
without  the  parts,  nor  the  £arts  without  the  whole.  So  long  as  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  endures,  the  States  will  endure ; 
the  destruction  of  the  one  is  the  destruction  of  the  other ;  the  pre 
servation  of  the  one  is  the  preservation  of  the  other. 

I  have  thus  explained  my  views  of  the  mutual  relations  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  States,  because  they  unfold  the  principles  on 
which  I  have  sought  to  solve  the  momentous  questions  and  overcome 
the  appalling  difficulties  that  met  me  at  the  very  commencement  of 
my  administration.  It  has  been  my  steadfast  object  to  escape  from 
the  sway  of  momentary  passions,  and  to  derive  a  healing  policy  from 
the  fundamental  and  unchanging  principles  of  the  Constitution. 

I  found  the  States  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  civil  war.  Ke- 
si stance  to  the  General  Government  appeared  to  have  exhausted 
itself.  The  United  States  had  recovered  possession  of  their  forts 
and  arsenals  ;  and  their  armies  were  in  the  occupation  of  every  State 
which  had  attempted  to  secede.  Whether  the  territory  within  the 
limits  of  those  States  should  be  held  as  conquered  territory,  under 
military  authority  emanating  from  the  President  as  the  head  of  the 
army,  was  the  first  question  that  presented  itself  for  decision. 

Now,  military  governments,  established  for  an  indefinite  period, 
would  have  offered  no  security  for  the  early  suppression  of  discon 
tent;  would  have  divided  the  people  into  the  vanquishers  and 
the  vanquished;  and  would  have  envenomed  hatred,  rather  than 
have  restored  affection.  Once  established,  no  precise  limit  to  their 
continuance  was  conceivable.  They  would  have  occasioned  an 
incalculable  and  exhausting  expense.  Peaceful  emigration  to  and 


114  APPENDIX. 

from  that  portion  of  the  country  is  one  of  the  best  means  that  can 
be  thought  of  for  the  restoration  of  harmony ;  and  that  emigration 
would  have  been  prevented ;  for  what  emigrant  from  abroad,  what 
industrious  citizen  at  home,  would  place  himself  willingly  under 
military  rule  ?  The  chief  persons  who  would  have  followed  in  the 
train  of  the  army  would  have  been  dependents  on  the  General 
Government,  or  men  who  expected  profit  from  the  miseries  of  their 
erring  fellow-citizens.  The  powers  of  patronage  and  rule  which  would 
have  been  exercised  under  the  President,  over  a  vast,  and  populous, 
and  naturally  wealthy  region,  are  greater  than,  unless  under  extreme 
necessity,  I  should  be  willing  to  entrust  to  any  one  man ;  they  are 
such  as,  for  myself,  I  could  never,  unless  on  occasions  of  great  emerg 
ency,  consent  to  exercise.  The  willful  use  of  such  powers,  if  con 
tinued  through  a  period  of  years,  would  have  endangered  the  purity 
of  the  general  administration  and  the  liberties  of  the  States  which 
remained  loyal. 

Besides,  the  policy  of  military  rule  over  a  conquered  territory 
would  have  implied  that  the  States  whose  inhabitants  may  have 
taken  part  in  the  Rebellion  had,  by  the  act  of  those  inhabitants, 
ceased  to  exist.  But  the  true  theory  is,  that  all  pretended  acts  of 
secession  were,  from  the  beginning,  null  and  void.  The  States  can 
not  commit  treason,  nor  screen  the  individual  citizens  who  may 
have  committed  treason,  any  more  than  they  can  make  valid  trea 
ties,  or  engage  in  lawful  commerce  with  any  foreign  Power.  The 
States  attempting  to  secede  placed  themselves  in  a  condition  where 
their  vitality  was  impaired,  but  not  extinguished — their  functions 
suspended,  but  not  destroyed.  . 

But  if  any  State  neglects  or  refuses  to  perform  its  offices,  there  is 
the  more  need  that  the  General  Government  should  maintain  all  its 
authority,  and,  as  soon  as  practicable,  resume  the  exercise  of  all  its 
functions.  On  this  principle  I  have  acted,  and  have  gradually  and 
quietly,  and  by  almost  imperceptible  steps,  sought  to  restore  the 
rightful  energy  of  the  General  Government  and  of  the  States.  To 
that  end,  Provisional  Governors  have  been  appointed  for  the  States, 
Conventions  called,  Governors  elected,  Legislatures  assembled,  and 
Senators  and  Representatives  chosen  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.  At  the  same  time,  the  Courts  of  the  United  States,  as  far  as 
could  be  done,  have  been  re-opened,  so  that  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  may  be  enforced  through  their  agency.  The  blockade  has 
been  removed,  and  the  Custom-Houses  reestablished  in  ports  of  entry, 
BO  that  the  revenue  of  the  United  States  may  be  collected.  The 


APPENDIX.  115 

Post-Office  department  renews  its  ceaseless  activity,  and  the  General 
Government  is  thereby  enabled  to  communicate  promptly  with  its 
officers  and  agents.  The  courts  bring  security  to  persons  and  pro 
perty  ;  the  opening  of  the  ports  invite  the  restoration  of  industry 
and  commerce  ;  the  post-office  renews  the  facilities  of  social  inter 
course  and  of  business.  And  is  it  not  happy  for  us  all  that  the  res 
toration  of  each  one  of  these  functions  of  the  General  Government 
brings  with  it  a  blessing  to  the  States  over  which  they  are  extended  ? 
Is  it  not  a  sure  promise  of  harmony  and  renewed  attachment  to  the 
Union  that,  after  all  that  has  happened,  the  return  of  the  General 
Government  is  known  only  as  a  beneficence  ? 

I  know  very  well  that  this  policy  is  attended  with  some  risk ;  that 
for  its  success  it  requires  at  least  the  acquiescence  of  the  States  which 
it  concerns  ;  that  it  implies  an  invitation  to  those  States,  by  renew 
ing  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  to  resume  their  functions 
as  States  of  the  Union.  But  it  is  a  risk  that  must  be  taken ;  in  the 
choice  of  difficulties  it  is  the  smallest  risk ;  and  to  diminish,  and,  if 
possible,  to  remove  all  danger,  I  have  felt  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
assert  one  other  power  of  the  General  Government — the  power  to 
pardon.  As  no  State  can  throw  a  defence  over  the  crime  of  treason, 
the  power  of  pardon  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  Executive  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States.  In  exercising  that  power,  I  have  taken 
every  precaution  to  connect  it  with  the  clearest  recognition  of  the 
binding  force  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  an  unqualified 
acknowledgment  of  the  great  social  change  of  condition  in  regard 
to  slavery  which  has  grown  out  of  the  war. 

The  next  step  which  I  have  taken  to  restore  the  Constitutional  re 
lations  of  the  States,  has  been  an  invitation  to  them  to  participate  in 
the  high  office  of  amending  the  Constitution.  Every  patriot  must 
wish  for  a  general  amnesty  at  the  earliest  epoch  consistent  with  pub 
lic  safety.  For  this  great  end  there  is  need  of  a  concurrence  of  ell 
opinions,  and  the  spirit  of  mutual  conciliation.  All  parties  in  the 
late  terrible  conflict  must  work  together  in  harmony.  It  is  not  too 
.  much  to  ask,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  people,  that,  on  the  one  side, 
the  plan  of  restoration  shall  proceed  in  conformity  with  a  willingness 
to  cast  the  disorders  of  the  past  into  oblivion ;  and  that,  on  the 
other,  the  evidence  of  sincerity  in  the  future  maintenance  of  the 
Union  shall  be  put  beyond  any  doubt  by  the  ratification  of  the  pro 
posed  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which  provides  for  the  aboli 
tion  of  Slavery  forever  within  the  limits  of  our  country.  So  long  as 
the  adoption  of  this  amendment  is  delayed,  so  long  will  doubt  and 


116  APPENDIX. 

jealousy  and  uncertainty  prevail.  This  is  the  measure  which  will 
efface  the  sad  memory  of  the  past ;  this  is  the  measure  which  will 
most  certainly  call  population,  and  capital,  and  security  to  those 
parts  of  the  Union  that  need  them  most.  Indeed,  it  is  not  too  much 
to  ask  of  the  States  which  are  now  resuming  their  places  in  the  family 
of  the  Union  to  give  this  pledge  of  perpetual  loyalty  and  peace. 
Until  it  in  clone,  the  past,  however  much  we  may  desire  it,  will  not 
be  forgotten.  The  adoption  of  the  amendment  reunites  us  beyond 
all  power  of  disruption.  It  heals  the  wound  that  is  still  imperfectly 
closed  ;  it  removes  Slavery,  the  element  whicli  has  so  long  perplexed 
and  divided  the  country  ;  it  makes  of  us  once  more  a  united  people, 
renewed  and  strengthened,  bound  more  than  ever  to  mutual  affection 
and  support. 

•  The  amendment  to  the  Constitution  being  adopted,  it  would  re 
main  for  the  States,  whose  powers  have  been  so  long  in  abeyance,  to 
resume  their  places  in  the  two  branches  of  the  National  Legislature, 
and  thereby  complete  the  work  of  restoration.  Here  it  is  for  you, 
fellow-citizens  of  the  Senate,  and  for  you,  fellow-citizens  of  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives,  to  judge,  each  of  you  for  yourselves,  of  the  elec 
tions,  returns,  and  qualifications  of  your  own  members. 

The  full  assertion  of  the  powers  of  the  General  Government  re 
quires  the  holding  of  Circuit  Courts  of  the  United  States  within  the 
districts  where  their  authority  has  been  interrupted.  In  the  present 
posture  of  our  public  affairs,  strong  objections  have  been  urged  to 
holding  those  courts  in  any  of  the  States  where  the  rebellion  has 
existed  ;  and  it  was  ascertained,  by  inquiry,  that  the  Circuit  Court 
of  the  United  States  would  not  be  held  within  the  District  of  Vir 
ginia  during  the  autumn  or  early  winter,  nor  until  Congress  should 
have  "  an  opportunity  to  consider  and  act  on  the  whole  subject."  To 
your  deliberations  the  restoration  of  this  branch  of  the  civil  au 
thority  of  the  United  States  is  therefore  necessarily  referred,  with 
tne  hope  that  early  provision  will  be  made  for  the  resumption  of  all 
its  functions.  It  is  manifest  that  treason,  most  flagrant  in  character, 
has  been  committed.  Persons  who  are  charged  with  its  commission  •« 
should  have  fair  and  impartial  trials  in  the  highest  civil  tribunals  of 
the  country,  in  order  that  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  may  be  fully 
vindicated ;  the  truth  clearly  established  and  affirmed  that  treason 
is  a  crime,  that  traitors  should  be  punished  and  the  offence  made  in 
famous  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  question  may  be  judicially 
settled,  finally  and  forever,  that  no  State,  of  its  own  will,  has  the 
right  to  renounce  its  place  in  the  Union. 


APPENDIX.  117 

The  relations  of  the  General  Government  toward  the  four  millions 
of  inhabitants  whom  the  war  has  called  into  freedom,  have  engaged 
my  most  serious  consideration.  On  the  propriety  of  attempting  to 
make  the  freedmen  electors  by  the  proclamation  of  the  Executive,  I 
took  for  my  counsel  the  Constitution  itself,  the  interpretations  of 
that  instrument  by  its  authors  and  their  contemporaries,  and  recent 
legislation  by  Congress.  When,  at  the  first  movement  toward  inde 
pendence,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  instructed  the  several 
States  to  institute  governments  of  their  own,  they  left  each  State  to 
decide  for  itself  the  conditions  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  elective 
franchise.  During  the  period  of  tha  Confederacy,  there  continued 
to  exist  a  very  great  diversity  in  the  qualifications  of  electors  in  the 
several  States^  and  even  within  a  State  a  distinction  of  qualifica 
tions  prevailed  with  regard  to  the  officers  who  were  to  be  chosen. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  recognizes  these  diversities 
when  it  enjoins  that,  in  the  choice  of  Members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States,  "  the  electors  in  each  State 
shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numer 
ous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature."  After  the  formation  of  the 
Constitution,  it  remained,  as  before,  the  uniform  usage  for  each  State 
to  enlarge  the  body  of  its  electors  according  to  its  own  judgment ; 
and,  under  this  system,  one  State  after  another  has  proceeded  to 
increase  the  number  of  its  electors,  until  now  universal  suffrage,  or 
something  very  near  it,  is  the  general  rule.  So  fixed  was  this  re 
servation  of  power  in  the  habits  of  the  people,  and  so  unquestioned 
has  been  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  that  during  the 
civil  war  the  late  President  never  harbored  the  purpose — certainly 
never  avowed  the  purpose — of  disregarding  it ;  and  in  the  acts  of 
Congress,  during  that  period,  nothing  can  be  found  which,  during 
the  continuance  of  hostilities,  much  less  after  their  close,  would 
have  sanctioned  any  departure  by  the  Executive  from  a  policy  which 
has  so  uniformly  obtained.  Moreover,  a  concession  of  the  elective 
franchise  to  the  freedmen,  by  act  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  must  have  been  extended  to  all  colored  men,  wherever  found, 
and  so  must  have  established  a  change  of  suffrage  in  the  Northern, 
Middle  and  Western  States,  not  less  than  in  the  Southern  and  South 
western.  Such  an  act  would  have  created  a  new  class  of  voters, 
and  would  have  been  an  assumption  of  power  by  the  President 
which  nothing  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  the  United  States 
would  have  warranted. 

On  the  other  hand,  every  danger  of  conflict  is  avoided  when  the 


118  APPENDIX. 

settlement  of  the  question  is  referred  to  the  several  States.  They 
can,  each  for  itself,  decide  on  the  measure,  and  whether  it  is  to  be 
adopted  at  once  and  absolutely,  or  introduced  gradually  and  with 
conditions.  In  my  judgment,  the  freedmen^  if  they  show  patience 
and  manly  virtues,  will  sooner  obtain  a  participation  in  the  elective 
franchise  through  the  States  than  through  the  General  Government, 
even  if  it  had  power  to  intervene.  When  the  tumult  of  emotions 
that  have  been  raised  by  the  suddenness  of  the  social  change  shall 
have  subsided,  it  may  prove  that  they  will  receive  the  kindliest 
usages  from  some  of  those  on  whom  they  have  heretofore  most 
closely  depended. 

But  while  I  have  no  doubt  that  now,  after  the  close  of  the  war,  it 
is  not  competent  for  the  General  Government  to  extend  the  elective 
franchise  in  the  several  States,  it  is  equally  clear  that  good  faith  re 
quires  the  security  of  the  freedmen  in  their  liberty  and  their  pro 
perty,  their  right  to  labor,  and  their  right  to  claim  the  just  return  of 
their  labor.  I  cannot  too  strongly  urge  a  dispassionate  treatment 
of  this  subject,  which  should  be  carefully  kept  aloof  from  all  party 
strife.  We  must  equally  avoid  hasty  assumptions  of  any  natural 
impossibility  for  the  two  races  to  live  side  by  side,  in  a  state  of 
mutual  benefit  and  good  will.  The  experiment  involves  us  in  no 
inconsistency  ;  let  us,  then,  go  on  and  make  that  experiment  in  good 
faith,  and  not  be  too  easily  disheartened.  The  country  is  in  need  of 
labor,  and  the  freedmen  are  in  need  of  employment,  culture  and 
protection.  While  their  right  of  voluntary  migration  and  expatria 
tion  is  not  to  be  questioned,  I  would  not  advise  their  forced  removal 
and  colonization.  Let  us  rather  encourage  them  to  honorable  and 
useful  industry,  where  it  may  be  beneficial  to  themselves  and  to  the 
country ;  and,  instead  of  hasty  anticipations  of  the  certainty  of  fail 
ure,  let  there  be  nothing  wanting  to  the  fair  trial  of  the  experiment. 
The  change  in  their  condition  is  the  substitution  of  labor  by  contract 
for  the  status  of  Slavery.  The  freedmen  cannot  fairly  be  accused 
of  unwillingness  to  work,  so  long  as  a  doubt  remains  about  his  free 
dom  of  choice  in  his  pursuits,  and  the  certainty  of  his  recovering 
his  stipulated  wages.  In  this  the  interests  of  the  employer  and  the 
employed  coincide.  The  employer  desires  in  his  workmen  spirit 
and  alacrity,  and  these  can  be  permanently  secured  in  no  other  way. 
And  if  the  one  ought  to  be  able  to  enforce  the  contract,  so  ought  the 
other.  The  public  interest  will  be  best  promoted  if  the  several 
States  will  provide  adequate  protection  and  remedies  for  the  freed 
men.  Until  this  is  in  some  way  accomplished,  there  is  no  chance 


APPENDIX.  1 19 

for  the  advantageous  use  of  their  labor ;  and  the  blame  of  ill-suc 
cess  will  not  rest  on  them. 

I  know  that  sincere  philanthropy  is  earnest  for  the  immediate  reali 
zation  of  its  remotest  aims  ;  but  time  is  always  an  element  in  reform. 
It  is  one  of  the  greatest  acts  on  record  to  have  brought  four  millions 
of  people  into  freedom.  The  career  of  free  industry  must  be  fairly 
opened  to  them,  and  then  their  future  prosperity  and  condition  must, 
after  all,  rest  mainly  on  themselves.  If  they  fail,  and  so  perish 
away,  let  us  be  careful  that  the  failure  shall  not  be  attributable  to  any 
denial  of  justice.  In  all  that  relates  to  the  destiny  of  the  freedmen, 
we  need  not  be  too  anxious  to  read  the  future;  many  incidents 
which,  from  a  speculative  point  of  view,  might  raise  alarm,  will 
quietly  settle  themselves. 

Now  that  slavery  is  at  an  end  or  near  its  end,  the  greatness  of  its 
evil,  in  the  point  of  view  of  public  economy,  becomes  more  and 
more  apparent.  Slavery  was  essentially  a  monopoly  of  labor,  and 
as  such  locked  the  States  where  it  prevailed  against  the  incoming 
of  free  industry.  Where  labor  was  the  property  of  the  capitalist, 
the  white  man  was  excluded  from  employment,  or  had  but  the 
second  best  chance  of  finding  it ;  and  the  foreign  emigrant  turned 
away  from  the  region  where  his  condition  would  be  so  precarious. 
With  the  destruction  of  the  monopoly,  free  labor  will  hasten  from 
all  parts  of  the  civilized  world  to  assist  in  developing  various  and 
immeasurable  resources  which  have  hitherto  lain  dormant.  The 
eight  or  nine  States  nearest  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  have  a  soil  of  exu 
berant  fertility,  a  climate  friendly  to  long  life,  and  can  sustain  a 
denser  population  than  is  found  as  yet  in  any  part  of  our  country. 
And  the  future  influx  of  population  to  them  will  be  mainly  from  the 
North,  or  from  the  most  cultivated  nations  of  Europe.  From  the 
sufierings  that  have  attended  them  during  our  late  struggle,  let  us 
look  away  to  the  future,  which  is  sure  to  be  laden  for  them  with 
greater  prosperity  than  has  ever  before  been  known.  The  removal 
of  the  monopoly  of  slave  labor  is  a  pledge  that  those  regions  will 
be  peopled  by  a  numerous  and  enterprising  population,  which  will 
vie  with  any  in  the  Union  in  compactness,  inventive  genius,  wealth, 
and  industry. 

Our  Government  springs  from  and  was  made  for  the  people — not 
the  people  for  the  Government.  To  them  it  owes  allegiance  ;  from 
them  it  must  derive  its  courage,  strength  and  wisdom.  But,  while 
the  Government  is  thus  bound  to  defer  to  the  people,  from  whom  it 
derives  its  existence,  it  should,  from  the  very  consideration  of  its 


120  APPENDIX. 

origin,  be  strong  in  its  power  of  resistance  to  the  establishment  of 
inequalities.  Monopolies,  perpetuities,  and  class  legislation,  are  con 
trary  to  the  genius  of  free  government,  and  ought  not  to  be  allowed. 
Here,  there  is  no  room  for  favored  classes  or  monopolies,  the  princi 
ple  of  our  Government  is  that  of  equal  laws  and  freedom  of  indus 
try.  Wherever  monopoly  attains  a  foothold,  it  is  sure  to  be  a  yource 
of  danger,  discord,  and  trouble.  We  shall  but  fulfill  our  duties  as 
legislators  by  according  "  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,"  special 
privileges  to  none.  The  Government  is  subordinate  to  the  people  ; 
but,  as  the  agent  and  representative  of  the  people,  it  must  be  held 
superior  to  monopolies,  which,  in  themselves,  ought  never  to  be 
granted,  and  which,  where  they  exist,  must  be  subordinate  and  yield 
to  the  Government. 

The  Constitution  confers  on  Congress  the  right  to  regulate  com 
merce  among  the  several  States.  It  is  of  the  first  necessity,  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  Union,  that  that  commerce  should  be  free  and 
unobstructed.  No  State  can  be  justified  in  any  device  to  tax  the 
transit  of  travel  and  commerce  between  States.  The  position  of 
many  States  is  such,  that  if  they  were  allowed  to  take  advantage 
of  it  for  purposes  of  local  revenue,  the  commerce  between  States 
might  be  injuriously  burdened,  or  even  virtually  prohibited.  It  is 
best,  while  the  country  is  still  young,  and  while  the  tendency  to 
dangerous  monopolies  of  this  kind  is  still  feeble,  to  use  the  power 
of  Congress  so  as  to  prevent  any  selfish  impediment  to  the  free  cir 
culation  of  men  and  merchandise.  A  tax  on  travel  and  merchandise, 
in  their  transit,  constitutes  one  of  the  worst  forms  of  monopoly,  and 
the  evil  is  increased  if  coupled  with  a  denial  of  the  choice  of  route. 
When  the  vast  extent  of  our  country  is  considered,  it  is  plain  that 
every  obstacle  to  the  free  circulation  of  commerce  between  the  States 
ought  to  be  sternly  guarded  against  by  appropriate  legislation, 
within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution. 

The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  explains  the  condition 
of  the  public  lands,  the  transactions  of  the  Patent  Office  and  the 
Pension  Bureau,  the  management  of  our  Indian  affairs,  the  progress 
made  in  the  construction  of  the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  furnishes 
information  in  reference  to  matters  of  local  interest  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.  It  also  presents  evidencejpf  the  successful  operation 
of  the  Homestead  Act,  under  the  provisions  of  which  1,160,533 
acres  of  the  public  lands  were  entered  during  the  last  fiscal  year — 
more  than  one  fourth  of  the  whole  number  of  acres  sold  or  other 
wise  disposed  of  during  that  period.  It  is  estimated  that  the  receipts 


APPENDIX.         •  121 

derived  from  this  source  are  sufficient  to  cover  the  expenses  incident 
to  the  survey  and  disposal  of  the  lands  entered  und^r  this  act,  and 
that  pavments  in  cash  to  the  extent  of  from  40  to  50  per  cent  will  be 
made  by  settlers,  who  may  thus  at  any  time  acquire  title  before  the 
expiration  of  the  period  at  which  it  would  otherwise  vest.  The 
homestead  policy  was  established  only  after  long  and  earnest  resist 
ance  :  experience  proves  it  wisdom.  The  lands,  in  the  hands  of 
industrious  settlers,  wlxpse  labor  creates  wealth  and  contributes  to 
the  public  resources,  are  worth  more  to  the  United  States  than  if 
they  had  been  reserved  as  a  solitude  for  future  purchasers. 

The  lamentable  events  of  the  last  four  years,  and  the  sacrifices 
made  by  the  gallant  men  of  our  Army  and  Navy,  have  swelled  the 
records  of  the  Pension  Bureau  to  an  unprecedented  extent.  On  the 
30th  day  of  June  last,  the  total  number  of  pensioners  was  85,!!S6,  re 
quiring  for  their  annual  pay,  exclusive  of  expenses,  the  sum  of  $8,023, 
445.  The  number  of  applications  that  have  been  allowed  since  that 
date  will  require  a  large  increase  of  this  amount  for  the  next  fiscal 
year.  The  means  for  the  payment  of  the  stipends  due,  under  existing 
laws,  to  our  disabled  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  to  the  families  of  such 
as  have  perished  in  the  service  of  the  country,  will  no  doubt  be 
cheerfully  and  promptly  granted.  A  grateful  people  will  not  hesi 
tate  to  sanction  any  measures  having  for  their  object  the  relief  of 
soldiers  mutilated  and  families  made  fatherless  in  the  efforts  to  pre 
serve  our  national  existence. 

The  report  of  the  Postmaster  General  presents  an  encouraging 
exhibit  of  the  operations  of  the  Post  Office  Department  during  the 
year.  The  revenues  of  the  past  year  from  the  loyal  States  alone, 
exceeded  the  maximum  annual  receipts  from  all  the  States  previous  to 
the  Rebellion,  in  the  sum  of  $6,038,091 ;  and  the  annual  average 
increase  of  revenue  during  the  last  four  years,  compared  with  the 
revenues  of  the  four  years  immediately  preceding  the  Rebellion,  was 
$3,533,845.  The  revenues  of  the  last  fiscal  year  amounted  to"" 
§14,556,158,  and  the  expenditures  to  $13,694,728,  leaving  a  surplus 
of  receipts  over  expenditures  of  $861,430.  Progress  has  been  made 
in  restoring  the  postal  service  in  the  Southern  States.  The  views 
presented  by  the  Postmaster  General  against  the  policy  of  granting 
subsidies  to  ocean  mail  steamship  lines  upon  established  routes,  and 
in  favor  of  continuing  the  present  system,  which  limits  the  compen 
sation  for  ocean  service  to  the  postage  earnings,  are  recommended  to 
the  careful  consideration  of  Congress. 

It  appears,  from  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  that 


122  APPENDIX. 

•while,  at  the  commencement  of  the  present  yqar,  there  were  in  com 
mission  530  vessels  of  all  classes  and  descriptions,  armed  with  3,000 
guns,  and  manned  by  51,000  men,  the  number  of  vessels  at  present 
in  commission  is  117,  with  830  guns  and  12,128  men.  By  this 
prompt  reduction  of  the  naval  forces  the  expenses  of  the  Govern 
ment  have  been  largely  diminished,  and  a  number  of  vessels,  pur 
chased  for  naval  purposes  from  the  merchant  marine,  have  been 
returned  to  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  commerce.  Since  the  suppres 
sion  of  active  hostilities  our  foreign  squadrons  have  been  re-estab 
lished,  and  consist  of  vessels  much  more  efficient  than  those  employed 
on  similar  service  previous  to  the  rebellion.  The  suggestion  for  the 
enlargement  of  the  Navy  Yards,  and  especially  for  the  establishment 
of  one  in  fresh  water  for  iron-clad  vessels,  is  deserving  of  considera 
tion,  as  is  also  the  recommendation  for  a  different  location  and  more 
ample  grounds  for  the  Naval  Academy. 

In  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  a  general  summary  is  given 
of  the  military  campaigns  of  1864  and  1865,  ending  in  the  suppres 
sion  of  armed  resistance  to  the  national  authority  in  the  insurgent 
States.  The  operations  of  the  general  administrative  Bureaus  of  the 
War  Department  during  the  past  year  are  detailed,  and  an  estimate 
made  of  the  appropriations  that  will  be  required  for  military  pur 
poses  in  the  fiscal  year  commencing  the  30th  "day  of  June,  1866. 
The  national  military  force  on  the  1st  of  May,  1865/ numbered 
1,000,516  men.  It  is  proposed  to  reduce  the  military  establishment 
to  a  peace  footing,  comprehending  50,000  troops  of  all  arms,  orga 
nized  so  as  to  admit  of  an  enlargement  by  filling  up  the  ranks  to 
82,600,  if  the  circumstances  of  the  country  should  require  an  aug 
mentation  of  the  army.  The  volunteer  force  has  already  been  re 
duced  by  the  discharge  from  service  of  over  800,000  troops,  and  the 
Department  is  proceeding  rapidly  in  the  work  of  farther  reduction. 
The  war  estimates  are  reduced  from  $516,240,131  to  $33,814,461, 
which  amount,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Department,  is  adequate  for  a 
peace  establishment.  The  measures  of  retrenchment  in  each  Bureau 
and  branch  of  the  service  exhibit  a  diligent  economy  worthy  of  com 
mendation.  Reference  is  also  made  in  the  report  to  the  necessity 
of  providing  for  a  uniform  militia  system,  and  to  the  propriety  of 
making  suitable  provision  for  wounded  and  disabled  officers  and 
soldiers. 

The  revenue  system  of  the  country  is  a  subject  of  vital  interest  to 
its  honor  and  prosperity,  and  should  command  the  earnest  considera 
tion  of  Congress.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  lay  before  you 


APPENDIX.  123 

a  full  and  detailed  report  of  tlie  receipts  and  disbursements  of  the 
last  fiscal  year,  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  present  fiscal  year,  of  the 
probable  receipts  and  expenditures  for  the  other  three  quarters,  and 
the  estimates  for  the  year  following  the  30th  of  June,  1866.  I  might 
content  myself  with  a  reference  to  that  report,  in  which  you  will 
find  all  the  information  required  for  your  deliberations  and  decision. 
But  the  paramount  importance  of  the  subject  so  presses  itself  on  my 
own  mind,  that  I  cannot  but  lay  before  you  my  views  of  the  measures 
which  are  required  for  the  good  character,  and,  I  might  almost  say, 
for  the  existence  of  this  people.  The  life  of  a  Republic  lies  cer 
tainly  in  the  energy,  virtue,  and  intelligence  of  its  citizens ;  but  it 
is  equally  true  that  a  good  revenue  system  is  the  life  of  an  organized 
Government.  I  meet  you  at  a  time  when  the  nation  has  voluntarily 
burdened  itself  with  a  debt  unprecedented  in  our  annals.  Vast  as 
is  its  amount,  it  fades  away  into  nothing  when  compared  with  the 
countless  blessings  that  will  be  conferred  upon  our  country  and 
upon  man  by  the  preservation  of  the  nation's  life.  Now,  on  the  first 
occasion  of  the  meeting  of  Congress  since  the  return  of  peace,  it  is 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  inaugurate  a  just  policy,  which  shall 
at  once  be  put  in  motion,  and  which  shall  commend  itself  to  those 
who  come  after  us  for  its  continuance.  We  must  aim  at  nothing 
less  than  the  complete  effacement  of  the  financial  evils  that  neces 
sarily  followed  a  state  of  civil  war.  We  must  endeavor  to  apply 
the  earliest  remedy  to  the  deranged  state  of  the  currency,  and  not 
shrink  from  devising  a  policy,  which,  without  being  oppressive  to 
the  people,  shall  immediately  begin  to  effect  a  reduction  of  the  debt, 
and,  if  persisted  in,  discharge  it  fully  within  a  definitely  fixed  num 
ber  of  years. 

It  is  our  first  duty  to  prepare  in  earnest  for  our  recovery  from  the 
ever-increasing  evils  of  an  irredeemable  currency,  with  a  sudden 
revulsion,  and  yet  without  untimely  procrastination.  For  that  end, 
we  must,  each  in  our  respective  positions,  prepare  the  way.  I  hold 
it  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to  insist  upon  frugality  in  the  expend 
itures  ;  and  a  sparing  economy  is  itself  a  great  national  resource. 
Of  the  banks  to  which  authority  has  been  given  to  issue  notes 
secured  by  bonds  of  the  United  States,  we  may  require  the  greatest 
moderation  and  prudence,  and  the  law  must  be  rigidly  enforced 
when  its  limits  are  exceeded.  We  may,  each  one  of  us,  counsel  our 
active  and  enterprising  countrymen  to  be  constantly  on  their  guard, 
to  liquidate  debts  contracted  in  a  paper  currency,  and,  by  conducting 
business  as  nearly  as  possible  on  a  system  of  cash  payments  or  short 


124  APPENDIX. 

credits,  to  hold  themselves  prepared  to  return  to  the  standard  of 
gold  and  silver.  To  aid  our  fellow-citizens  in  the  prudent  manage 
ment  of  their  monetary  affairs,  the  duty  devolves  on  us  to  diminish 
by  law  the  amount  of  paper  money  now  in  circulation.  Five  years 
ago  the  bank-note  circulation  of  the  country  amounted  to  not  much 
more  than  two  hundred  millions ;  now  the  circulation,  bank  and 
national,  exceeds  seven  hundred  millions.  The  simple  statement  of 
the  fact  recommends  more  strongly  than  any  words  of  mine  could 
do,  the  necessity  of  our  restraining  this  expansion.  The  gradual 
reduction  of  the  currency  is  the  only  measure  that  can  save  the  busi 
ness  of  the  country  from  disastrous  calamities ;  and  this  can  be 
almost  imperceptibly  accomplished  by  gradually  funding  the  na 
tional  circulation  in  securities  that  may  be  made  redeemable  at.  the 
pleasure  of  the  Government. 

Our  debt  is  doubly  secure— first  in  the  actual  wealth  and  still 
greater  undeveloped  resources  of  the  country  ;  and  next  in  the  char 
acter  of  our  institutions.      The  most  intelligent  observers  among 
political  economists  have  not  failed  to  remark,  that  the  public  debt 
of  a  country  is  safe  in  proportion  as  its  people  are  free ;  that  the 
-debt  of  a  republic  is  the  safest  of  all.     Our  history  confirms  and 
establishes  the  theory,  and  is,  I  firmly  believe,  destined  to  give  it  a 
still  more  signal  illustration.     The  secret  of  this  superiority  springs 
not  merely  from  the  fact,  that  in  a  republic  the  national  obligations 
are  distributed  more  widely  through  countless  numbers  in  all  classes 
of  society ;  it  has  its  root  in  the  character  of  our  laws.     Here  all 
men  contribute  to  the  public  welfare,  and  bear  their  fair  share  of  the 
public  burdens.     During  the  war,  under  the  impulses  of  patriotism, 
the  men  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  without  regard  to  their 
own  comparative  want  of  wealth,  thronged  to  our  armies  and  filled 
our  fleets  of  war,  and  held  themselves  ready  to  offer  their  lives  for 
the  public  good.     Now,  in  their  turn,  the  property  and  income  of 
the  country  should  bear  their  just  proportion  of  the  burden  of  taxa 
tion,  while  in  our  impost  system,  through  means  of  which  increased 
vitality  is  incidentally  imparted  to  all  the  industrial  interests  of  the 
nation,  the  duties  should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  fall  most  heavily  on 
articles  of  luxury,  leaving  the  necessaries  of  life  as  free  from  taxation 
us  the  absolute  wants  of  the  Government,  economically  administered, 
will  justify.     No  favored  class  should  demand  freedom  from  assess 
ment,  and  the  taxes  should  be  so  distributed  as  not  to  fall  unduly 
on  the  poor,  but  rather  on  the  accumulated  wealth  of  the  country. 
We  should  look  at  the  national  debt  just  as  it  is— not  as  a  national 


APPENDIX.  125 

blessing,  but  as  a  heavy  burden  on  the  industry  of  the  country,  to 
be  discharged  without  unnecessary  delay. 

It  is  estimated  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  that  the  expend 
itures  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1866,  will  exceed 
the  receipts  $112,194,947.  It  is  gratifying,  however,  to  state  that  it 
is  also  estimated  that  the  revenue  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of 
June,  1867,  will  exceed  the  expenditures  in  the  sum  of  $111,682,818. 
This  amount,  or  sc  much  as  may  be  deemed  sufficient  for  the  pur 
pose,  may  be  applied  to  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  which,  on 
the  31st  day  of  October,  1865,  was  $2,740,854,750.  Every  reduction 
will  diminish  the  total  amount  of  interest  to  be  paid,  and  so  enlarge 
the  means  of  still  further  reductions,  until  the  whole  shall  be  liqui 
dated  ;  and  this,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  estimates  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  may  be  accomplished  by  annual  payments  even 
within  a  period  not  exceeding  thirty  years.  I  have  faith  that  we 
shall  do  all  this  within  a  reasonable  time  ;  that,  as  we  have  amazed 
the  world  by  the  suppression  cf  a  civil  war  which  was  thought  to 
be  beyond  the  control  of  any  Government,  so  we  shall  equally  show 
the  superiority  of  our  institutions  by  the  prompt  and  faithful  dis 
charge  of  our  national  obligations. 

The  Department  of  Agriculture,  under  its  present  direction,  is  ac 
complishing  much  in  developing  and  utilizing  the  vast  agricultural 
capabilities  of  the  country,  and  for  information  respecting  the  details 
of  its  management,  reference  is  made  to  the  annual  report  of  the 
Commissioner. 

I  have  dwelt  thus  fully  on  our  domestic  affairs  because  of  their 
transcendent  importance.  Under  any  circumstances,  our  great  ex 
tent  of  territory  and  variety  of  climate,  producing  almost  everything 
that  is  necessary  for  the  wants,  and  even  the  comforts  of  man,  makes 
us  singularly  independent  of  the  varying  policy  of  foreign  powers, 
and  protect  us  against  every  temptation  to  "  entangling  alliances," 
while  at  the  present  moment  the  reestablishment  of  harmony,  and 
the  strength  that  comes  from  harmony,  will  be  our  best  security 
against  "  nations  who  feel  power  and  forget  right."  For  myself,  it 
has  been  and  it  will  be  my  constant  aim  to  promote  peace  and  amity 
with  all  foreign  nations  and  powers ;  and  I  have  every  reason  to  be 
lieve  that  they  all,  without  exception,  are  animated  by  the  same  dis 
position.  Our  relations  with  the  Emperor  of  China,  so  recent  in 
their  origin,  are  most  friendly.  Our  commerce  with  his  dominions 
is  receiving  new  developments ;  and  it  is  very  pleasing  to  find  that 
the  Government  of  that  great  Empire  manifests  satisfaction  with  our 


126  APPENDIX. 

policy,  and  reposes  just  confidence  in  the  fairness  which  marks  our 
intercourse.  The  unbroken  harmony  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  is  receiving  a  new  support  from  an  enterprise 
designed  to  carry  telegraphic  lines  across  the  continent  of  Asia, 
through  his  dominions,  and  so  to  connect  us  with  all  Europe  by  a 
new  channel  of  intercourse.  Our  commerce  with  South  America  is 
about  to  receive  encouragement  by  a  direct  line  of  mail  steamships 
to  the  rising  empire  of  Brazil.  The  distinguished  party  of  men  of 
science  who  have  recently  left  our  country  to  make  a  scientific  ex 
ploration  of  the  natural  history  and  rivers  and  mountain  ranges  of 
that  region,  have  received  from  the  Emperor  that  generous  welcome 
which  was  to  have  been  expected  from  his  constant  friendship  for 
the  United  States,  and  his  well-known  zeal  in  promoting  the  ad 
vancement  of  knowledge.  A  hope  is  entertained  that  our  commerce 
with  the  rich  and  populous  countries  that  border  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  may  be  largely  increased.  Nothing  will  be  wanting  on  the  part 
of  this  Government,  to  extend  the  protection  of  our  flag  over  the 
enterprise  of  our  fellow-citizens.  We  receive  from  the  Powers  in  that 
region  assurances  of  good-will ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  a  spe 
cial  envoy  has  brought  us  messages  of  condolence  on  the  death  of  our 
lute  Chief  Magistrate  from  the  Bey  of  Tunis,  whose  rule  includes  the 
old  dominions  of  Carthage,  on  the  African  coast. 

Our  domestic  contest,  new  happily  ended,  has  left  some  traces  in 
our  relations  with  one  at  least  of  the  great  maritime  powers.  The 
formal  accordance  of  belligerent  rights  to  the  insurgent  States  was 
unprecedented,  and  has  not  been  justified  by  the  issue.  But  in  the 
systems  of  neutrality  pursued  by  the  Powers  which  made  that  con 
cession,  there  was  a  marked  difference.  The  materials  of  war  for 
the  insurgent  States  were  furnished,  in  a  great  measure,  from  tho 
workshops  of  Great  Britain ;  and  British  ships,  manned  by  British 
subjects,  and  prepared  for  receiving  British  armaments,  sallied  from 
the  ports  of  Great  Britain  to  make  war  on  American  commerce, 
under  the  shelter  of  a  commission  from  the  insurgent  States.  These 
ships,  having  once  escaped  from  British  ports,  ever  afterward  entered 
them  in  every  part  of  the  world,  to  refit,  and  so  to  renew  their  de 
predations.  The  consequences  of  this  conduct  were  most  disastrous 
to  the  States  then  in  rebellion,  increasing  their  desolation  and  misery 
l>y  the  prolongation  of  our  civil  contest.  It  had,  moreover,  the  effect, 
to  a  great  extent,  to  drive  the  American  flag  from  the  sea,  and  to 
transfer  much  of  our  shipping  and  our  commerce  to  the  very  Power 
whose  subjects  had  created  the  necessity  for  such  a  change.  These 


APPENDIX.  127 

.events  took  place  before  I  was  called  to  the  administration  of  the 
Government.  The  sincere  desire  for  peace  by  which  I  am  animated 
led  me  to  approve  the  proposal,  already  made,  to  submit  the  ques 
tions  which  had  thus  arisen  between  the  countries,  to  arbitration. 
These  questions  are  of  such  moment  that  they  must  have  commanded 
the  attention  of  the  great  Powers,  and  are  so  interwoven  with  the  peace 
and  interests  of  every  one  of  them  as  to  have  ensured  an  impartial 
decision.  I  regret  to  inform  you  that  Great  Britain  declined  the 
arbitrament,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  invited  us  to  the  formation  of  a 
joint  commission  to  settle  mutual  claims  between  the  two  countries, 
from  which  those  for  the  depredations  before  mentioned  should  be 
excluded.  The  proposition,  in  that  very  unsatisfactory  form,  has 
been  declined. 

The  United  States  did  not  present  the  subject  as  an  impeachment 
of  the  good  faith  of  a  Power  which  was  professing  the  most  friendly 
dispositions,  but  as  involving  questions  of  public  law,  of  which  the 
settlement  is  essential  to  the  peace  of  nations ;  and,  though  pecuni 
ary  reparation  to  their  injured  citizens  would  have  followed  inci 
dentally  on  a  decision  against  Great  Britain,  such  compensation  was 
not  their  primary  object.  They  had  a  higher  motive,  and  it  was  in 
the  interests  of  peace  and  justice  to  establish  important  principles  of 
international  law.  The  correspondence  will  be  placed  before  you. 
The  ground  on  which  the  British  Minister  rests  his  justification  is, 
substantially,  that  the  municipal  law  of  a  nation,  and  the  domestic 
interpretations  of  that  law,  are  the  measure  of  its  duty  as  a  neutral ; 
and  I  feel  bound  to  declare  my  opinion,  before  you  and  before  the 
world,  that  that  justification  cannot  be  sustained  before  the  tribunal 
of  nations.  At  the  same  time  I  do  not  advise  to  any  present  attempt 
at  redress  by  acts  of  legislation.  For  the  future,  friendship  between 
the  two  countries  must  rest  on  the  basis  of  mutual  justice. 

From  the  moment  of  the  establishment  of  our  free  Constitution, 
the  civilized  world  has  been  convulsed  by  revolutions  in  the  interests 
of  democracy  or  of  monarchy :  but  through  all  those  revolutions  the 
United  States  have  wisely  and  firmly  refused  to  become  propagan 
dists  of  republicanism.  It  is  the  only  government  suited  to  our  con 
dition;  but  we  have  never  sought  to  impose  it  on  otheis;  and  we 
have  consistently  followed  the  advice  of  Washington  to  recommend 
it  only  by  the  careful  preservation  and  prudent  use  of  the  blessing. 
During  all  the  intervening  period  the  policy  of  European  Powers 
and  of  the  United  States  has,  on  the  whole,  been  harmonious.  Twice, 
indeed,  rumors  of  the  invasion  of  some  parts  of  America,  in  the  in- 


128  APPENDIX. 

terest  of  monarchy,  have  prevailed ;  twice  my  predecessors  have  had 
occasion  to  announce  the  views  of  this  nation  in  respect  to  such  inter 
ference.  On  both  occasions  the  remonstrance  of  the  United  States  was 
respected,  from  a  deep  conviction,  on  the  part  of  European  Govern 
ments,  that  the  system  of  non-interference  and  mutual  abstinence 
from  propagandism  was  the  true  rule  for  the  two  hemispheres.  Since 
those  times  we  have  advanced  in  wealth  and  power ;  but  we  retain 
the  same  purpose  to  leave  the  nations  of  Europe  to  choose  their  own 
dynasties  and  form  their  own  systems  of  government.  This  consist 
ent  moderation  may  justly  demand  a  corresponding  moderation.  We 
should  regard  it  as  a  great  calamity  to  ourselves,  to  the  cause  of  good 
government,  and  to  the  peace  of  the  world,  should  any  European 
Power  challenge  the  American  people,  as  it  were,  to  the  defense  of 
republicanism  against  foreign  interference.  We  cannot  foresee  and 
are  unwilling  to  consider  what  opportunities  might  present  them 
selves,  what  combinations  might  offer  to  protect  ourselves  against 
designs  inimical  to  our  form  of  government.  The  United  States  de 
sire  to  act  in  the  future  as  they  have  ever  acted  heretofore ;  they 
never  will  be  driven  from  that  course  but  by  the  aggression  of  Euro 
pean  Powers ;  and  we  rely  on  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  those  Powers 
to  respect  the  system  of  non-interference  which  has  so  long  been 
sanctioned  by  time,  and  which,  by  its  good  results,  has  approved 
itself  to  both  continents. 

The  correspondence  between  the  United  States  and  France,  in  ref 
erence  to  questions  which  have  become  subjects  of  discussion  be 
tween  the  two  Governments,  will,  at  the  proper  time,  be  laid  before 
Congress. 

When,  on  the  organization  of  our  Government,  under  the  Consti 
tution,  the  President  of  the  United  States  delivered  his  Inaugural 
address  to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  he  said  to  them,  and  through 
them  to  the  country  and  to  mankind,  that  the  "  preservation  of  the 
sacred  fire  of  liberty  and  the  destiny  of  the  republican  model  of  gov 
ernment  are  justly  considered  as  deeply,  perhaps  as  finally  staked  on 
the  experiment  intrusted  to  the  American  people."  And  the  House 
of  Kepresentatives  answered  Washington  by  the  voice  of  Madison  : 
"  We  adore  the  invisible  hand  which  has  led  the  American  people, 
through  so  many  difficulties,  to  cherish  a  conscious  responsibility  for 
the  destiny  of  republican  liberty."  More  than  seventy-six  years  have 
glided  away  since  these  words  were  spoken ;  the  United  States  have 
passed  through  severer  trials  than  were  foreseen ;  and  now,  at  this 
new  epoch  in  our  existence  as  one  nation,  with  our  Union  purified 


APPENDIX.  129 

by  sorrows  and  strengthened  by  conflict,  and  established  by  the  vir 
tue  of  the  people,  the  greatness  of  the  occasion  invites  us  once  more 
to  repeat,  with  solemnity,  the  pledges  of  our  fathers  to  hold  ourselves 
answerable  before  our  fellow-men  for  the  success  of  the  Republican 
form^of  government.     Experience  has  proved  its  sufficiency  in  peace 
and  in  war ;  it  has  vindicated  its  authority  through  dangers,  and 
afflictions,  and  sudden  and  terrible  emergencies,  which  would  have 
crashed  any  system  that  had  been  less  firmly  fixed  in  the  heart  of  the 
people.     At  the  inauguration  of  Washington  the  foreign  relations  of 
the  country  were  few,  and  its  trade  was  repressed  by  hostile  regula 
tions  ;  now  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  globe  welcome  our  com 
merce,  and  their  Governments  profess  toward  us  amity.     Then  our 
country  felt  its  way  hesitatingly  along  an  untried  path,  with  States 
so  little  bound  together  by  rapid  means  of  communication  as  to  be 
hardly  known  to  one  another,  and  with  historic  traditions  extending 
over  very  few  years ;  now  intercourse  between  the  States  is  swift  and 
intimate ;  the  experience  of  centuries  has  been  crowded  into  a  few 
generations,  and  has  created  an  intense,  indestructible  nationality. 
Then  our  jurisdiction  did  not  reach  beyond  the  inconvenient  boun 
daries  of  the  territory  which  had  achieved  independence;    now, 
through  cessions  of  lands,  first  colonized  by  Spain  and  France,  the 
country  has  acquired  a  more  complex  character,  and  has  for  its  natu 
ral  limits  the  chain  of  Lakes,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  on  the  east  and 
west  the  two  great  oceans.     Other  nations  were  wasted  by  civil  wars 
for  ages  before  they  could  establish  for  themselves  the  necessary  de 
gree  of  unity ;  the  latent  conviction  that  our  form  of  government  is 
the  best  ever  known  to  the  world,  has  enabled  us  to  emerge  from 
civil  war  within  four  years,  with  a  complete  vindication  of  the  con 
stitutional  authority  of  the  General  Government,  and  with  our  local 
liberties  and  State  institutions  unimpaired.     The  throngs  of  emi 
grants  that  crowd  to  our  shores  are  witnesses  of  the  confidence  of  all 
peoples  in  our  permanence.     Here  is  the  great  land  of  free  labor, 
where  industry  is  blessed  with  unexampled  rewards,  and  the  bread 
of  the  workingman  is  sweetened  by  the  consciousness  that  the  cause 
of  the  country  "is  his  own  cause,  his  own  safety,  his  own  dignity." 
Here  every  one  enjoys  the  free  use  of  his  faculties  and  the  choice  of 
activity  as  a  natural  right.     Here,  under  the  combined  influence  of  a 
fruitful  soil,  genial  climes,  and  happy  institutions,  population  has 
increased  fifteen-fold  within  a  century.     Here,  through  the  easy  de 
velopment  of  boundless  resources,  wealth  has  increased  with  two-fold 
greater  rapidity  than  numbers,  so  that  we  have  become  secure  against 


130  APPENDIX. 

the  financial  vicissitudes  of  other  countries,  and,  alike  in  business 
and  in  opinion,  are  self-centered  and  truly  independent.  Here  more 
and  more  care  is  given  to  provide  education  for  every  one  born  on 
our  soil.  Here  religion,  released  from  political  connexion  with  the 
Civil  Government,  refuses  to  subserve  the  craft  of  statesmen,  and  be 
comes,  in  its  independence,  the  spiritual  life  of  the  people.  Here 
toleration  is  extended  to  every  opinion,  in  the  quiet  certainty  that 
truth  needs  only  a  fair  field  to  secure  the  victory.  Here  the  human 
mind  goes  forth  unshackled  in  the  pursuit  of  science,  to  collect  stores 
of  knowledge  and  acquire  an  ever-increasing  mastery  over  the  forces 
of  nature.  Here  the  national  domain  is  offered  and  held  in  millions 
of  separate  freeholds,  so  that  our  fellow-citizens,  beyond  the  occu 
pants  of  any  other  part  of  the  earth,  constitute  in  reality  a  people. 
Here  exists  the  democratic  form  of  government ;  and  that  form  of 
government,  by  the  confession  of  European  statesmen,  "gives  a 
power  of  which  no  other  form  is  capable,  because  it  incorporates 
every  man  with  the  State,  and  arouses  everything  that  belongs  to 
the  soul." 

Where,  in  past  history,  does  a  parallel  exist  to  the  public  happiness 
which  is  within  the  reach  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  ?  Where, 
in  any  part  of  the  globe,  can  institutions  be  found  so  suited  to  their 
habits  or  so  entitled  to  their  love  as  their  own  free  Constitution  ? 
Every  one  of  them,  then,  in  whatever  part  of  the  land  he  has  his 
home,  must  wish  its  perpetuity.  Who  of  them  will  not  acknowledge, 
in  the  words  of  Washington,  that  "  every  step  by  which  the  people 
of  the  United  States  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an  independ 
ent  nation,  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  Prov 
idential  agency  ?"  Who  will  not  join  with  me  in  the  prayer,  that 
the  invisible  Hand  which  has  led  us  through  the  clouds  that  gloomed 
around  our  path,  will  so  guide  us  onward  to  a  perfect  restoration  of 
fraternal  affection,  that  we  of  this  day  may  be  able  to  transmit  our 
great  inheritance,  of  State  Governments  in  all  their  rights,  of  the 
General  Government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vigor,  to  our  poster 
ity,  and  they  to  theirs  through  countless  generations  ? 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 
WASHINGTON,  December  4,  1865. 


APPENDIX.  131 

FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU— VETO  MESSAGE. 

February  19,  1366. 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 

I  HAVE  examined  with  care  the  bill  which  originated  in  the  Senate 
and  has  been  passed  by  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  to  amend  an  act 
entitled  "An  act  to  establish  a  Bureau  for  the  Relief  of  Freedmen  and 
Refugees,"  and  for  other  purposes.  Having,  with  much  regret,  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  not  be  consistent  with  the  public 
welfare  to  give  my  approval  to  the  measure,  I  return  the  bill  to  the 
Senate  with  my  objections  to  its  becoming  a  law. 

I  might  call  to  mind  in  advance  of  these  objections  that  there  is 
no  immediate  necessity  for  the  proposed  measure.  The  act  to  estab 
lish  a  Bureau  for  the  Relief  of  Freedmen  and  Refugees,  which  was 
approved  in  the  month  of  March  last,  has  not  yet  expired.  It  was 
thought  stringent  and  extensive  enough  for  the  purpose  in  view  in 
time  of  war.  Before  it  ceases  to  have  effect  further  experience  may 
assist  to  guide  us  to  a  wise  conclusion  as  to  the  policy  to  be  adopted 
in  time  of  peace. 

I  share  with  Congress  the  strongest  desire  to  secure  to  the  freed- 
men  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  freedom  and  property,  and  their  en 
tire  independence  and  equality  in  making  contracts  for  their  labor  ; 
but  the  bill  before  me  contains  provisions  which  in  my  opinion  are 
not  warranted  by  the  Constitution,  and  are  not  well  suited  to  accom 
plish  the  end  in  view. 

The  bill  proposes  to  establish,  by  authority  of  Congress,  military 
jurisdiction  over  all  parts  of  the  United  States  containing  refugees 
and  freedmen.  It  would,  by  its  very  nature,  apply  with  most  force 
to  those  parts  of  the  United  States  in  which  the  freedmen  most 
abound ;  and  it  expressly  extends  the  existing  temporary  jurisdiction 
of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  with  greatly  enlarged  powers  over  those 
States  uin  which  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings  has 
been  interrupted  by  the  rebellion."  The  source  from  which  this  mili 
tary  jurisdiction  is  to  emanate  is  none  other  than  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  acting  through  the  War  Department  and  the 
Commissioner  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.  The  agents  to  carry  out 
this  military  jurisdiction  are  to  be  selected  either  from  the  Army 
or  from  civil  life ;  the  country  is  to  be  divided  into  districts  and  sub- 
districts  ;  and  the  number  of  salaried  agents  to  be  employed  may  be 


132  APPENDIX. 

equal  to  the  number  of  counties  or  parishes  in  all  the  United  States 
where  freedmen  and  refugees  arc  to  be  found. 

The  subjects  over  which  this  military  jurisdiction  is  to  extend  in 
every  part  of  the  United  States  include  protection  to  "  all  employe's, 
agents,  and  officers  of  this  bureau  in  the  exercise  of  the  duties  im 
posed"  upon  them  by  the  bill.  In  eleven  States  it  is  further  to 
extend  over  all  cases  affecting  freedmen  and  refugees  discriminated 
against  u  by  local  law,  custom,  or  prejudice."  In  those  eleven  States 
the  bill  subjects  any  white  person  who  may  be  charged  with  depriv 
ing  a  freedman  of  "  any  civil  rights  or  immunities  belonging  to  white 
persons"  to  imprisonment  or  fine,  or  both,  without,  however,  defining 
the  "  civil  rights  and  immunities"  which  are  thus  to  be  secured  to  the 
freedman  by  military  law.  This  military  jurisdiction  also  extends 
to  all  questions  that  may  arise  respecting  contracts.  The  agent  who 
is  thus  to  exercise  the  office  of  a  military  judge  may  be  a  stranger, 
entirely  ignorant  of  the  laws  of  the  place,  and  exposed  to  the  errors 
of  judgment  to  which  all  men  are  liable.  The  exercise  of  power, 
over  which  there  is  no  legal  supervision,  by  so  vast  a  number  of 
agents  as  is  contemplated  by  the  bill,  must,  by  the  very  nature  of 
man,  be  attended  by  acts  of  caprice,  injustice,  and  passion. 

The  trials,  having  their  origin  under  this  bill,  are  to  take  place 
without  the  intervention  of  a  jury,  and  without  any  fixed  rules  of 
law  or  evidence.  The  rules  on  which  offenses  are  to  be  "  heard  and 
determined  "  by  the  numerous  agents,  are  such  rules  and  regulations 
as  the  President,  through  the  War  Department,  shall  prescribe.  No 
previous  presentment  is  required,  nor  any  indictment  charging  the 
commission  of  a  crime  against  the  laws ;  but  the  trial  must  proceed 
on  charges  and  specifications.  The  punishment  will  be,  not  what 
the  law  declares,  but  such  as  a  court-martial  may  think  proper ;  and 
from  these  arbitrary  tribunals  there  lies  no  appeal,  no  writ  of  error 
to  any  of  the  courts  in  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
vests  exclusively  the  judicial  power  of  the  country. 

While  the  territory  and  the  classes  of  actions  and  offenses  that  are 
made  subject  to  this  measure  are  so  extensive,  the  bill  itself,  should 
it  become  a  law,  will  have  no  limitation  in  point  of  time,  but  will 
form  a  part  of  the  permanent  legislation  of  the  country.  I  cannot 
reconcile  a  system  of  military  jurisdiction  of  this  kind  with  the  words 
of  the  Constitution,  which  declare  that  "  no  person  shall  be  held  to 
answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infamous  crime  unless  on  a  present 
ment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the 
land  and  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia  when  in  actual  service  in  time 


APPENDIX.  133 

of  war  or  public  danger ;"  and  that  "  in  all  criminal  prosecutions  the 
accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  im 
partial  jury  of  the  State  or  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been, 
committed."  The  safeguards  which  the  experience  and  wisdom  of 
ages  taught  our  fathers  to  establish  as  securities  for  the  protection 
of  the  innocent,  the  punishment  of  the  guilty,  and  the  equal  admin 
istration  of  justice,  are  to  be  set  aside,  and  for  the  sake  of  a  more 
vigorous  interposition  in  behalf  of  justice,  we  are  to  take  the  risk  of 
the  many  acts  of  injustice  that  would  necessarily  follow  from  an 
almost  countless  number  of  agents  established  in  every  parish  or 
county  in  nearly  a  third  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  over  whose  de 
cisions  there  is  to  be  no  supervision  or  control  by  the  Federal  courts. 
The  power  that  would  be  thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  President 
is  such  as  in  time  of  peace  certainly  ought  never  to  be  intrusted  to 
any  one  man. 

If  it  be  asked  whether  the  creation  of  such  a  tribunal  within  a 
State  is  warranted  as  a  measure  of  war,  the  question  immediately 
presents  itself  whether  we  are  still  engaged  in  war.  Let  us  not  un 
necessarily  disturb  the  commerce  and  credit  and  industry  of  the 
country  by  declaring  to  the  American  people  and  to  the  world  that 
the  United  States  are  still  in  a  condition  of  civil  war.  At  present 
there  is  no  part  of  our  country  in  which  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  is  disputed.  Offenses  that  may  be  committed  by  individuals 
should  not  work  a  forfeiture  of  the  rights  of  whole  communities. 
The  country  has  returned  or  is  returning  to  a  state  of  peace  and  in 
dustry,  and  the  rebellion  is  in  fact  at  an  end.  The  measure,  there 
fore,  seems  to  be  as  inconsistent  with  the  actual  condition  of  the 
country  as  it  is  at  variance  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

If,  passing  from  general  considerations,  we  examine  the  bill  in  de 
tail,  it  is  open  to  weighty  objections. 

In  time  of  war  it  was  eminently  proper  that  we  should  provide  for 
those  who  were  passing  suddenly  from  a  condition  of  bondage  to  a 
state  of  freedom.  But  this  bill  ^proposes  to  make  the  Freedmeu's 
Bureau,  established  by  the  act  of  1865  as  one  of  many  great  and  ex 
traordinary  military  measures  to  suppress  a  formidable  rebellion,  a 
permanent  branch  of  the  public  administration,  with  its  powers 
greatly  enlarged.  I  have  no  reason  to  suppose,  and  I  do  not  under 
stand  it  to  be  alleged,  that  the  act  of  March,  1865,  has  proved  defi 
cient  for  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  passed,  although  at  that  time, 
and  for  a  considerable  period  thereafter,  the  Government  of  the 


134  APPENDIX. 

United  States  remained  unacknowledged  in  most  of  the  States  whose 
inhabitants  had  been  involved  in  the  rebellion.  The  institution  of 
slavery,  for  the  military  destruction  of  which  the  Freedmen's  Bureau 
was  called  into  existence  as  an  ancillary,  has  been  already  effectually 
and  finally  abrogated  throughout  the  whole  country  by  an  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  practically  its 
eradication  has  received  the  assent  and  concurrence  of  most  of  those 
States  in  which  it  at  any  time  had  an  existence.  I  am  not,  therefore, 
able  to  discern,  in  the  condition  of  the  country,  anything  to  justify 
an  apprehension  that  the  powers  and  agencies  of  the  Freedmen's  Bu 
reau,  which  were  effective  for  the  protection  of  freedmen  and  refugees 
during  th.e  actual  continuance  of  hostilities  and  of  African  servitude, 
will  now,  in  a  time  of  peace  and  after  the  abolition  of  slavery,  'prove 
inadequate  to  the  same  proper  ends.  If  I  am  correct  in  these  views, 
there  can  be  no  necessity  for  the  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the 
bureau,  for  which  provision  is  made  in  the  bill. 

The  third  section  of  the  bill  authorizes  a  general  and  unlimited 
grant  of  support  to  the  destitute  and  suffering  refugees  and  freed 
men,  their  wives  and  children.  Succeeding  sections  make  provision 
for  the  rent  or  purchase  of  landed  estates  for  freedmen,  and  for  the 
erection  for  their  benefit  of  suitable  buildings  for  asylums  and  schools, 
the  expenses  to  be  defrayed  from  the  Treasury  of  the  whole  people. 
The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  never  heretofore  thought  itself 
empowered  to  establish  asylums  beyond  the  limits  of  the  District  of 
Columbia,  except  for  the  benefit  of  our  disabled  soldiers  and  sailors. 
It  has  never  founded  schools  for  any  class  of  our  own  people,  not 
even  for  the  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the  defense  of  the 
Union,  but  has  left  the  care  of  education  to  the  much  more  compe 
tent  and  efficient  control  of  the  States,  of  communities,  of  private 
associations,  and  of  individuals.  It  has  never  deemed  itself  author 
ized  to  expend  the  public  money  for  the  rent  or  purchase  of  homes 
for  the  thousands,  not  to  say  millions,  of  the  white  race,  who  are 
honestly  toiling  from  day  to  day  for  their  subsistence.  A  system  for 
the  support  of  indigent  persons  in  the  United  States  was  never  con 
templated  by  the  authors  of  the  Constitution,  nor  can  any  good  rea 
son  be  advanced  why,  as  a  permanent  establishment,  it  should  be 
founded  for  one  class  or  color  of  our  people  more  than  for  another. 
Pending  the  war,  many  refugees  and  freedmen  received  support  from 
the  Government,  but  it  was  never  intended  that  they  should  thence 
forth  be  fed,  clothed,  educated,  and  sheltered  by  the  United  States. 
The  idea  on  which  the  slaves  were  assisted  to  freedom  was  that,  on 


APPENDIX.  135 

becoming  free,  they  would  be  a  self-sustaining  population.  Any 
legislation  that  shall  imply  that  they  are  not  expected  to  attain  a 
self-sustaining  condition  must  have  a  tendency  injurious  alike  to 
their  character  and  their  prospects. 

The  appointment  of  an  agent  for  every  county  and  parish  will  cre 
ate  an  immense  patronage ;  and  the  expense  of  the  numerous  officers 
and  their  clerks,  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  will  be  great  in 
the  beginning,  with  a  tendency  steadily  to  increase.  The  appropri 
ations  asked  by  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  as  now  established,  for  the 
year  1866,  amount  to  $11,745,000.  It  may  be  safely  estimated  that 
the  cost  to  be  incurred  under  the  pending  bill  will  require  double 
that  amount — more  than  the  entire  sum  expended  in  any  one  year 
under  the  administration  of  the  second  Adams.  If  the  presence  of 
agents  in  every  parish  and  county  is  to  be  considered  as  a  war  meas 
ure,  opposition,  or  even  resistance,  might  be  provoked,  so  that,  to 
give  effect  to  their  jurisdiction,  troops  would  have  to  be  stationed 
within  reach  of  every  one  of  them,  and  thus  a  large  standing  force 
be  rendered  necessary.  Large  appropriations  would  therefore  be 
required  to  sustain  and  enforce  military  jurisdiction  in  every  county 
or  parish,  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  condition  of 
our  fiscal  affairs  is  encouraging ;  but  in  order  to  sustain  the  present 
measure  of  public  confidence,  it  is  necessary  that  we  practice  not 
merely  customary  economy,  but,  as  far  as  possible,  severe  retrenchment. 

In  addition  to  the  objections  already  stated,  the  fifth  section  of  the 
bill  proposes  to  take  away  land  from  its  former  owners  without  any 
legal  proceedings  being  first  had,  contrary  to  that  provision  of  the 
Constitution  which  declares  that  no  person  shall  "  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law."  It  does  not 
appear  that  a  part  of  the  lands  to  which  this  section  refers  may  not 
be  owned  by  minors,  or  persons  of  unsound  mind,  pr  by  those  who 
have  been  faithful  to  all  their  obligations  as  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  If  any  portion  of  the  land  is  held  by  such  persons,  it  is  not 
competent  for  any  authority  to  deprive  them  of  it.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  be  found  that  the  property  is  liable  to  confiscation,  even 
then  it  cannot  be  appropriated  to  public  purposes  until  by  due  pro 
cess  of  law  it  shall  have  been  declared  forfeited  to  the  Government. 

There  is  still  further  objection  to  the  bill  on  grounds  seriously  af 
fecting  the  class  of  persons  to  whom  it  is  designed  to  bring  relief. 
It  will  tend  to  keep  the  mind  of  the  freedinan  in  a  state  of  uncertain 
expectation  and  restlessness,  while  to  those  among  whom  he  lives  it 
will  be  a  source  of  constant  and  vague  apprehension. 


136  APPENDIX. 

Undoubtedly  the  freedman  should  be  protected,  but  he  should  be 
protected  by  the  civil  authorities,  especially  by  the  exercise  of  all  the 
constitutional  powers  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 
States.  His  condition  is  not  so  exposed  as  may  at  first  be  imagined. 
He  is  in  a  portion  of  the  country  where  his  labor  cannot  well  be 
spared.  Competition  for  his  services  from  planters,  from  those  who 
are  constructing  or  repairing  railroads,  and  from  capitalists  in  his 
vicinage  or  from  other  States,  will  enable  him  to  command  almost 
his  own  terms.  He  also  possesses  a  perfect  right  to  change  his  place 
of  abode ;  and  if,  therefore,  he  does  not  find  in  one  community  or 
State  a  mode  of  life  suited  to  his  desires,  or  proper  remuneration  for 
his  labor,  he  can  move  to-  another,  where  that  labor  is  more  esteemed 
and  better  rewarded.  In  truth,  however,  each  State,  induced  by  its 
own  wants  and  interests,  will  do  what  it  is  necessary  and  proper  to 
retain  within  its  borders  all  the  labor  that  is  needed  for  the  develop 
ment  of  its  resources.  The  laws  that  regulate  supply  and  demand 
will  maintain  their  force,  and  the  wages  of  the  laborer  will  be  regu 
lated  thereby.  There  is  no  danger  that  the  exceedingly  great  de 
mand  for  labor  will  not  operate  in  favor  of  the  laborer. 

Neither  is  sufficient  consideration  given  to  the  ability  of  the  freed- 
men  to  protect  and  take  care  of  themselves.  It  is  no  more  than  jus 
tice  to  them  to  believe  that  as  they  h?.ve  received  their  freedom  with 
moderation  and  forbearance,  so  they  will  distinguish  themselves  by 
their  industry  and  thrift,  and  soon  show  the  world  that  in  a  condi 
tion  of  freedom  they  are  self-sustaining,  capable  of  selecting  their 
own  employment  and  their  own  places  of  abode,  of  insisting,  for 
themselves,  on  a  proper  remuneration,  and  of  establishing  and  main 
taining  their  own  asylums  and  schools.  It  is  earnestly  hoped  that 
instead  of  wasting  away,  they  will,  by  their  own  efforts,  establish  for 
themselves,  a  condition  of  respect  and  prosperity.  It  is  certain  that 
they  can  attain  to  that  condition  only  through  their  own  exertions. 

In  this  connection  the  query  presents  itself,  whether  the  system 
proposed  by  the  bill  will  not,  when  put  into  complete  operation, 
practically  transfer  the  entire  care,  support,  and  control  of  four  mil 
lion  emancipated  slaves  to  agents,  overseers,  or  task-masters  who, 
appointed  at  Washington,  are  to  be  located  in  every  county  and 
parish  throughout  the  United  States  containing  freedmen  and  refu 
gees  ?  Such  a  system  would  inevitably  tend  to  a  concentration  of 
power  in  the  Executive,  which  would  enable  him,  if  so  disposed,  to 
control  the  action  of  this  numerous  class  and  use  them  for  the  at 
tainment  of  his  own  political  ends. 


APPENDIX.  isf 

I  cannot  but  add  another  very  grave  objection  to  this  bill.  The 
Constitution  imperatively  declares,  in  connection  with  taxation,  that 
each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative,  and  fixes  the  rule 
for  the  number  to  which  in  future  times  each  State  shall  be  entitled. 
It  also  provides  that  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  com 
posed  of  two  Senators  from  each  State,  and  adds  with  peculiar  force, 
"  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal 
suffrage  in  the  Senate."  The  original  act  was  necessarily  passed  in 
the  absence  of  the  States  chiefly  to  be  affected,  because  their  people 
were  then  contumaciously  engaged  in  the  rebellion.  Now  the  case 
is  changed,  and  some  at  least  of  those  States  are  attending  Congress 
by  loyal  Representatives,  soliciting  the  allowance  of  the  constitu 
tional  right  of  representation.  At  the  time,  however,  of  the  consid 
eration  and  the  passing  of  this  bill,  there  was  no  Senator  or  Repre 
sentative  in  Congress  from  the  eleven  States  which  are  to  be  mainly 
affected  by  its  provisions.  The  very  fact  that  reports  were  and  are 
made  against  the  good  disposition  of  the  people  of  that  portion  of 
the  country  is  an  additional  reason  why  they  need,  and  should  have 
Representatives  of  their  own  in  Congress  to  explain  their  condition, 
reply  to  accusations,  and  assist,  by  their  local  knowledge,  in  the  per 
fecting  of  measures  immediately  affecting  themselves.  While  the 
liberty  of  the  discussions  would  then  be  free,  and  Congress  would  have 
full  power  to  decide  according  to  its  judgment,  there  could  be  no 
objection  urged  that  the  States  most  interested  had  not  been  per 
mitted  to  be  beard.  The  principle  is  firmly  fixed  in  the  minds  of 
the  American  people,  that  there  should  be  no  taxation  without  rep 
resentation. 

Great  burdens  have  now  to  be  borne  by  all  the  country,  and  we 
may  best  demand  that  they  shall  be  borne  without  murmur  when 
they  are  voted  by  a  majority  of  the  representatives  of  all  the  people. 
I  would  not  interfere  with  the  unquestionable  right  of  Congress  to 
judge,  each  House  for  itself,  "  of  the  elections,  returns  and  qualifi 
cations  of  its  own  members,"  but  that  authority  cannot  be  construed 
as  including  the  right  to  shut  out,  in  time  of  peace,  any  State  from 
the  representation  to  which  it  is  entitled  by  the  Constitution.  At 
present,  all  the  people  of  eleven  States  are  excluded — thoge  who  were 
most  faithful  during  the  war  not  less  than  others.  The  State  of  Ten 
nessee,  for  instance,  whose  authorities  engaged  in  rebellion,  was 
restored  to  all  her  constitutional  relations  to  the  Union  by  the  pa 
triotism  and  energy  of  her  injured  and  .betrayed  people.  Before  the 
war  was  brought  to  a  termination  they  had  placed  themselves  in 
35 


138  APPENDIX. 

relations  with  the  General  Government,  had  established  a  State  Gov 
ernment  of  their  own ;  as  they  were  not  included  in  the  Emancipa 
tion  Proclamation,  they  by  their  own  act  had  amended  their  consti 
tution  so  as  to  abolish  slavery  within  the  limits  of  their  State.  I 
know  no  reason  why  the  State  of  Tennessee,  for  example,  should  not 
fully  enjoy  "  all  her  constitutional  relations  to  the  United  States." 

The  President  of  the  United  States  stands  toward"  the  country  in 
a  somewhat  different  attitude  from  that  of  any  member  of  Congress. 
Each  member  of  Congress  is  chosen  from  a  single  district  or  State ; 
the  President  is  chosen  by  the  people  of  all  the  States.  As  eleven 
States  are  not  at  this  time  represented  in  either  branch  of  Congress, 
it  would  seem  to  be  his  duty,  on  all  proper  occasions,  to  present 
their  just  claims  to  Congress.  There  always  will  be  differences  of 
opinion  in  the  community,  and  individuals  may  be  guilty  of  trans 
gressions  of  the  law ;  but  these  do  not  constitute  valid  objections 
against  the  right  of  a  state  to  representation.  I  would  in  nowise 
interfere  with  the  discretion  of  Congress  with  regard  to  the  qualifica 
tions  of  members ;  but  I  hold  it  my  duty  to  recommend  to  you,  in 
the  interests  of  peace  and  in  the  interests  of  union,  the  admission 
of  every  State  to  its  share  in  public  legislation,  when,  however  in 
subordinate,  insurgent,  or  rebellious  its  people  may  have  been,  it 
presents  itself  not  only  in  an  attitude  of  loyalty  and  harmony,  but 
in  the  persons  of  representatives  whose  loyalty  cannot  be  questioned 
under  any  existing  constitutional  or  legal  test. 

It  is  plain  that  an  indefinite  or  permanent  exclusion  of  any  part 
of  the  countiy  from  representation  must  be  attended  by  a  spirit 
of  disquiet  and  complaint.  It  is  unwise  and  dangerous  to  pursue  a 
course  of  measures  which  will  unite  a  very  large  section  of  the  coun 
try  against  another  section  of  the  country,  however  much  the  latter 
may  preponderate.  The  course  of  emigration,  the  development  of 
industry  and  business,  and  natural  causes  will  raise  up  at  the  South 
men  as  devoted  to  the  Union  as  those  of  any  other  part  of  the  land. 
But  if  they  are  all  excluded  from  Congress,  if,  in  a  permanent  statute, 
they  are  declared  not  to  be  in  full  constitutional  relations  to  the  coun 
try,  they  may  think  they  have  cause  to  become  a  unit  in  feeling  and 
sentiment  against  the  Government.  Under  the  political  education 
of  the  American  people  the  idea  is  inherent  and  ineradicable  that 
the  consent  of  the  majority  of  the  whole  people  is  necessary  to  secure 
a  willing  acquiescence  in  legislation. 

The  bill  under  consideration  refers  to  certain  of  the  States  as 
though  they  had  not  "  been  fully  restored  in  all  their  constitutional 


APPENDIX.  139 

relations  to  the  United  States."  If  they  have  not,  let  us  at  once  act 
together  to  secure  that  desirable  end  at  the  earliest  possible  moment. 
It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  inform  Congress  that,  in  my  own 
judgment,  most  of  those  States,  so  far,  at  least,  as  depends  upon 
their  own  action,  have  already  been  fully  restored,  and  are  to  be 
deemed  as  entitled  to  enjoy  their  constitutional  lights  as  members 
of  the  Union.  Reasoning  from  the  Constitution  itself,  and  from. the 
actual  situation  of  the  country,  I  feel  not  only  entitled,  but  bound, 
to  assume  that,  with  the  Federal  courts  restored,  and  those  of  the 
several  States  in  the  full  exercise  of  their  functions,  the  rights  and 
interests  of  all  classes  of  the  people  will,  with  the  aid  of  the  military 
in  cases  of  resistance  to  the  law,  be  essentially  protected  against 
unconstitutional  infringement  and  violation.  Should  this  expecta 
tion  unhappily  fail,  which  I  do  not  anticipate,  then  the  Executive  is 
already  fully  armed  with  the  powers  conferred  by  the  act  of  March, 
1865,  establishing  the  Freedrnan's  Bureau,  and  hereafter,  as  hereto 
fore,  he  can  employ  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  country  to  sup 
press  insurrection  or  to  overcome  obstructions  to  the  laws. 

In  accordance  with  the  Constitution,  I  return  the  bill  to  the  Senate, 
in  the  earnest  hope  that  a  measure  involving  questions  and  interests 
so  important  to  the  country  will  not  become  a  law  unless,  upon  deli 
berate  consideration  by  the  people,  it  shall  receive  the  sanction  of 
an  enlightened  public  judgment. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON". 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  19,  1866. 


CIVIL   RIGHTS   BILL.— VETO    MESSAGE. 

March  27,  1866. 

To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  : 

I  REGRET  that  the  bill  which  has  passed  both  houses  -of  Congress, 
entitled  "  An  act  to  protect  all  persons  in  the  United  States  in  their 
civil  rights,  and  furnish  the  means  of  their  vindication,"  contains 
provisions  which  I  cannot  approve,  consistently  with  my  sense  of 
duty  to  the  whole  people,  and  my  obligations  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  I  am,  therefore,  constrained  to  return  it  to 
the  Senate,  the  house  in  which  it  originated,  with  my  objections  to 
its  becoming  a  law. 


140  APPENDIX. 

By  tlie  first  section  of  the  bill  all  persons  born  in  the  United  States, 
and  not  subject  to  any  foreign  power,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed, 
are  declared  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States.  This  provision 
comprehends  the  Chinese  of  the  Pacific  States,  Indians  subject  to 
taxation,  the  people  called  Gypsies,  as  well  as  the  entire  race  desig 
nated  as  blacks,  people  of  color,  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  persons  of 
African  blood.  Every  individual  of  these  races,  born  in  the  United 
States,  is  by  the  bill  made  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  It  does 
not  purport  to  declare  or  confer  any  other  right  of  citizenship  than 
federal  citizenship.  It  does  not  purport  to  give  these  classes  of 
persons  any  status  as  citizens  of  States,  except  that  which  may 
result  from  their  status  as  citizens  of  the  United  States.  The 
power  to  confer  the  right  of  State  citizenship  is  just  as  exclusively 
with  the  several  States  as  the  power  to  confer  the  right  of  federal 
citizenship  is  with  Congress. 

The  right  of  federal  citizenship  thus  to  be  conferred  on  the  several 
excepted  races  before-mentioned  is  now,  for  the  first  time,  proposed 
to  be  given  by  law.  If,  as  is  claimed  by  many,  all  persons  who  are 
native-born  already  are,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution,  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  the  passage  of  the  pending  bill  cannot  be  necessary 
to  make  them  such.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  such  persons  are  not  citi 
zens,  as  may  be  assumed  from  the  proposed  legislation  to  make  them 
such,  the  grave  question  presents  itself,  whether,  when  eleven  of  the 
thirty-six  States  are  unrepresented  in  Congress  at  the  present  time, 
it  is  sound  policy  to  make  our  entire  colored  population  and  all 
other  excepted  classes  citizens  of  the  United  States  ?  Four  millions 
of  them  have  just  emerged  from  slavery  into  freedom.  Can  it  be 
reasonably  supposed  that  they  possess  the  requisite  qualifications  to 
entitle  them  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  ?  Have  the  people  of  the  several  States  expressed 
such  a  conviction  ?  It  may  also  be  asked  whether  it  is  necessary 
that  they  should  be  declared  citizens,  in  order  that  they  may  be 
secured  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  civil  rights  proposed  to  be  con 
ferred  by  the  bill  ?  Those  rights  are,  by  federal  as  well  as  State 
laws,  secured  to  all  domiciled  aliens  and  foreigners,  even  before  the 
completion  of  the  process  of  naturalization ;  and  it  may  safely  be 
assumed  that  the  same  enactments  are  sufficient  to  give  like  protec 
tion  and  benefits  to  those  for  whom  this  bill  provides  special  legis 
lation.  Besides,  the  policy  of  the  Government,  from  its  origin  to  the 
present  time,  seems  to  have  been  that  persons  who  are  strangers  to 
and  unfamiliar  with  our  institutions  and  our  laws  should  pass 


APPENDIX.  HI 

through  a  certain  probation,  at  the  end  of  which,  before  attaining 
the  coveted  prize,  they  must  give  evidence  of  their  fitness  to  receive 
and  to  exercise  the  rights  of  citizens,  as  contemplated  by  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  The  bill,  in  effect,  proposes  a  dis 
crimination  against  large  numbers  of  intelligent,  worthy  and  patri 
otic  foreigners,  and  in  favor  of  the  negro,  to  whom,  after  long  years 
of  bondage,  the  avenues  to  freedom  and  intelligence  have  just  now 
been  suddenly  opened.  He  must,  of  necessity,  from  his  previous 
unfortunate  condition  of  servitude,  be  less  informed  as  to  the  nature 
and  character  of  our  institutions  than  he  who,  coming  from  abroad, 
has  to  some  extent,  at  least,  familiarized  himself  with  the  principles 
of  a  government  to  which  he  voluntarily  intrusts  "  life,  liberty  and 
tho  pursuit  of  happiness."  Yet  it  is  now  proposed,  by  a  single 
legislative  enactment,  to  confer  the  rights  of  citizens'  upon  all  per 
sons  of  African  descent  born  within  the  extended  limits  of  the 
United  States,  while  persons  of  foreign  birth,  who  make  our  land 
their  home,  must  undergo  a  probation  of  five  years,  and  can  only 
then  become  citizens  upon  proof  that  they  are  "  of  good  moral 
character,  attached  to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  well-disposed  to  the  good  order  and  happiness 
of  the  same." 

The  first  section  of  the  bill  also  contains  an  enumeration  of  the 
rights  to  be  enjoyed  by  these  classes,  so  made  citizens,  "  in  every 
State  and  Territory  in  the  United  States."  These  rights  are,  "  to 
make  and  enforce  contracts,  to  sue,  be  parties  and  give  evidence,  to 
inherit,  purchase,  lease,  sell,  hold  and  convey  real  and  personal  prop 
erty,"  and  to  have  "  full  and  equal  benefit  of  all  laws  and  proceed 
ings  for  the  security  of  person  and  property  as  is  enjoyed  by  white 
citizens."  So,  too,  they  are  made  subject  to  the  same  punishment, 
pains  and  penalties  in  common  with  white  citizens,  and  to  none 
other.  Thus  a  perfect  equality  of  the  white  and  colored  races  is 
attempted  to  be  fixed  by  federal  law  in  every  State  of  the  Union, 
over  the  vast  field  of  State  jurisdiction  covered  by  these  enumer 
ated  rights.  In  no  one  of  these  can  any  State  ever  exercise  any 
power  of  discrimination  between  the  different  races.  In  the  exer 
cise  of  State  policy  over  matters  exclusively  affecting  the  people  of 
each  State,  it  has  frequently  been  thought  expedient  to  discriminate 
between  the  two  races.  By  the  statutes  of  some  of  the  States,  north 
ern  as  well  as  southern,  it  is  enacted,  for  instance,  that  no  white  per 
son  shall  intermarry  with  a  negro  or  mulatto.  Chancellor  Kent  says, 
speaking  of  the  blacks,  that  "  marriages  between  them  and  the  whites 


142  APPENDIX. 

are  forbidden  in  some  of  the  States  where  slavery  does  not  exist,  and 
and  they  are  prohibited  in  all  the  slavcholding  States ;  and  when 
not  absolutely  contrary  to  law,  they  are  revolting,  and  regarded  as 
an  offence  against  public  decorum." 

I  do  not  say  that  this  bill  repeals  State  laws  on  the  subject  of  mar 
riage  between  the  two  races ;  for,  as  the  whites  are  forbidden  to  in 
termarry  with  the  blacks,  the  blacks  can  only  make  such  contracts 
as  the  whites  themselves  are  allowed  to  make,  and  therefore  cannot, 
under  this  bill,  enter  into  the  marriage  contract  with  the  whites.  I 
cite  this  discrimination,  however,  as  an  instance  of  the  State  policy 
as  to  discrimination,  and  to  inquire  whether,  if  Congress  can  abro 
gate  all  State  laws  of  discrimination  between  the  two  races  in  the 
matter  of  real  estate,  of  suits,  and  of  contracts  generally,  Congress 
may  not  also  repeal  the  State  laws  as  to  the  contract  of  marriage  be 
tween  the  two  races  ?  Hitherto  every  subject  embraced  in  the  enu 
meration  of  rights  contained  in  this  bill  has  been  considered  as  ex 
clusively  belonging  to  the  States.  They  all  relate  to  the  internal 
police  and  economy  of  the  respective  States.  They  are  matters  which 
in  each  State  concern  the  domestic  condition  of  its  people,  varying 
in  each  according  to  its  own  peculiar  circumstances  and  the  safety 
and  well-being  of  its  own  citizens.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  upon 
all  these  subjects  there  are  not  federal  restraints — as,  for  instance,  in 
the  State  power  of  legislation  over  contracts,  there  is  a  federal  limi 
tation  that  no  State  shall  pass  a  law  impairing  the  obligations  of 
contracts;  and,  as  to  crimes,  that  no  State  shall  pass  an  ex  post  facto 
law ;  and,  as  to  money,  that  no  State  shall  make  anything  but  gold 
and  silver  a  legal  tender.  But  where  can  we  find  a  federal  prohibi 
tion  against  the  power  of  any  State  to  discriminate,  as  do  most  of 
them,  between  aliens  and  citizens,  between  artificial  persons  called 
corporations  and  natural  persons,  in  the  right  to  hold  real  estate  ? 
If  it  be  granted  that  Congress  can  repeal  all  State  laws  discriminat 
ing  between  whites  and  blacks  in  the  subjects  covered  by  this  bill, 
why,  it  may  be  asked,  may  not  Congress  repeal,  in  the  same  way,  all 
State  laws  discriminating  between  the  two  races  on  the  subjects  of 
suffrage  and  office  ?  If  Congress  can  declare  by  law  who  shall  hold 
lands,  who  shall  testify,  who  shall  have  capacity  to  make  a  contract 
in  a  State,  then  Congress  can  by  law  also  declare  who,  without  re 
gard  to  color  or  race,  shall  have  the  right  to  sit  as  a  juror,  or  as  a 
judge,  to  hold  any  office,  and,  finally,  to  vote,  "  in  every  State  and 
Territory  of  the  United  States."  As  respects  the  Territories,  they 
come  within  the  power  of  Congress,  for  as  to  them  the  law-making 


APPENDIX.  143 

power  is  the  federal  power ;  but  as  to  the  States  no  similar  provision 
exists  vesting  in  Congress  the  power  "  to  make  rules  and  regula 
tions"  for  them. 

The  object  of  the  second  section  of  the  bill  is  to  afford  discrimi 
nating  protection  to  colored  persons  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  the 
rights  secured  to  them  by  the  preceding  section.  It  declares  "  that 
any  person  who,  under  color  of  any  law,  statute,  ordinance,  regula 
tion,  or  custom,  shall  subject,  or  cause  to  be  subjected,  any  inhabi 
tant  of  any  State  or  Territory  to  the  deprivation  of  any  right  secured 
or  protected  by  this  act,  or  to  different  punishment,  pains,  or  pen 
alties,  on  account  of  such  person  having  at  any  time  been  held  in  a 
condition  of  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment 
for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  or  by 
reason  of  his  color  or  race,  than  is  prescribed  for  the  punishment  of 
white  persons,  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on 
conviction,  shall  be  punished  by  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand 
dollars,  or  imprisonment  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  both,  in  the  dis 
cretion  of  the  court."  This  section  seems  to  be  designed  to  apply 
to  some  existing  or  future  law  of  a  State  or  Territory  which  may 
conflict  with  the  provisions  of  the  bill  now  under  consideration.  It 
provides  for  counteracting  such  forbidden  legislation  by  imposing 
fine  and  imprisonment  upon  the  legislators  who  may  pass  such  con 
flicting  laws,  or  upon  the  officers  or  agents  who  shall  put  or  attempt 
to  put  them  into  execution.  It  means  an  official  offence — not  a  com 
mon  crime  committed  against  law  upon  the  persons  or  property  of 
the  black  race.  Such  an  act  may  deprive  the  black  man  of  his  prop 
erty,  but  not  of  the  right  to  hold  property.  It  means  a  deprivation 
of  the  right  itself,  either  by  the  State  judiciary  or  the  State  legisla 
ture.  It  is  therefore  assumed  that  under  this  section  members  of 
State  legislatures  who  should  vote  for  laws  conflicting  with  the  pro 
visions  of  the  bill,  that  judges  of  the  State  courts  who  should  render 
judgments  in  antagonism  with  its  terms,  and  that  marshals  and 
sheriffs  who  should,  as  ministerial  officers,  execute  processes  sanc 
tioned  by  State  laws  and  issued  by  State  judges  in  execution  of  their 
judgments,  could  be  brought  before  other  tribunals,  and  there  sub 
jected  to  fine  and  imprisonment  for  the  performance  of  the  duties 
which  such  State  laws  might  impose.  The  legislation  thus  proposed 
invades  .the  judicial  power  of  the  State.  It  says  to  every  State  court 
or  judge,  if  you  decide  that  this  act  is  unconstitutional ;  if  you  refuse, 
under  the  prohibition  of  a  State  law,  to  allow  a  negro  to  testify ;  if 
you  hold  that  over  such  a  subject-matter  the  State  law  is  paramount, 


144  APPENDIX. 

and  "  under  color"  of  a  State  law  refuse  the  exercise  of  the  light  to 
the  negro,  your  error  of  judgment,  however  conscientious,  shall  sub 
ject  you  to  fine  and  imprisonment !  I  do  not  apprehend  that  the 
conflicting  legislation  which  the  bill  seems  to  contemplate,  is  so 
likely  to  occur  as  to  render  it  necessary  at  this  time  to  adopt  a  mea 
sure  of  such  doubtful  constitutionality. 

In  the  next  place,  this  provision  of  the  bill  seems  to  be  unnecessary, 
as  adequate,  judicial  remedies  could  be  adopted  to  secure  the  de 
sired  end,  without  invading  the  immunities  of  legislators,  always 
important  to  be  preserved  in  the  interest  of  public  liberty ;  without 
assailing  the  independence  of  the  judiciary,  always  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  individual  rights ;  and  without  impairing  the  effi 
ciency  of  ministerial  officers,  always  necessary  for  the  maintenance 
of  public  peace  and  order.  The  remedy  proposed  by  this  section 
seems  to  be,  in  this  respect,  not  only  anomalous,  but  unconstitu 
tional,  for  the  Constitution  guarantees  nothing  with  certainty  if  it 
does  not  insure  to  the  several  States  the  right  of  making  and  execut 
ing  laws  in  regard  to  all  matters  arising  within  their  jurisdiction, 
subject  only  to  the  restriction  that,  in  cases  of  conflict  with  the  Con 
stitution  and  constitutional  laws  of  the  United  States,  the  latter 
should  be  held  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

The  third  section  gives  the  district  courts  of  the  United  States  ex 
clusive  "  cognizance  of  all  crimes  and  offences  committed  against  the 
provisions  of  this  act,"  and  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  circuit 
courts  of  the  United  States  of  all  civil  and  criminal  cases  "  affecting 
persons  who  are  denied,  or  cannot  enforce  in  the  courts  or  judicial 
tribunals  of  the  State  or  locality  where  they  may  be,  any  of  the  rights 
secured  to  them  by  the  first  section."  The  construction  which  I 
have  given  to  the  second  section  is  strengthened  by  this  third  sec 
tion,  for  it  makes  clear  what  kind  of  denial  or  deprivation  of  the 
rights  secured  by  the  first  section  was  in  contemplation.  It  is  a  de 
nial  or  deprivation  of  such  rights  "in  the  courts  or  judicial  tribunals 
of  the  State."  It  stands,  therefore,  clear  of  doubt  that  the  offence 
and  the  penalties  provided  in  the  second  section  are  intended  for  the 
State  judge  who,  in  the  clear  exercise  of  his  functions  as  a  judge,  not 
acting  ministerially  but  judicially,  shall  decide  contrary  to  this  fed 
eral  law.  In  other  words,  when  a  State  judge,  acting  upon  a  ques 
tion  involving  a  conflict  between  a  State  law  and  a  federal  law,  and 
bound,  according  to  his  own  judgment  and  responsibility,  to  give  an 
impartial  decision  between  the  two,  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
State  law  is  valid  and  the  federal  law  is  invalid,  he  must  not  follow 


APPENDIX.  145 

the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment,  at  the  peril  of  fine  and  imprison 
ment.  The  legislative  department  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  thus  takes  from  the  judicial  department  of  the  States  the  sa 
cred  and  exclusive  duty  of  judicial  decision,  and  converts  the  State 
judge  into  a  mere  ministerial  officer,  bound  to  decide  according  to 
the  will  of  Congress. 

It  is  clear  that,  in  States  which  deny  to  persons  whose  rights  are 
secured  by  the  first  section  of  the  bill  any  one  of  those  rights,  all 
criminal  and  civil  cases  affecting  them  will,  by  the  provisions  of  the 
third  section,  come  under  the  exclusive  cognizance  of  the  federal 
tribunals.  It  follows  that  if,  in  any  State  which  denies  to  a  colored 
person  any  one  of  all  those  rights,  that  person  should  commit  a  crime 
against  the  laws  of  a  State — murder,  arson,  rape,  or  any  other  crime 
— all  protection  and  punishment  through  the  courts  of  the  State  are 
taken  away,  and  he  can  only  be  tried  and  punished  in  the  federal 
courts.  How  is  the  criminal  to  be  tried  ?  If  the  offence  is  provided 
for  and  punished  by  federal  law,  that  law,  and  not  the  State  law,  is 
to  govern.  It  is  only  when  the  offence  does  not  happen  to  be  within 
the  purview  of  federal  law  that  the  federal  courts  are  to  try  and  pun 
ish  him  under  any  other  law.  Then  resort  is  to  be  had  to  the  "  com 
mon  law,  as  modified  and  changed  "  by  State  legislation,  "  so  far  as 
the  same  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States."  So  that  over  this  vast  domain  of  criminal  jurispru 
dence  provided  by  each  State  for  the  protection  of  its  own  citizens, 
and  for  the  punishment  of  all  persons  who  violate  its  criminal  laws, 
federal  law,  whenever  it  can  be  made  to  apply,  displaces  State  law. 
The  question  here  naturally  arises,  from  what  source  Congress  derives 
the  power  to  transfer  to  federal  tribunals  certain  classes  of  cases  em 
braced  in  this  section  ?  The  Constitution  expressly  cfeclares  that  the 
judicial  power  of  the  United  States  "  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law 
and  equity  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  treaties  made  or  which  shall  be  made  under  their  author 
ity  ;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and 
consuls ;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction ;  to  con 
troversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party ;  to  controver 
sies  between  two  or  more  States,  between  a  State  and  citizens  of  an 
other  State,  between  citizens  of  different  States,  between  citizens  of 
the  same  State  claiming  land  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens 
or  subjects."  Here  the  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  is  ex 
pressly  set  forth  and  defined;  and  the  act  of  September  24,  1789, 


146  APPENDIX. 

establishing  the  judicial  courts  of  the  United  States,  in  conferring 
upon  the  federal  courts  jurisdiction  over  cases  originating  in  State 
tribunals,  is  careful  to  confine  them  to  the  classes  enumerated  in  the 
above  recited  clause  of  the  Constitution.  This  section  of  the  bill  un 
doubtedly  comprehends  cases  and  authorizes  the  exercise  of  powers 
that  are  not,  by  the  Constitution,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts 
of  the  United  States.  To  transfer  them  to  those  courts  would  be  an 
exercise  of  authority  well  calculated  to  excite  distrust  and  alarm 
on  the  part  of  all  the  States ;  for  the  bill  applies  to  all  of  them — as 
well  to  those  that  have  as  to  those  that  have  not  been  engaged  in 
rebellion. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  this  authority  is  incident  to  the  power 
granted  to  Congress  by  the  Constitution,  as  recently  amended,  to  en 
force,  by  appropriate  legislation,  the  article  declaring  that  "  neither 
slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crime 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within 
the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction."  It 
cannot,  however,  be  justly  claimed  that,  with  a  view  to  the  enforce 
ment  of  this  article  of  the  Constitution,  there  is  at  present  any  neces 
sity  for  the  exercise  of  all  the  powers  which  this  bill  confers.  Slavery 
has  been  abolished,  and  at  present  nowhere  exists  within  the  juris 
diction  of  the  United  States ;  nor  has  there  been,  nor  is  it  likely  there 
will  be,  any  attempt  to  revive  it  by  the  people  or  the  States.  If, 
however,  any  such  attempt  shall  be  made,  it  will  then  become  the 
duty  of  the  general  government  to  exercise  any  and  all  incidental 
powers  necessary  and  proper  to  maintain  inviolate  this  great  consti 
tutional  law  of  freedom. 

The  fourth  section  of  the  bill  provides  that  officers  and  agents  of 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau  shall  be  empowered  to  make  arrests,  and  also 
that  other  officers  may  be  specially  commissioned  for  that  purpose 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  It  also  authorizes  circuit 
courts  of  the  United  States  and  the  superior  courts  of  the  Territories 
to  appoint,  without  limitation,  commissioners,  who  are  to  be  charged 
with  the  performance  of  quasi  judicial  duties.  The  fifth  section  em 
powers  the  commissioners  so  to  be  selected  by  the  courts  to  appoint 
in  writing,  under  their  hands,  one  or  more  suitable  persons  from  time 
to  time  to  execute  warrants  and  other  processes  described  by  the 
bill.  These  numerous  official  agents  are  made  to  constitute  a  sort 
of  police,  in  addition  to  the  military,  and  are  authorized  to  summon 
a  posse  comitatus,  and  even  to  call  to  their  aid  such  portion  of  the 
land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  militia,  "  as  may 


APPENDIX.  147 

be  necessary  to  the  performance  of  the  duty  with  which  they  are 
charged."  This  extraordinary  power  is  to  be  conferred  upon  agents 
irresponsible  to  the  government  and  to  the  people,  to  whose  number 
the  discretion  of  the  commissioners  is  the  only  limit,  and  in  whose 
hands  such  authority  might  be  made  a  terrible  engine  of  wrong,  op 
pression,  and  fraud.  The  general  statutes  regulating  the  land  and 
naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  the  militia,  and  the  execution  of 
the  laws,  are  believed  to  be  adequate  for  every  emergency  which  can 
occur  in  time  of  peace.  If  it  should  prove  otherwise,  Congress  can 
at  any  time  amend  those  laws  in  such  manner  as,  while  subserving 
the  public  welfare,  not  to  jeopard  the  rights,  interests,  and  liberties 
of  the  people. 

The  seventh  section  provides  that  a  fee  of  ten  dollars  shall  be  paid 
to  each  commissioner  in  every  case  brought  before  him,  and  a  fee  of 
five  dollars  to  his  deputy,  or  deputies,  "  for  each  person  he  or  they 
may  arrest  and  take  before  any  such  commissioner,"  "  with  such 
other  fees  as  may  be  deemed  reasonable  by  such  commission,"  "  in 
general  for  performing  such  other  duties  as  may  be  required  in  the 
premises."  All  these  fees  are  to  be  "  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States,"  whether  there  is  a  conviction  or  not ;  but  in  case  of 
conviction  they  are  to  be  recoverable  from  the  defendant.  It  seems 
to  me  that  under  the  influence  of  such  temptations  bad  men  might 
convert  any  law,  however  beneficent,  into  an  instrument  of  perse 
cution  and  fraud. 

By  the  eighth  section  of  the  bill  the  United  States  courts,  which 
sit  only  in  one  place  for  white  citizens,  must  migrate,  with  the 
marshal  and  district  attorney  (and  necessarily  with  the  clerk,  al 
though  he  is  not  mentioned),  to  any  part  of  the  district  upon  the 
order  of  the  President,  and  there  hold  a  court  u  for  the  purpose  of 
the  more  speedy  arrest  and  trial  of  persons  charged  with  a  violation 
of  this  act ;"  and  there  the  judge  and  officers  of  the  court  must 
remain,  upon  the  order  of  the  President,  "for  the  time  therein 
designated." 

The  ninth  section  authorizes  the  President,  or  such  persons  as  he 
may  empower  for  that  purpose,  "  to  employ  such  part  of  the  land 
or  naval  forces  of  the  United  States  or  of  the  militia  as  shall  be 
necessary  to  prevent  the  violation  and  enforce  the  due  execution  of 
this  act."  This  language  seems  to  imply  a  permanent  military  force, 
that  is  to  be  always  at  hand,  and  whose  only  business  is  to  be  the 
enforcement  of  this  measure  over  the  vast  region  where  it  is  intended 
to  operate. 


148  APPENDIX. 

I  do  not  propose  to  consider  the  policy  of  tliis  bill.  To  me  the 
details  of  the  bill  seem  fraught  with  evil.  The  white  race  and  the 
black  race  of  the  South  have  hitherto  lived  together  under  the  rela 
tion  of  master  and  slave — capital  owning  labor.  Now,  suddenly, 
that  relation  is  changed,  and,  as  to  ownership,  capital  and  labor  are 
divorced.  They  stand  now  each  master  of  itself.  In  this  new  rela 
tion,  one  being  necessary  to  the  other,  there  will  be  a  new  adjust 
ment,  which  both  are  deeply  interested  in  making  harmonious. 
Each  has  equal  power  in  settling  the  terms,  and,  if  left  to  the  laws 
that  regulate  capital  and  labor,  it  is  confidently  believed  that  they 
will  satisfactorily  work  out  the  problem.  Capital,  it  is  true,  has 
more  intelligence,  but  labor  is  never  so  ignorant  as  not  to  understand 
its  own  interests,  not  to  know  its  own  value,  and  not  to  see  that 
capital  must  pay  that  value. 

This  bill  frustrates  this  adjustment.  It  intervenes  between  capi 
tal  and  labor,  and  attempts  to  settle  questions  of  political  economy 
through  the  agency  of  numerous  officials,  whose  interest  it  will  be 
to  foment  discord  between  the  two  races,  for  as  the  breach  widens 
their  employment  will  continue,  and  when  it  is  closed  their  occu 
pation  will  terminate. 

In  all  our  history,  in  all  our  experience  as  a  people,  living  under 
federal  and  State  law,  no  such  system  as  that  contemplated  by  the 
details  of  this  bill  has  ever  before  been  proposed  or  adopted.  They 
establish  for  the  security  of  the  colored  race  safeguards  which  go 
infinitely  beyond  any  that  the  general  government  has  ever  provided 
for  the  white  race.  In  fact,  the  distinction  of  race  and  color  is,  by 
the  bill,  made  to  operate  in  favor  of  the  colored  and  against  the 
white  race.  They  interfere  with  the  municipal  legislation  of  the 
States,  with  the  relations  existing  exclusively  between  a  State  and 
its  citizens,  or  between  inhabitants  of  ^the  same  State — an  absorption 
and  assumption  of  power  by  the  general  government  which,  if  ac 
quiesced  in,  must  sap  and  destroy  our  federative  system  of  limited 
powers,  and  break  down  the  barriers  which  preserve  the  rights  of 
the  States.  It  is  another  step,  or  rather  stride,  towards  centraliza 
tion,  and  the  concentration  of  all  legislative  powers  in  the  national 
government.  The  tendency  of  the  bill  must  be  to  resuscitate  the 
spirit  of  rebellion,  and  to  arrest  the  progress  of  those  influences 
which  are  more  closely  drawing  around  the  States  the  bonds  of 
union  and  peace. 

My  lamented  predecessor,  in  his  proclamation  of  the  1st  of  Janu 
ary,  1863,  ordered  and  declared  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within 


APPENDIX.  149 

certain  States  and  parts  of  States  therein  designated  were,  and 
thenceforward  should  be  free,  and,  further,  that  the  executive  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  including  the  military  and  naval  au 
thorities  thereof,  would  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  such 
persons.  This  guarantee  has  been  rendered  especially  obligatory 
and  sacred  by  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution  abolishing  slav 
ery  throughout  the  United  States.  I  therefore  fully  recognize  the 
obligation  to  protect  and  defend  that  class  of  our  people,  whenever 
and  wherever  it  shall  become  necessary,  and  to  the  full  extent  com 
patible  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Entertaining  these  sentiments,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  say  that 
I  will  cheerfully  co-operate  with  Congress  in  any  measure  that  may 
be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  civil  rights  of  the  freedmen, 
as  well  as  those  of  all  other  classes  of  persons  throughout  the 
United  States,  by  judicial  process,  under  equal  and  impartial  laws, 
in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  the  federal  Constitution. 

I  now  return  the  bill  to  the  Senate,  and  regret  that,  in  consider 
ing  the  bills  and  joint  resolutions — forty-two  in  number— which 
have  been  thus  far  submitted  for  my  approval,  I  am  compelled  to 
withhold  my  assent  from  a  second  measure  that  has  received  the 
sanction  of  both  houses  of  Congress. 

ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  27,  1866. 


THIRTY-NINTH  CONGRESS   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES  OF 
AMERICA. 

* 

AT  THE  FIRST  SESSION  BEGUN  AND  HELD  AT  THE  CITY  OF  WASH 
INGTON  ON  MONDAY,  THE  FOURTH  DAY  OF  DECEMBER,  ONE  THOU 
SAND  EIGHT  HUNDRED  AND  SIXTY-FIVE. 

AN  ACT  to  protect  all  persons  in  the  United  States  in  their  civil  rights,  and  furnish  the 
means  of  their  vindication. 

Be  it  enacted  Try  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  all  persons  born 
in  the  United  States  and  not  subject  to  any  foreign  power,  excluding 
Indians,  not  taxed,  are  hereby  declared  to  be  citizens  of  the  United 
States ;  and  such  citizens  of  every  race  and  color,  without  regard  to 
any  previous  condition  of  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except 


150  APPENDIX. 

as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly 
convicted,  shall  have  the  same  right  in  every  State  and  Territory  in 
the  United  States  to  make  and  enforce  contracts,  to  sue,  be  parties, 
and  give  evidence,  to  inherit,  purchase,  lease,  sell,  hold  and  convey 
real  and  personal  property,  and  to  full  and  equal  benefit  of  all  laws 
and  proceedings  for  the  security  of  person  and  property  as  is  enjoyed 
by  white  citizens,  and  shall  be  subject  to  like  punishment,  pains  and 
penalties,  and  to  none  other,  any  law,  statute,  ordinance,  regulation, 
or  custom,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

SEC.  2.  And  fie  it  further  enacted,  That  any  person  who,  under 
color  of  any  law,  statute,  ordinance,  regulation,  or  custom,  shall  sub 
ject,  or  cause  to  be  subjected,  any  inhabitant  of  any  State  or  Terri 
tory  to  the  deprivation  of  any  right  secured  or  protected  .by  this 
act,  or  to  different  punishment,  pains,  or  penalties  on  account  of 
such  person  having  at  any  time  been  held  in  a  condition  of  slavery 
.or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  or  by  reason  of  his  color 
or  race,  than  is  prescribed  for  the  punishment  of  white  persons, 
shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and,  on  conviction,  shall 
be  punished  by  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars,  or  imprison 
ment  not  exceeding  one  year,  or  both,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
court. 

SEC.  3.  And  le  it  further  enacted,  That  the  district  courts  of  the 
United  States,  within  their  respective  districts,  shall  have,  exclusively 
of  the  courts  of  the  several  States,  cognizance  of  all  crimes  and 
offences  committed  against  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  also,  con 
currently  with  the  circuit  courts  of  the  United  States,  of  all  causes, 
civil  and  criminal,  affecting  persons  who  are  denied  or  cannot  enforce 
in  the  courts  or  judicial  tribunals  of  the  State  or  locality  where  they 
may  be  any  of  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the  first  section  of  this 
act ;  and  if  any  suit  or  prosecution,  civil  or  criminal,  has  been  or 
shall  be  commenced  in  any  State  court  against  any  such  person,  for 
any  cause  whatsoever,  or  against  any  officer,  civil  or  military,  or 
other  person,  for  any  arrest  or  imprisonment,  trespasses,  or  wrongs 
done  or  committed  by  virtue  or  under  color  of  authority  derived 
from  this  act  or  the  act  establishing  a  bureau  for  the  relief  of  freed- 
men  and  refugees,  and  all  acts  amendatory  thereof,  or  for  refusing  to 
do  any  act  upon  the  ground  that  it  would  be  inconsistent  with  this 
act,  such  defendant  shall  have  the  right  to  remove  such  cause  for 
trial  to  the  proper  district  or  circuit  court  in  the  manner  prescribed 
by  the  "Act  relating  to  habeas  corpus  and  regulating  judicial  pro- 


APPENDIX.  151 

ceedings  in  certain  cases,"  approved  March  three,  eighteen  hundred 
and  sixty-three,  and  all  acts  amendatory  thereof.  The  jurisdiction 
in  civil  and  criminal  matters  hereby  conferred  on  the  district  and 
circuit  courts  of  the  United  States  shall  be  exercised  and  enforced 
in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  such 
laws  are  suitable  to  carry  the  same  into  effect ;  but  in  all  cases  where 
such  laws  are  not  adapted  to  the  object,  or  are  deficient  in  the  pro 
visions  necessary  to  furnish  suitable  remedies  and  punish  offences 
against  law,  the  common  law,  as  modified  and  changed  by  the  con 
stitution  and  statutes  of  the  State  wherein  the  court  having  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  cause,  civil  or  criminal,  is  held,  so  far  as  the  same  is  not 
inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  extended  to  and  govern  said  courts  in  the  trial  and  disposi 
tion  of  such  cause,  and,  if  of  a  criminal  nature,  in  the  infliction  of 
punishment  on  the  party  found  guilty. 

SEC.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  district  attorneys, 
marshals  and  deputy  marshals  of  the  United  States,  the  commis 
sioners  appointed  by  the  circuit  and  territorial  courts  of  the  United 
States,  with  powers  of  arresting,  imprisoning,  or  bailing  offenders 
against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  the  officers  and  agents  of  the 
Freedman's  Bureau,  and  every  other  officer  who  may  be  specially 
empowered  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  shall  be,  and  they 
are  hereby,  specially  authorized  and  required,  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States,  to  institute  proceedings  against  all  and  every  person 
who  shall  violate  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  cause  him  or  them 
to  be  arrested  and  imprisoned,  or  bailed,  as  the  case  may  be,  for 
trial  before  such  court  of  the  United  States  or  territorial  court  as  by 
this  act  has  cognizance  of  the  offence.  And  with  a  view  to  afford 
ing  resonable  protection  to  all  persons  in  their  constitutional  rights 
of  equality  before  the  law,  without  distinction  of  race  or  color,  or 
previous  condition  of  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a 
punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed,  and  to  the  prompt  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  act,  it 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  circuit  courts  of  the  United  States  and  the 
superior  courts  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  from  time  to 
time,  to.,  increase  the  number  of  commissioners,  so  as  to  afford  a 
speedy  and  convenient  means  for  the  arrest  and  examination  of  per 
sons  charged  with  a  violation  of  this  act.  And  such  commissioners 
are  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  exercise  and  discharge  all  the 
powers  and  duties  conferred  on  them  by  this  act,  and  the  same 
duties  with  regard  to  offences  created  by  this  act,  as  they  are  autho- 


152  APPENDIX. 

rized  by  law  to  exercise  with  regard  to  other  offences  against  the 
laws  of  the  United  States. 

SEC.  5.  And  ~be  it  further  enacted,  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of 
all  marshals  and  deputy  marshals  to  obey  and  execute  all  warrants 
and  precepts  issued  under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  when  to  them 
directed  ;  and  should  any  marshal  or  deputy  marshal  refuse  to  receive 
such  warrant  or  other  process  when  tendered,  or  to  use  all  proper 
means  diligently  to  execute  the  same,  he  shall,  on  conviction  thereof, 
be  fined  in  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dollars,  to  the  use  of  the  person 
upon  whom  the  accused  is  alleged  to  have  committed  the  offence. 
And  the  better  to  enable  the-  said  commissioners  to  execute  their 
duties  faithfully  and  efficiently,  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  and  the  requirements  of  this  act,  they  are  here 
by  authorized  and  empowered,  within  their  counties  respectively,  to 
appoint,  in  writing,  under  their  hands,  any  one  or  more  suitable  per 
sons,  from  time  to  time,  to  execute  all  such  warrants  and  other  pro 
cesses  as  may  be  issued  by  them  in  the  lawful  performance  of  their 
respective  duties ;  and  the  persons  so  appointed  to  execute  any  war 
rant  or  process  as  aforesaid  shall  have  authority  to  summon  and  call 
to  their  aid  the  bystanders  or  the  posse  comitatus  of  the  proper 
county,  or  such  portion  of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  the  militia,  as  may  be  necessary  to  the  performance  of 
the  duty  with  which  they  are  charged,  and  to  insure  a  faithful  ob 
servance  of  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  which  prohibits  slavery, 
in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of  this  act ;  and  said  warrants 
shall  run  and  be  executed  by  said  officers  anywhere  in  the  State  or 
Territory  within  which  they  are  issued. 

SEC.  G.  And  lie  it  further  enacted,  That  any  person  who  shall 
knowingly  and  wilfully  obstruct,  hinder,  or  prevent  any  officer,  or 
other  person  charged  with  the  execution  of  any  warrant  or  process 
issued  under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  or  any  person  or  persons 
lawfully  assisting  him  or  them,  from  arresting  any  person  for  whose 
apprehension  such  warrant  or  process  may  have  been  issued,  or  shall 
rescue  or  attempt  to  rescue  such  person  from  the  custody  of  the 
officer,  other  person  or  persons,  or  those  lawfully  assisting  as  afore 
said,  when  so  arrested  pursuant  to  the  authority  herein  given  and 
declared,  or  shall  aid,  abet,  or  assist  any  person  so  arrested  as  afore 
said,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  escape  from  the  custody  of  the  officer 
or  other  person  legally  authorized  as  aforesaid,  or  shall  harbor  or 
conceal  any  person  for  whose  arrest  a  warrant  or  process  shall  have 
been  issued  as  aforesaid,  so  as  to  prevent  his  discovery  and  arrest 


APPENDIX.  153 

after  notice  or  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  a  warrant  has  been  issued 
for  the  apprehension  of  such  person,  shall,  for  either  of  said  offences, 
be  subject  to  a  fine  not  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars,  and  im 
prisonment  not  exceeding  six  months,  by  indictment  and  conviction 
before  the  district  court  of  the  United  States  for  the  district  in  which 
said  offence  may  have  been  committed,  or  before  the  proper  court 
of  criminal  jurisdiction,  if  committed  within  any  one  of  the  organ 
ized  Territories  of  the  United  States. 

SEC.  7.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  district  attorneys,  the 
marshals,  their  deputies  and  the  clerks  of  the  said  district  and  ter 
ritorial  courts  shall  be  paid  for  their  services  the  like  fees  as  may  be 
allowed  to  them  for  similar  services  in  other  cases ;  and  in  all  cases 
where  the  proceedings  are  before  a  commissioner,  he  shall  be  entitled 
to  a  fee  of  ten  dollars  in  full  for  his  services  in  each  case,  inclusive 
of  all  services  incident  to  such  arrest  and  examination.  The  person 
or  persons  authorized  to  execute  the  process  to  be  issued  by  such 
commissioners  for  the  arrest  of  offenders  against  the  provisions  of 
this  act  shall  be  entitled  to  a  fee  of  five  dollars  for  each  person  he  or 
they  may  arrest  and  take  before  any  such  commissioner  as  aforesaid, 
with  such  other  fees  as  may  be  deemed  reasonable  by  such  commis 
sioner  for  such  other  additional  services  as  may  be  necessarily  per 
formed  by  him  or  them,  such  as  attending  at  the  examination,  keep 
ing  the  prisoner  in  custody,  and  providing  him  with  food  and 
lodging  during  his  detention,  and  until  the  final  determination  of 
such  commissioner,  and  in  general  for  performing  such  other  duties 
as  may  be  required  in  the  premises ;  such  fees  to  be  made  up  in  con 
formity  with  the  fees  usually  charged  by  the  officers  of  the  courts 
of  justice  within  the  proper  district  or  county,  as  near  as  may  be 
practicable,  and  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  on  the 
certificate  of  the  judge  of  the  district  within  which  the  arrest  is 
made,  and  to  be  recoverable  from  the  defendant  as  part  of  the  judg 
ment  in  case  of  conviction. 

SEC.  8.  And  ~be  it  further  enacted,  That  whenever  the  President  of 
the  United  States  shall  have  reason  to  believe  that  offences  have 
been,  or  are  likely  to  be  committed  against  the  provisions  of  this  act 
within  any  judicial  district,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  him,  in  his  discre 
tion,  to  direct  the,  judge,  marshal  and  district  attorney  of  such  dis 
trict  to  attend  at  such  place  within  the  district,  and  for  such  time 
as  he  may  designate,  for  the  purpose  of  the  more  speedy  arrest  and 
trial  of  persons  charged  with  a  violation  of  this  act ;  and  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  every  judge  or  other  officer,  when  any  such  requisi- 
30 


154  APPENDIX. 

tion  shall  be  received  by  him,  to  attend  at  the  place  and  for  the  time 
therein  designated. 

SEC.  9.  And  le  it  further  enacted,  That  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  such  person  as  he  may  empower 
for  that  purpose,  to  employ  such  part  of  the  land  or  naval  forces  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  the  militia,  as  shall  be  necessary  to  prevent 
the  violation  and  enforce  the  due  execution  of  this  act. 

SEC.  10.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  upon  all  questions  of  law 
arising  in  any  cause  under  the  provisions  of  this  act,  a  final  appeal 
may  be  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

SCHUYLER  COLFAX, 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
LAFAYETTE  F.  FOSTER, 

President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tern. 
I  certify  that  this  act  did  originate  in  the  Senate. 

J.  W.  FORNEY,  Secretary. 


BY    THE    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES    OF 
AMERICA. 

A    PEOCLAMATION. 

April  2,  18C6 — Declaring  the  insurrection  at  an  end  in  certain  States  of  the  Union. 

WHEKEAS,  by  proclamations  of  the  15th  and  16th  of  April,  1861, 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  virtue  of  the  power  vested  in 
him  by  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  declared  that  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  were  opposed,  and  the  execution  thereof  obstructed, 
in  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Missis 
sippi,  Louisiana  and  Texas,  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be 
suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the 
powers  vested  in  the  marshals  by  law  ; 

And  whereas,  By  another  proclamation,  made  on  the  16th  day  of 
August,  in  the  same  year,  in  pursuance  of  an  act  of  Congress  ap 
proved  July  13th,  1861,  the  inhabitants  of  the  States  of  Georgia, 
South  Carolina,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Louis 
iana,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Mississippi  and  Florida  (except  the  inhabi 
tants  of  that  part  of  the  State  of  Virginia  lying  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghany  Mountains,  and  of  such  other  parts  of  that  State  and  the 
other  States  before  named,  as  might  maintain  a  loyal  adhesion  to 


APPENDIX.  155 

the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  or  might  be  from  time  to  time 
occupied  and  controlled  by  forces  of  the  United  States  engaged  in 
the  dispersion  of  insurgents)  were  declared  to  be  in  a  state  of  insur 
rection  against  the  United  States  ; 

And  whereas,  By  another  proclamation,  of  the  1st  day  of  July, 
1862,  issued  in  pursuance  of  an  act  of  Congress  approved  June  7th, 
in  the  same  year,  the  insurrection  was  declared  to  be  still  existing 
in  the  States  aforesaid,  with  the  exception  of  certain  specified  coun 
ties  in  the  State  of  Virginia ; 

And  whereas,  By  another  proclamation,  made  on  the  2d  day  of 
April,  1863,  in  pursuance  of  the  act  of  Congress  of  July  13th,  1861, 
the  exceptions  named  in  the  proclamation  of  August  16th.  1861, 
were  revoked,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  States  of  Georgia,  South 
Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Ar 
kansas,  Mississippi,  Florida  and  Virginia  (except  the  forty-eight 
counties  of  Virginia  designated  as  West  Virginia,  and  the  ports  of 
New  Orleans,  Key  West,  Port  Royal  and  Beaufort,  in  North  Carolina) 
were  declared  to  be  still  in  a  state  of  insurrection  against  the  United 
States ; 

And  ichereas  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  22d  day  of 
July,  1861,  adopted  a  resolution  in  the  words  following,  namely : 

"Resolved  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  That  the  present  deplorable  civil  war  has  been  forced 
upon  the  country  by  the  disunionists  of  the  Southern  States,  now 
in  revolt  against  the  Constitutional  Government,  and  in  arms  around 
the  capital ;  that  in  this  national  emergency,  Congress,  banishing  all 
feelings  of  mere  passion  or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to 
the  whole  country  ;  that  this  war  is  not  waged  upon  our  part  in  any 
spirit  of  oppression  nor  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or  subjugation, 
nor  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the  rights  or  estab 
lished  institutions  of  those  States,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  with  all 
the  dignity,  equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired ; 
and  that  as  soon  as  these  objects  are  accomplished  the  war  ought  to 
cease." 

And  whereas  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  25th  day  of 
July,  1861,  adopted  a  resolution  in  the  words  following,  to  wit : 

"Resolved,  That  the  present  deplorable  civil  war  has  been  forced 
upon  the  country  by  the  disunionists  of  the  Southern  States,  now  in 
revolt  against  the  Constitutional  Government,  and  in  arms  around 
the  capital ;  that  in  this  national  emergency,  Congress,  banishing  all 


156  APPENDIX. 

feeling  of  mere  passion  or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty  to 
the  whole  country  ;  that  this  war  is  not  prosecuted  upon  our  part 
in  any  spirit  of  oppression  nor  for  any  purpose  of  conquest  or  sub 
jugation,  nor  purpose  of  overthrowing  or  interfering  with  the  rights 
or  established  institutions  of  those  States,  but  to  defend  and  main 
tain  the  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  and  all  laws  made  in  pur 
suance  thereof,  and  to  preserve  the  Union  with  all  the  dignity, 
equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States  unimpaired  ;  that  as  soon 
as  these  objects  are  accomplished  the  war  ought  to  cease." 

And  whereas  these  resolutions,  though  not  joint  or  concurrent  in 
form,  are  substantially  identical,  and  as  such  may  be  regarded  as 
having  expressed  the  sense  of  Congress  upon  the  subject  to  which 
they  relate ; 

And  whereas,  By  my  proclamation  of  the  13th  day  of  June  last, 
the  insurrection  in  the  State  of  Tennessee  was  declared  to  have 
been  suppressed,  the  authority  of  the  United  States  therein  to  be  un 
disputed,  and  such  United  States  officers  as  had  been  duly  commis 
sioned  to  be  in  the  undisturbed  exercise  of  their  official  functions  ; 

And  whereas  there  now  exists  no  organized  armed  resistance  of 
misguided  citizens  or  others  to  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
in  the  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Mississippi  and  Florida, 
and  the  laws  can  be  sustained  and  enforced  therein  by  the  proper 
civil  authority,  State  or  Federal,  and  the  people  of  said  States  are 
well  and  loyally  disposed,  and  have  conformed  or  will  conform  in 
their  legislation  to  the  condition  of  aifairs  growing  out  of  the 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  prohibiting 
slavery  within  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States ; 

And  whereas,  In  view  of  the  before-recited  premises,  it  is  the  mani 
fest  determination  of  the  American  people  that  no  State,  of  its  own 
will,  has  the  right  or  the  power  to  go  out  of,  or  separate  itself  from, 
or  be  separated  from  the  American  Union,  and  that  therefore  each 
State  ought  to  remain  and  constitute  an  integral  part  of  the  United 
States ; 

And  whereas  the  people  of  the  several  before-mentioned  States 
have,  in  the  manner  aforesaid,  given  satisfactory  evidence  that  they 
acquiesce  in  this  sovereign  and  important  resolution  of  national 
unity ; 

And  whereas  it  is  believed  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  gov 
ernment  that  people  who  have  revolted,  and  who  have  been  over 
come  and  subdued,  must  either  be  dealt  with  so  as  to  induce  them 


APPENDIX.  157 

voluntarily  to  become  friends,  or  else  they  must  be  held  by  absolute 
military  power,  or  devastated,  so  as  to  prevent  them  from  ever  again 
doing  harm  as  enemies,  which  last-named  policy  is  abhorrent  to  hu 
manity  and  to  freedom ; 

And  ichereas  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provides  for 
constituent  communities  only  as  States,  and  not  as  Territories,  de 
pendencies,  provinces,  or  protectorates ; 

And  whereas  such  constituent  States  must  necessarily  be,  and  by 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  are  made  equals,  and 
placed  upon  a  like  footing  as  to  political  rights,  immunities,  dignity 
and  power  with  the  several  States  with  which  they  are  united  • 

And  whereas  the  observance  of  political  equality  as  a  principle  of 
right  and  justice  is  well  calculated  to  encourage  the  people  of  the 
aforesaid  States  to  be  and  become  more  and  more  constant  and  perse 
vering  in  their  renewed  allegiance  ; 

And  whereas  standing  armies,  military  occupation,  martial  law, 
military  tribunals  and  the  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  are,  in  time  of  peace,  dangerous  to  public  liberty, 
incompatible  with  the  individual  rights  of  the  citizen,  contrary  to 
the  genius  and  spirit  of  our  free  institutions,  and  exhaustive  of  the 
national  resources,  and  ought  not,  therefore,  to  be  sanctioned  or 
allowed,  except  in  cases  of  actual  necessity,  for  repelling  invasion 
or  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion  ; 

And  whereas  the  policy  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  insurrection  to  its  overthrow  and  final 
suppression,  has  been  in  conformity  with  the  principles  herein  set 
forth  and  enumerated : 

Now,  therefore,  I,  ANDREW  JOITNSON,  President  of  the  United 
States,  do  hereby  proclaim  and  declare  that  the  insurrection  which 
heretofore  existed  in  the  States  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Arkansas, 
Mississippi  and  Florida  is  at  end,  and  is  henceforth  to  be  so  re 
garded. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  second  day  of  April,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-six,  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  ninetieth. 

ANDREW   JOHNSON. 
By  the  President : 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State. 


INDEX 


A. 


Page 


Abbott,  Captain,  First  Tenn.  Battery. .  276 

Abduction  of  Slaves.    See  Seward 

A  Bemitit'ul  Scene — the  President  and 

the  Children 876 

Adams,  0.  F 208 

Adams.  J.  Q. 30 

Observing  New  Members  of  Congress  168 
Predicts  Distinction  for  Jeff.  Davis..  169 

Adams,  J.  H 221 

Address  of  Certain  Senators  and  Con 
gressmen  to  the  South  209.  Signers  210 
Addresses,  Letters,  Orders,  Proclama 
tions,   Speeches,   etc.,   of  Andrew 
Johnson 

Opposing  the  Tariff  of  1342 31 

Favoring  Texan  Annexation 81 

Civil  and  Religious  Liberty —Defence 

of  the  Catholics 84 

On  Indiscriminate  Expenditure 89 

Prosecution  of  the  Mexican  War 40 

The  Veto  Power 42 

On  Know-Nothingism 46 

On  Homestead  Bill,  1S52 52 

On  Homestead  Bill.  26th  May,  1S58..  60 
On  Homestead  Bill,  llth  April,  1860.  72 
Against  Increase  of  the  Standing  ' 

Army,  18th  February,  1858 100 

On  Tennessee  Besolutions 115 

On  Retrenchment 123 

On  Pacific  Railroad 125 

The  Slavery  Question 139 

Compromises 143 

Withdrawing  his  name  from  before 
National  Democratic  Convention, 

I860 .'  148 

The  Constitutionality  and  Rightful- 
ness  of  Secession,  in  U.  S.  Senate 

18th  and  19th  December,  1S60 212 

The  State  of  the  Union,  in  U.  8.  Sen 
ate,  5th  and  6th  February.  1861 223 

Reply  to  Senator  Lane  of  Oregon,  in 

U.   S.  Senate.  2d  March,  1S61 230 

In  full,  see  Appendix. 

At  Cincinnati,  June  19, 1S61 237 

At  Extra  Session  of  U.  S.  Senate, 
after  the  Hattle  of  Bull  Run.  Re 
view  of  241 245 

In  full.     See  Appendix 
In   U.   S.   Senate,  on   Expulsion  of 
Jesse  D.  Bright,  June  81,  1S62.  Re 
viewed  245 

In  fall.    See  Appendix 


Pag* 

Appeal  and  Proclamation  to  the  Peo 
ple  of  Tennessee,  March  ISth,  Is62  250 

Address  "Welcoming  the  69th  Ohio  to 
Nashville 257 

Proclamation  of  Retaliation  against 
Guerillas,  May  9,  18(52 259 

At  Mass  Convention  in  House  of 
Representatives,  Nashville,  May 
12,  1862 2«0 

At  Union  Demonstration  at  Mur- 
freesboro1,  May  24 263 

To  Minnesota  and  Michigan  Soldiers, 
May  26 265 

On  Slavery,  at  Nashville,  July  4 269 

Proclamation  Ordering  Elections  for 
Congress 279 

On  the  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
at  Columbus,  Ohio,  March  3,  1S68..  2S2 

Proclamation  Ordering  Elections, 
January  26th,  1864 284 

After  his  Nomination  for  Vice-Presi 
dent,  at  Mass  Meeting,  Nashville..  291 

Official  Letter  of  Acceptance,  July  2, 
1864. 297 

Letter  to  Rev.  Dr.  Cox— Influence  of 
the  Churches 809 

Letter  to  J.  "W.  Wright,  Ind.,  August 
21,  1864— Organization  of  Tennes 
see 309,  310 

At  Louisville— Hypocrisy  of  South 
ern  Leaders,  and  the  Future  of  the 
Negro 319 

At  Logansport.  Ind..  October,  1S64— 
On  Allusions  to  his  Youth 311 

Test  Oath  Prescribed  for  Voters  at 
Presidential  Election 814 

At  Torchlight  Procession,  Nashville, 
November,  1S64  —  Freedom  to 
All 815 

Inaugural  as  Vice-President,  at  Na 
tional  Capitol,  March  4,  1865 316 

At  Washington,  April  3, 1S05,  on  the 
Fall  of  Richmond 319 

On  taking  the  Oath  of  Office  as  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  Washing 
ton.  April  15,  1S65 825 

To  the  Illinois  Delegation,  April 
17.  at  Treasury  Department 387 

To  Pennsylvania  Delegation,  Against 
Mon'opolies  arid  Aristocracies 341 

To  Sir  Frederick  Bruce,  British  Am 
bassador,  April  25 343 

To  Diplomatic  Corps 845 


INDEX. 


To    Refugees  from    Insurrectionary 
ril  ................. 

Trade  Restrictions, 


States.  '24th  April  ................. 

On   Removal  of 


347 
852 
854 

854 

356 


April  29 
To    Delegation  of  Swiss   Residents, 

Mayl  ..........................  . 

Order  for  Military  Commission  to  try 

the  Assassin  Conspirators  ......... 

Rewards  for  the  Conspirators.     ..... 

Approving  Trade  Regulations  for  the 

South,  9th  May  ...................  360 

On  Virtual   Close  of  the  Rebellion, 

and  Foreign  Hospitality  to  Rebel 

Cruisers,  20th  May  ................  862 

To  Delegation  of  Colored  Clergymen 

and  others,  llth  May  .............  863 

To  Marquis  de   Montholon,   French 

Ambassador.  13th  May  ............  365 

Opening  Southern  Ports  to  Foreign 

Commerce  —  Disavowal   of   Bellig 

erent  Rights,  2'2d  May  ............  367 

Remission  of  Sentence's  by  Military 

Tribunals  ........................  369 

Amnesty  Proclamation.  29th  May...  370 
North  Carolina  Reconstruction  Proc 

lamation,  29th  May  ...............  874 

To  Children  and  Teachers  of  the  City 

Sunday-school  Union,  29th  May...  876 
Further  Removal  of  Trade  Restric 

tions.  ..........................  3SO 

To  Colored  Delegation  from   Rich 

mond,  Va  ........................  882 

To  Congregational  Council  at  Boston, 

19th  June  ........................  882 

Removal  of  all  Trade   Restrictions, 

24th  June  ........................  858 

To  South  Carolina  Delegation—  Res 

toration  —  Negro  Suffrage  —  Position 

of  the  South  .....................  884 

To  Gettysburg  Monument  Associa 

tion,  4th  July  ....................  8S8 

To  Delegation  of  Virginia  Merchants 

—The  Thirteen  Exceptions  of  the 

Amnesty  Proclamation  .....  ......  390 

To  Governor  Brownlow  on  Tennessee 

Elections  .........................  894 

To  Mississippi  State  Convention  ____  899 

To  M.  Maurice  Dell'osse,  the  Belgian 

Minister........  .................  400 

Freedom  of  Trade  ..................  400 

Military  Interference  in  Mississippi.  401 
Order  on  same  to  Major-General  Slo- 

cuin  .....  ,  .......................  402 

Important  Speech  to  Representatives 

of  Nine  Southern  States,  llth  Sep 

tember  ...........................  408 

On  Settlement  of  Freedinen  .........     90 

To  the  Negro  Soldiers  .............     90 

Paroles  A.  H.  Stephens  and  others..     95 
Rescinding  Martial  Law  in  Kentucky    95 
Administration,  Buchanan's,  Hatred  of 

Douglas  ................  :  .........  161 

Urges  Seward  to  give  up  McLeod.  .  .  167 
u  A  four-  leaved  Clover,"  Effect  of  ____  267 

A  Good  Raider  ......................     14 

"  Agrarianism"  .......................     53 

Agriculture,  the  Fatiier  of  the  State..     61 
Agriculture,  Vattel  on  ..............       61 

Aiken.   W.  A.,  of  South  Carolina  .....  3sS 

A  King  for  Tennessee  ................  243 


Pace 

Alabama  Secedes 2'22 

Northern  Occupied  by  Union  Troops  255 
Fall  Back  from.  //,. 

Ambition,  Johnson's  First 15 

Amendments  to  the   Constitution   by 

Johnson 218 

American  Steamer  burned  by  McLeod  106 

Amnesty,  Proclamation  of. .  \ 370 

Persons  excepted  from 871 

Virginia  Merchants  Desire  the  Thir 
teenth  Exception  Stricken  out 390 

Their  Interview  with  the  President'  391 
Anderson,  Major  It..  Transfers  his  Gar 
rison  from  Moultrie  to  Sumter 220 

Anderson,  General  S.  R 257 

Surprised  at  Lavergne 274,  275 

Andrew,    Govornor,  of  Massachusetts  340 
Animadversions  on  Johnson's  Inaugu 
ral 816-318 

An  Impromptu  Levee 879 

Annexation  of  Texas,  Johnson's  Rea 
son's  for 32 

Antagonistic  Views  of  Supporters  of 

McClellan  and  Pendleton 303,  804 

Anthony,  II.  B.,  Senator 203 

A  "  Plebeian  " 817 

Apologists  of  Idleness 22 

Appendix. 

No.  1.  Speech  in  Reply  to  Senator 
Lane  of  Oregon,  in  U.  S.  Senate, 
March  2,  lS6i. 

No  2.  Secession  of  Tennessee.  See  15. 
An  Act  to  submit  a  Declaration  of  In 
dependence  to  the  People,  and  for 
other  purposes — Declaration  of  In 
dependence  and  Ordinance  of  Se 
cession — Extract  from  an  Address 
of  Joint  Committee  of  Tennessee 
Legislature — Call  for  a  Convention 
of  the  People  of  East  Tennessee- 
Ratification  of  the  League  between 
Tennessee  Commissioners  and  Con 
federate  States. 

No.  3.  Great  Speech  on  the  War  for 
the  Union  after  the  Battle  of  Bull 
Run,  in  U.  S.  Senate.  July  27,  1861    19 
No.  4.  Speech  on  the  Proposed  Ex 
pulsion  of  Mr.  Jesse  I).  Bright,  in 

U.  S.  Senate,  January  31.  1862 C8 

No.  5.  President  Johnson's  Opinion 

on  the  Use  of  Ardent  Spirits 87 

No.  6.  The  Home  of  Andrew  Johnson     SS 
No.  7.  Order  Relating  to  the  Settle 
ment  of  the  Freedinen 90 

No.  8.  Speech  to  the  Negro  Soldiers.     90 
No.  9.  The  President  Paroles  A.  11. 

Stephens  and  others 95 

No.  10.  Proclamation  Rescinding  Mar 
tial  Law  in  Kentucky 95 

No.  11.    Interesting     Interview    of 

South  Carolina  Delegates 96 

Apperson,  J.  L T 390 

Appomattox  Court  House.     Lee  Sur 
renders  at 823 

Apprenticeship.  Johnson's  Expires 15 

Appropriation  Bills,  Haunt  the  Senate, 
58.    Johnson  on,  58-60.     A  Broad 

Axe  to  Slay  other  Measures 60 

Appropriations  greater  than  Expendi 
ture ..101 


INDEX. 


Paso 

A  Rebel  Clergyman  Seeking  Pardon . . .  3D8 
Annies,    European,    what    Composed 

of 105,  106 

Of  the  Potomac,  Tennessee  and  Geor 
gia  Reviewed 368 

"  Armv  and  Navy  Journal  " 307 

Anm-'Hill.  <<9.  Senator  Wilson's  Sub 
stitute  for.  100.  A.  Johnson's  Sub 
stitute  for,  ib.  Johnson's  Speech  in 
Opposition  to.  103.  Not  Contemp 
lated  by  the  Constitution,  103. 
Characte'r  of  Debate  on,  106.  Hun 
ter  on,  109.  As  Adopted 113 

Army,  Expenses  of  from  the  Establish 
ment  of  the  Government 102 

Armv  Regular,  T'oombs  Opposed  to.. .  106 

Arnold,  I.  N 836 

Arnold,  8.,  Imprisoned  for  Life 390 

Arteries  by  which   Governments  are 

Bled 134 

Ashmore,  J.  D 205 

Ashmun.  Geo.,  Induces  Douglas  to 
Confer  with  Lincoln,  163.  Account 

of  the  Conference 163 

Asken,  Colonel  John  A.    Defeated  by 

Johnson 29 

A  Slave.  Johnson's  Definition,  69. 
Every  man  a  Slave  who  does  not 

own  a  Slave 70 

Aristocracy  of  Democracy 55 

Spurious 22 

vs.  Rabble  106 

Assassination  Conspirators,  Commis 
sion  to  Try,  854.  Their  Fate 390 

Astor,  Wm.  J} 341 

Atlanta  Campaign 806 

Atrocious  Terrorism  iu  Tennessee 234 

Atrocities,  Rebel 262,  268,  270,  272 

Atzeroth,  G.  A.,  Hanged 390 

A  United  South,  Davis'  Reliance  on. . .  172 


B. 

Bacon,  Francis,  on  the  Growth  of  "  No 
bility" 

Bancroft,  G.,  his  Lecture  on  General 

Jackson 91 

41  Banner."  the  Nashville 258 

Baugh,  Mayor  of  Memphis 243 

Barnes,  Colonel  8.  M.,  Sth  Ky.,  Notifies 
Governor  Johnson  of  Danger  from 

Guerillas 267 

Barnewell.  R.  W 221 

Barrow.  Mrs.  Wash.,  her  Claims 258 

Bayard,  J.  A.,  Senator,  Chairman  of  Se- 

ceders  Convention 150,  181  208 

Beauregard,  General 265 

Bell,  John.  Senator,  29-48.     Refuses  to 
be   Instructed  by  his    State,  115. 
Conflict   with    Johnson,    ib.,  116. 
Personal   Explanations,  117.     Not 
Johnson's  "  Competitor,"  116,  150, 
175.       Nominated  for  Presidency  178 
Bell,  R.    Life  of  Canning  alluded  to...  252 
Benjamin,  J.  P.,  Senator,  57.  150.   175, 
223.   On  Disunion.  225.   On  Lincoln 
and  Douglas,  tft.,  261.     Johnson  on  224 
Benning,  H.^S 192 


Page 
Biggs,  A.,  Senator,  57.     Foretells  the 

Veto  on  the  Homestead  Lill 83 

Bisler,  W.,  Senator 146,  150 

Bill,  "Crittenden  Montgomery."  154. 
Bill,  "English,"  155.  To  Increase  Stand 
ing  Army 99 

Birch,  Mr.,  Seeks  Pardon 39S 

Black.  J.  S.,  Attorney-General  ...  .146,  2'2'2 

Blair,  F.  P 828 

Blair.  Montgomery 328 

Blessings  of  Popular  Government, .31 6,  317 

Blizzard,  A 315 

Blue  Coats  and  Butternuts.    Address  to 

by  Johnson  at  Murfreesboro' 263 

Bonham,  M.  L 194.  201,  203,  204 

Boorish  Tailor  " 1 311 

Booth,  J.  W.,  Assassin   of  President, 

Shot 350 

Borden,  Rev.  Mr.,  Addresses  the  Presi 
dent 840 

Boyce,  W.  W 201 ,  204.  209,  38S 

Bra-rs.  General,  255.  Flanks  Buell, 
272.  Defeated  at  Perryville,  Ky., 
278.  Entrenches  himself  at  Mur- 
freesboro',  ib.  Falls  Back  in 
Confusion  upon  Bridgeport,  Ala., 
280.  Retreat  across  Cumberland 

Mountain  and  Tennessee  River 2SO 

Brearly  D.,  Reports  the  Creation  of   a 

Vice-President  to  the  Constitution  381 
Breckenridge,  J.    C..    Vice-1  resident. 
Address  on  Removing  from  the  Old 
to  the  New  Senate  Chamber,  120. 
Nominated    for    President,     ISO. 
Position  of.   ib.    And  Lane,  Dis 
union  Candidates,   181.     Delay  in 
Acceptinc    the    Nomination,    182. 
Used  by  the  Managers,  183, 1 S6, 275. 

Leaders  Foment  Rebellion 212 

Bright,  Jesse  D..  Senator,  Administers 
the  Oath  to'  Johnson,  51.  146,  150, 
Resolution  Expelling  him  from  the 
U.  S.  Senate,  245.  Johnson's  Speech 
on  Reviewal,  245.  In  full,  see 
Appendix.  Co-operates  with,  and 
Bends  the  Knee  to  the  South,  245. 
Opposed  to  every  Union  Measure, 
246.  And  Johnson,  Relations  Be 
tween 247 

British  Minister's  Demand  Refused  by 

Governor  Seward 166 

Broderick,  D.  C.,  Senator.  58.  Supports 
the  Pacific  Railroad  Bill,  131.  Self- 
made  Man,  ib.  Described  by 
Toombs,  182.  Contrasted  with 
Johnson,  ib.  His  Reasons  for 
Demanding  the  Road,  183.  Death 
in  a  Duel,  134.  Character,  185.  On 
the  Strength  and  Weakness  of  the 
Working  Classes,  ib..  136.  Allu 
sion  to  his  Father,  and  Sketch  of 
his  own  Struggles,  ib.  Death 
Announced  in  Congress,  137.  Eu 
logies  on,  ib.,  138.  As  an  Organi 
zer,  ib., 150 

Brooks,  Mr.,  of  Ala 392 

Brough,  Governor,  of  Ohio 340 

Brousham,    Lord,  on    Feudalism,   96. 

On  Self-Government 38 

Browbeating  Southerners  into  Treason  212 


INDEX. 


tiny 
119. 


Page 

Brown,  Hon.  A.  G.,  of  Mies.,  Senator. 
Supports  Homestead  Bill.  5i.  Tribute 
to  Johnson  bv.  55     Davis1  Jealousy 
of  .......  90.   '150,  160.  175,  176,  200,  228 

"  Brown  Hear."     A  London  Club  ......     20 

Brown,  Ex-Lieut.-Governor  ...........  340 

Brown,  John,  Invasion  of  Virginia  ____  183 

Brown.  Neil  S  ........................  266 

Browning,  Private  Secretary  to  Gover 
nor  Johnson  ..................  256,  276 

Browning,  Fort  ......................  27T 

Browning,  O.  H.,  ex-Senator  ..........  337 

Brownlow,  Parson  ...................     71 

Bruce.  Sir  F.,  British  Ambassador,  394. 
Address  to  the  President,  342.    Re 
ply  to,  343.    Informal  Conversation 
with  the  President  ................  844 

Buchanan,  James,  Secretary  of  State, 
83.     President,  Vetoes  the  Home 
stead  Bill,  87,      Favored  it  in  his 
Inaugural,  88.     Extract  from,  if). 
Controlled   by  Southern  Conspira 
tors,  87-89.     His  Treasonable  Sur 
roundings,  90.      Invites    Scrutin 
into    Department    Expenses, 
Supposed  not  to  favor  Pacific  Rail 
road,  but  Writes  a  Letter  to  Cali 
fornia  for  Election  Purposes  Favor 
ing  it.  129.     Broderick's  Defiance 
of,  137.   Elected  on  Non-interven 
tion  Principles  of  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill.  157.    Attempts  to  Over-ride 
it,   if).      Protest  of   Douglas,  153. 
Hatred  of  Douglas,  ib.,  161.  Under 
Southern  Pressure  Advocates  Le- 
compton.  184.  War  on  Douglas,  ib. 
A  Leading  Cause  of  Secession,  ib. 
185.     Communicates  Kansas  Policy 
to  Douglas  and   Walker,  ib.,  194. 
Frightened  by  Southern  Conven 
tions  and  Abandons  it,  195.  Venge 
ful  Intolerance  of,  196.     Eager  to 
have  his  Course  Endorsed  by  the 
Party,  197.     Secession  Message,  in 
Congress,  203.    Gives  general  Dis 
satisfaction,     205.       His     Cabinet 
Breaking  Up,  207.      Receives  De 
mands  from  South  Carolina  Com 
missioners,  221.     Declines  another 
Communication,  ih.     Throws  the 
Responsibility     on    Congress,    ib. 
Pledged  to  Secession  .............  193 

Buckingham.    W.  A.   Prest's  Letter  to  382 
Buell,  "General,    Evacuates    Northern 
Alabama  and  Southern  Tennessee, 
272.     Annies  in  Nashville,  ib.   De 
sires  its  Evacuation—  Opposed  by 
Johnson  ..........................  292 

Bnena  Vista,  Battle  at,  Jeff.  Davis  at.  .  169 
*-  Bulletin,"  the  Memphis  .............  243 

Bull  Run,  Johnson's  Speech  after  ......  241 

Burch,  Mr  ............................  137 

Burke  ...........................  22,  101 

Burlinghame,  A  ......................   137 

Burnside,  General,  280.  At  Knoxville.  281 
Butler,  General  B.  F  ..................  146 

c. 

Cabinet  Changes  nnder  Buchanan..  .  .  .  222 


Page 

Calhoun,  J.  C.,  Theory  of  Expanding 
the  Army,  99.  Johnson  on.  147.  A 

Logician  and  a  Sectarian,  ib 175 

California  no  Mendicant,  132.  If  she 
Withheld  her  money  would  the 
Manufacturing  Interests  of  the 
States  be  Paralyzed?  133  John 
son's  Reply  to,  ib.  Where  did  its 
Gold  go?  134.  Bond  with  other 
States,  134.  Broderick's  Connec 
tion  with 137 

Cameron,  S.,  Secretary  of  War,  150, 
at  Union  Convention  of  1864.. 291,  341 

Camp  Dick  Robinson 249 

Campbell,  Mr,  Defeats  Johnson  for  the 

Legislature 23 

Campbell,  Colonel  L.  D 257,  270 

Campbell,  Tennessean  Soldier  alluded 

to  by  Johnson 112 

Campbell,  Sir  Colin,  at  Inkermann, 
Compared  to  Jeff.  Davis  at  Buena 

Vista 270 

Campbell,  W.  B.,  ex-Governor  of  Ten 
nessee,  257.  Presides  at  Union 

Mass  Convention 259,  260,  815 

Canadian  Rebellion,  1837 166 

Canby,  General,  Captures  Mobile,  350. 
Dispatch  from  Announcing  Sur 
render  of  Kirby  Smith 369 

Canning.  Effect  of  Speech  in  Aid  of 
South  American  Republics,  232. 
Johnson's  Great  Efforts  Compared 

with 233 

Carpenter,  F.  B.,  Artist,  Relates  Presi 
dent  Lincoln's  Anecdote  of  John 
son  and  the  Fighting  Parson  at 

Prayer 273 

Carroll,  Tennessean  Soldier,  alluded  to 

by  Johnson 112 

Carter,  J.  T.  P 315 

Cass,  Lewis,  Secretary  of  State,  167. 
Reason  for  Leaving  Buchanan's 
Cabinet,  207.  Breaks  his  Sword 

Twice 207 

Casselly,  Colonel,  69th  Ohio 277 

Catholic  Vote 83 

Catholics.  Johnson's  Defence  of,  34. 
Not  Hostile  to  Liberty,  35.  In  the 
Revolution  —  Washington's  Testi 
mony  36.  Know-Nothing  Argu 
ments  Against  Rebutted  by  John 
son  4<J 

Cedar  Creek 806 

Chambersburg,  Pa.,  Burned 306 

Chandler,  Hon.  J.  R.,  of  Pennsylvania, 

Tribute  to  Johnson 55 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  Secretary  of  Treas 
ury 122 

On  the  War 305 

Chase.  Chief  Justice,  Administers  the 

Oath  of  Office  to  Johnson 32S 

Chatham 21,  238 

Chattanooga,  Rebel  Army  Forced  to. . .  279 

Movements  for  Possession  of 280,  281 

Amount  of  Losses  at 281 

Chicago  Platform  Declares  the  War  a 
Failure,  305.  Secretary  Chase's 

Reply  to 305 

Chickamauga,  Rebels  Forced  from  into 
Georgia 279 


INDEX. 


Page 
Children,   Five   Thousand.   Salute  the 

resident.  37-5.  His  Address  to...  3T6 
"  Christ  First,  our  Country  Next  ". . . .  247 
Christian  Commission.  Delesation  of, 

Address  t  he  President 840 

Churches,  Influence  of 309 

Cincinnati.  Johnson's  Speech  at 287 

Citizens'    Committee    of  New    York, 

Wait  on  President 341 

Civil  and  Religious  Liberty,  Johnson's 

Sprt-chon 84 

Clay.  II on  C.  C.,  Senator.  67,  53.  John 
son's  Reply  to  67, 150,  176.  Re 
ward  for 355 

Cleary  W.  C.,  Reward  for 855 

Clifford,  ex-Governor 840 

Clingman,  T.  L.,  Senator,  Allusion  to 
Foreign  Catholic  Vote,  38.  150. 
On  Buchanan's  Secession  Message, 
2o5.  Disunion  Views.  204.  His 
Recognition  of  Johnson's  Ability..  247 
Cobb,  Howell,  Secretary  of  Treasury, 

Resigns "207 

Cochrane,  C.  B.,  at  Union  Convention 

IH'4 289 

Cochrane  John,  Nominated  for  Vice- 
President.  301.  Withdraws 301 

Colfax,  Schuyler 86 

Collamer,  Se'nator 151 

Colored  People.  Johnson's  Hope  for. . .  864 
Colored  Seamen  Abduct  Slaves,   165. 
The  Former  Demanded  by  Gover 
nors  of  Virginia  and  Georgia,  ib. 

Refused  by  Governor  Seward 160 

See  Seward. 

Columbia,  Tenn.,  Union  Meeting  at...  266 
Compromise  Measures  of  1850.    John- 
sun's  Speech 142 

Of  INOO.  Seward  Against  1 67 

The  Evils  of 143   144 

With  Armed  Rebels .242 

Concubinage  in  the  South 864 

Confederacy,  the,  "  Died  of  a  V  "..!...  169 
"  Confederate  States,"  Provisional  Con 
stitution  Adopted 222 

Signs  of  Failure  in 308 

Wails  from 308 

Conference,  Committee  of,  on  Home 
stead  Bill .  86 

Congress,  the  XXIXth... 
The  XXXth. ...  49 

The  XXXVth "     '.".'  5l"l50 

The  XXXVIth ". '.  l-2\  150 

Second  Session,  Opening  of  Des 
cribed 120 

Reception  of  President's  Message 
203.  Effect  on  the  Southern  Rep 
resentatives,  203,  204.  Effect  on 

Republicans 204 

Should  it  Reflect  Public  Opinion  1...     71 
"  Congressional  Globe,"  References  to— 

passim 

Conspirators  Meet  in  Washington'.'. ....  221 

"  Conservatism  " 144 

Conspiracy  to  Assassinate  the  Principal 

Members  of  the  Government     ...    325 
Conspirators,  Reward  Offered  for  355 

Constituencies,  Duties  of 44 

Constitutional  Monarchy  Mooted  in  the 
South 242 


Pago 

Constitutional  Union  Party,  156.  Plat 
form  of.  178 

Convention,  Constitutional,  17S7,  Plans 

Presented  to  830 

National  Democratic  of  1860.  147. 
Johnson's  Name  Proposed,  ib. 
Contention  in,  ib.  Withdrawal  of 
Delegates  from,  *&.,  148.  Sits  for 
Ten  Days.  Adjourns  to  Baltimore  143 

Baltimore,  I860 173 

Chicago         "    173 

Baltimore  Democratic 179 

Secedera,  at  Charleston,  ISO.  Ad 
journ  to  Richmond,  1S1.  Nomi 
nate  Breckinridge 181 

Charleston  and  Baltimore,  Causes  of 

Secession  at 188 

Democratic  Baltimore,  Inconsistency 

of  Seceding  Delegates  at 197 

National  Union,  Baltimore,  1864284,  2S5 
Desire  of  Dickinson's  Friends  to  Ex 
clude  Border  States  from 290 

Cleveland,  Ohio,  1864 301 

Chicago  Democratic,  1S64 301 

Conventions.  Johnson  Denies  their 
Right  to  Dictate,  130.  Should  not 

make  Precedents 131 

Cooper  H 815 

Cooper,  Ed.,  Address  Union  Demon 
stration  at  Murfreesboro' 263,  264 

Corwin  T 208 

Cotton 32 

Cotton  r*.  Gold 183 

Cotton  Burning  in  Arkansas  257 

Cox.  Rev.  S.  H 309 

Credentials,  Johnson   Presents  his  in 

the  United  States  Senate 51 

Crittenden,  150.  As  Leader,  151.  His 
Appearance  in  the  Senate,  ib.  His 
Eloquence,  lf>2.  Replies  to  Green 
of  Missouri,  ib.  On  Kansas  Ques 
tion,  153.  A  Southern  Mnn,  ib. 
Allegiance  not  to  a  Section,  154. 
Opposes  Cuban  Bill,  ib.  Farewell 
to  Old  Senate  Chamber,  154.  The 
"  Crittenden  -  Montgomery  "  Bill, 
Account  of.  ib.  Union  S'peech  at 
Chicago,  155.  His  Politics,  156. 

175 204 

Cruisers,  Rebel,  Order  Relative  to  For 
eign  Hospitality  to 862 

uba,  Thirty-Million  Bill  for  Acquisi 
tion  of 154 

urtis,  G.  W.,  at  Union  Convention . .     289 

Curtis,  S.  R  208 

ushing,  C.  on  Jeff.  Davis'  Military  Tal 
ents 169,  170 

Secedes  from  Democratic  Conven 
tion,  179  Presides  at  Seceders' 

Convention  . .   ISO 

'Curran,  Stuttering  Jack,"  Early  Ef 
forts  in  Debate "....  20 

Curtin,  Governor,  of  Pennsylvania 841 

D. 

'  Damn  the  Presidency  " 131 

Davis',  Jeff.,  Senator,  Bill  to  Increase 
the  Standing  Army,  99.  On  "Cheap 
Material "  for  the  Army,  105.  En- 


INDEX. 


Page 

mity  to  General  Scott.  103.  Discus 
sion  with  Johnson  on  Presidential 
Aspirations.  181.  Sketch  of  as  a 
Leader,  151.  First  Appearance  in 
Confess,  10!).  J.  Q.  Adains,  Pre 
diction,  ih.  His  Groat  Talents,  ib. 
Sketch  of— Greatly  Distinguished. 
,in  Mexican  War,  ib.  His  V  at 
Buena  Vista,  ih.  Richmond  "  Ex 
aminer"  und  C.  Cashing  on,  ib,  170. 
Refuses  Coinmission  of  Brigadier 
General,  170.  In  the  United  States 
Senate,  171.  Chief  of  Slave-rights 
Democrats,  ib.  Advocates  Repu 
diation  of  Union  Bank  Bonds,  'ib. 
Resigns  his  Seat  in  the  Senate  to 
Run  for  Governor,  and  is  Defeated, 
ib.  Supports  Pierce  and  goes  into 
the  Cabinet,  ib.  In  the  War  De 
partment,  ih.  The  Arguments 
Used  to  Place  him  in  the  Cabinet, 
172.  Re-elected  to  the  Senate,  ib. 
Speech  at  Pass  Christian — Touch 
ing  Sentiments  of  Love  for  the  Old 
Flag,  ib.  On  Dissolution  and  Sub 
mission,  ib.  Appearance  to  Vote 
against  Douglas,  173.  Visits  the 
North,  ib.  His  Reception,  ib. 
Speeches  at  this  Period,  ?&.  Dif 
ferent  Views  North  and  South,  «'&., 
174.  Union  Letter  to  Webster 
Festival,  ib.  On  the  Irrepressible 
Conflict.  175.  Declares  for  Disun 
ion,  ib.  The  Acknowledged  Leader 
of  the  South,  ib.  Qualifications 
Compared  with  Southern  Leaders, 
176.  Character,  ib.  Manner,  177. 
Speech  at  Memphis,  I860,  193. 
Speech  at  Vieksburg,  200.  Will 
Welcome  the  Invader,  201.  In  a 
High  Tone  of  Courtesy,  206.  Elected 
"President  of  the  Confederate 
States,11  222.  Johnson  on,  227. 
Voted  against  Slavery  Protection 
In  Territories,  228.  Johnson's 
Sketch  of  him,  230.  Nurtured  by 
the  U.  S.  Government,  ib.  What 
Confidence  should  Tennesseans 
have  in  him.  '260.  Woful  Speeches 
at  Atlanta,  Macon,  Montgomery, 
308.  Vainglorious  Declaration  of 
319.  Comment  on,  ib.  Reward 
for,  855.  Captured,  366.  Other 
References  to 150,  183,  186,  261,  304 

Davis',  Mrs.,  Remarks  to  the  Captors  of 
her  Husband 366 

Dawson,  Hon  J.  L.,  of  Pa.,  Tribute  to 
Johnson 55,    56 

Debating   Society   of   Greenville    Col 
lege. " 19 

Debating  Societies  of  London,  Cm-ran 
in 20 

Delaware  First  to  Sign  the  Constitu 
tion 206 

Delfosse,   M.    Maurice,    Belgian    Min 
ister,  Presents  Credentials 399 

Demagogues 105 

'•  Demagogisin  "' 63 

Democratic      Party,     Sentiment      of, 
against  England 37 


Pace 
Democratic  Party  Warned  by  Johnson  103 

Departing  from  the  Constitution 130 

Convention,     I860,    Withdrawal    of 

States  from 179 

Platform 180 

'  Democratic  Review  " 43 

Democrats,  Leading  Northern,  Devoted 

to  Southern  Interests 14C 

Dennison,  William,  Post  Master  Gene 
ral 327 

Deputations  Waiting  on  President 
Johnson,  337,  840,  341,  352,  881. 
From  South  Carolina,  384.  Names 
of,  ib.  From  Virginia  Merchants, 
890.  From  South  Carolina,  Gover 
nor  Perry's  Account  of  Reception 
by  the  President,  392.  See  also  Ap 
pendix.  From  Florida 392 

Dickinson,  Daniel  S 146 

His  Name  Before  the  Union  Conven 
tion  of  18G4  for  Vice-President 286 

"An  Instrument  to  Degrade  Seward"  2s9 

Raymond's  Reply  to  this  Idea '289 

Diplomatic  Tables  Turned 39 

Diplomatic  Corps,  Address  to  President 

Johnson 345 

Reply  to 345 

Dissolution  vs.  Submission 173 

Dissolution,   Attempt    at,  after    John 

Brown  Raid 183 

Disunionists,  Underrated,  187.  Un 
grateful  Fanatics,  ib.  Persist 
ency  of,  ib.  Views  by  Southern 
Press,  191.  Rhett,  191.  Judge 
Benning,  192.  Governor  Potter,  of 
Mississippi,  ib.  Governor  Gist,  of 
South  Carolina,  ib.  See  Yancey 
Davis,  Rhett.  etc.  Spratt.  198. 
Keitt,  ib.  Miles,  194.  J.  L.  Pngh, 
ib.  Governor  Perry,  of  Florida,  ib. 
Bonham,  ib.  Desire  to  keep  the 
South  out  of  Presidential  Contest, 
19S.  Their  Activity  and  Exprit, 
200.  Send  Agents  North  to  Pur 
chase  Arms,  ib.  Make  Treason  At 
tractive,  ib.  Address  of  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  the  South, 
209.  Johnson  not  in  their  Confi 
dence,  212.  Secret  Meeting  of,  in 
Washington,  221.  Committee  of, 
ib.  Violence  in  the  United  States 

Senate 228 

Dix.  J.  A.,  Secretary  of  Treasury 222 

Doolittle,  J.  R.,  Senator,  Sheds  Light 

on  Mason,  of  Virginia 73,  150 

Doubtful  Power,  Congress  should  De 
sist  from 126 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Senator,  58. 
Compliments  Johnson,  83.  As  a 
Leader,  151.  Anxiety  to  Hear  his 
Opinions,  156.  His  Life  an  Exam 
ple  for  Youths,  ib.  Sketch  of,  157. 
As  Chairman  of  Committees  on 
Territories  in  Congress,  ib.  Early 
Ground  of  Non-intervention  on 
Slavery  Question,  i/>.  Advocates 
Popular  Rights,  158.  Persecuted 
"by  Buchanan  and  the  South,  ib. 
Great  Lecompton  Debate  in  the 
Senate,  ib.  Galleries  and  Lobbies 


IXDEX. 


Pago 

Thronged,  ib.  His  Speech,  159 
Its  Character.  160.  On  Party  Dic 
tation  and  the  Right  to  Differ.  /'/., 

161.  Contest  with  Lincoln  for  the 
Illinois    Svnatorship,    ib.      Nomi 
nated    for    the     Presidency,    179. 
Pursued  by  Buchanan,  184. "Would 
Withdraw    to    Restore    Harmony, 
185.     The  Vigor  of  his  Southern 
Tom-,  ls<>.     Position  in   Canvass  of 
l-r,o.  1-0.     Hopes  to  Avert  War, 

162.  Predictions  on  the  War  and 
its  Results,  ib.  No  Justification  for 
Rebellion,  ib.    Visit  and  Advice  to 
President  Lincoln.  163.     In  Favor 
of  Calling  out  200.1  iOO  men.  ib..  194, 
Persecution  of.    by  Buchanan,  196. 
Appearance     in     the   Senate,   202. 
His  Last  Noble    Sentiments,   164. 
Death,    ib.        Other      References 

_     *Y 96<  124,  187,  150,  175,  204 

Douglas,  Mrs., 159 

Dnmont,  General 25S 

Dunn,  of  Indiana 208,  222 

E. 

Earl\-.  Jnbal  A.,  Invades  Maryland. . .     306 
East,  E.  H.,  Secretary  of  State  of  Ten 
nessee 256 

Eckert,   T.  J.,  Assistant  Secretary  of 

War 402 

Editors,  Union.  Muzzled  in  Tennessee.  235 

Egeria.  Johnson's 18 

Electors.  States  to  Prescribe  the  Qualifl- 

tions  of.  within  their  own  Borders.  374 
Emancipation   Proclamation,  Johnson 

on 282 

Emmet,   Quoted  by  Johnson 218 

England,  Culmination  of  her  Humilia 
tion  in  1812 38 

English,  W.  H 155 

Erskine 21 

Erwin,  J.,  Presides  at  Seceders'  Conven 
tion Igl 

Etheridge,  E '  315 

Everett,  Edward,  Nominated  for  Vice- 
Presidency 173 

Ewing.  Mr..  Delegate  from  Tennessee  to 

Presidential  Convention,  1860 147 

"  Examiner,"  The  Richmond 248 

Expenditure, less  than  Appropriation..  131 
Aggregate     of     Government,    since 

Adoption  of  the  Constitution 102 

Keeps  Pace  with  our  Progress 123 

In  the  Ratio  of  Increase  of  Popula 
tion 128 


Faith,  Johnson's 243 

Failures  and  Successes  of  1864 306 

Farnsworth.  General 328,  337 

Farrngut,  Admiral  D.  A 805 

Fight  in  Mobile  Bay 306 

Farwell,  ex-Governor  of  Wisconsin. 
Precaution  to  Protect  Johnson,  on 
the  Night  of  President  Lincoln's 


Page 

Assassination,  825.     Testimony  to 
Johnson's  Coolness  ...............  g26 

Favorite  Books  of  (in-at  Men  ........  '.    21 

Favorite  Volume    of  Johnson  .........     H 

Federal  Centralization,  Johnson  against    40 
Fessenden.   W.  P.,  Senator.    122.    Ex- 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury  .......       356 

Feudal  Aristocracy,  f<5.    Lord  Brough 
am     on,     96.      Bacon's  Remedies 
against  ..............  ............     95 

Ffraser,  J.  (de  Jean),  an  Irish  Poet  and 
Mechanic,   Lines  on  the  Workhi" 
Man  .............................  .     1S 

"  54°  40',  or  Fight  "  ...................     ss 

First  Practical  Step  to  Disunion  .....   161 

Fisher's  Hill  .....................  8(,6 

Fishing  Bounty  Bill  ...............     f>8 

Fitch,  G.  N..  Senator  ..................  146 

Fitzpatrick.  Senator,  80,  122,  176;      De 
clines  Nomination  to   Vice-Presi 
dency  ....................  1  79 

Flag.  The  ...........................  ."321 

Florida,   216.      Secedes.  222.     Expedi 
tion  to.  806.    Reconstruction  in  ....  392 

Floyd,  J.  B.,  Secretary  of  War,  Resigns  221 
Foote,  H.   S.,   Defeats  Jeff.   Davis  for 
Governor.  .  .  ......................   171 

Foot,  S.,  Senator  ..............  187,  lil,  155 

Forney,  J.  W..  ............  44,  '203  82s,  218 

Forest,  General,    255.     Captures  Mur- 
freesboro',   270.     Advances  to  An- 
tioch,  271.     In  Front  of  Nashville, 
ib.      Falls   Back  to   Carthage,  il>. 
275.     Attacks  Nashville,  277.     De 
feated,  ib.    Kentucky  Raid  ........  306 

Fort  Andrew  Johnson,  the  Capitol  of 

Nashville  .........................  277 

De  Russey  Captured  ................  306 

Gaines  Captured   ...................  306 

McAllister  Assaulted  ...............  807 

Morgan  Captured  ...................  806 

Negley  .............................   274 

Phillip  and  Jackson  .................  Sn5 

Pillow,  Massacre  at  .................  3u6 

Forts  at  Nashville,  Named  after  Gov 
ernor  Johnson's  Staff  .............  277 

Foster,  E.  H   ........................     29 

Foster.  Lafayette,  President  of  the  I*. 

S.  Senate  ......................  137,  150 

Fox  ..........................  .  ____  2!,     22 

France,  Relations  with  ................  865 

Franklin,  Battle  of.  ...................  807 

Fraud   of    Internal  Improvements    in 
Tennessee  ....................  27,    28 

Freedom  to  Al  I  .......................  3*1  5 

Freeman  Case,  Seward  in  ..............  165 


Fremont,  J.  C.,  Nominated  for  Presi 
dent,  301.    Withdraws 


301 


Frost,  Judge,  384.  On  the  Position  of 
South  "Carolina,  386.  Admits  the 
Defeat  of  the  South  ...  ..SSI 


G. 

Gamble,  General 337 

Gales,   Editor  of  Raleigh   "Register," 

Johnson's  Attack  on 18 

Gentry,  Meredith  P.,  Defeated  by  John 
son  for  Governor 47 


INDEX. 


Page 

Georgia  Convention  Condemns  Gover 
nor  Walker's  Kansas  Inaugural 195 

Georgia,  Rebels  forced  into,  after  Buttles 
of  Chickamaugaand  Mission  Ridge-, 

279.  Sherman's  Campaign  through, 
807.     Reconstruction  of 8S2 

Gerolt,  Baron  von,  Prussian  Minister, 
Addresses  the  President,  845.  Re 
ply  to  345 

Gerry  Eldridge,  Opposition  to  the  Office 

of  Vice-President 

Gettysburg  Monument 889 

Gill,  R.  11  384 

Gillem,   Colonel,  Provost  Marshal    of 

Nashville 275,  277 

Gillet,  W,  H 384 

Gist,  Governor  of  South  Carolina 192 

Glenn.  S.  R.,  Herald  Correspondent  in 
Tennessee.  His  Diary  of  the  De 
fence  of  Nashville,  255,  ct  seg. 
Arrives  in  Nashville,  and  Waits  on 
Governor  Johnson,  256.  Enjoys  a 
Night  of  Suspense,  264  On  an  Ex 
citing  Ride  with  Governor  Johnson, 
268.  On  Duty  with  the  Governor, 
270.  On  Johnson's  Self-control  and 

Temperate  Habits 278 

Gold,  Where  it  Went  to 188 

("food  Star,  Johnson's 16 

Government  to  Reflect  the  Economy  of 

the  Masses :   .     93 

Granger.  General,  Checks  Longstreet's 
Advance  at  Chattanooga,  281.  Re 
lieves  Burn  side  at  Knoxville 281 

Grant,   General,  Besieging   Vicksburg, 

280.  Appointed  to  the  Chief  Com 
mand  in  the  Southwest,  281.     Con 
fidence  in,  307.    Around  Richmond 
and  Petersburg,  ?'&.     Compels  Lee 
to  Surrender,  323.    Terms  and  Ac 
ceptance,  324.    Thanks  to.  ib.  Dis 
patches    News   of   Joe    Johnson's 
Surrender,  351.    Reduction  of  Mili 
tary  Expenses 851,  368 

"Great  Southern  Party,"  190.  Pro 
gramme  of ib.,  191 

Green,  J.  A.  Senator,  75,  78,  150.  Al 
lusion  to  Crittenden.,151,  154,  155,  203 

Greene,  General  Nat 96 

Greenville, Tenn.,  Johnson  takes  up  his 
Residence  in,  16.  His  Reforms  in, 

25.     College 18 

Grinnell,  Moses  H 841 

Gubernatorial  Contest  of  1855  in  Ten- 

•     nessee 47 

Guerrilla  Outrages  in  Tennessee,  26T. 

Johnson's  Narrow  Escape  from 268 

Guns,  Rebel  Loss  of. 308 

Outline,  James 97 

Gwin,  W.  M.,  Senator.  Attempts  to  Re 
commend  the  Pacific  Railroad  as  a 
Part  of  the  Democratic  Platform, 
129.  Johnson  Exposes  it...ib,  1ST,  150 

H. 

Hale,  J.  P.  Senator,  on  Expenditure,  100, 
106,  150,  208,  205.  On  Buchanan's 
'*  Secession  "  Message, 805,  328 

Halleck,  General " 382 


Page 

"  Hallelujah,"  Sung  by  Soldiers 2G6 

Hallet,  B.  F.,  at   Cincinnati  National 

Democratic  Convention 129,  146 

Hamilton  A 380 

Hamilton,  A.  J.,  209.  Appointed  Pro 
visional  Governor  of  Texas 883 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  Senator,  59.  150. 
Nominated  for  Vice-Presidency, 
178.  Appearance  in  the  Senate  af 
ter  Election  to,  202.  References 

to 285,  286,  340 

Hammond,  J.  H.,  Senator.  His  Feudal 
Doctrines,  67,  63,  70.  Johnson  Re 
plies  to  his  "Mudsill"  Speech,  68. 

References  to 150,  175 

Harden,  Colonel 366 

Harlan,  J.  A.,  Senator,  90,  150.  Suc 
ceeds  Mr.  Usher  as  Secretary  of  In 
terior,  367.  Important  Decision  of 

Referring  to  Homestead  Law 896 

Harper's  Ferry  Invasion,  183.  Not  sym 
pathized  "in  by  the  Norfh 183 

Harrold,     Assassination     Conspirator, 

Caught,  350.     Hanged 890 

Harris,  Isham  G.,  Governor  of  Tennes 
see,  45.  284.  Convenes  State  Leg 
islature,  ib.,  230.  For  "  King  ". . . .  243 

Harris,  J.  A.,  Senator 341 

Haskin,  J.  B 137 

Hare,  Senator 137 

Haxall,  Win.  H 390 

Haynie,  General  J.  N 887 

Henderson,  Colonel  Thomas,  Saved  by 

Johnson's  Father 13 

Henry,  G.  A.,  Defeated  by  Johnson  for 

Governor  of  Tennessee 45 

Henry.  Patrick 96 

"  Herald,"  New  York 203,  255 

Hewitt's  1st  Kentucky  Battery 270 

Hickman,  J 137 

Hickox.  V.,  Letter  of  Douglas  to 164 

"  Higher  Law  " 167 

Hitz,  Mr.,  Swiss  Consul  General,  Ad 
dress  to  the  President,  358. 

Reply 854 

Homestead  Bill,  the  43,  51.  Constitu 
tional  Objections  to,  Answered  by 
Johnson,  62.  Inculcates  Grand 
Principles  of  Religion,  53.  It 
would  Increase  the  Revenue,  58. 
Its  Popularity,  57.  Opposed  by 
Leading  Southerners,  57,  60,  7l. 
Johnson's  Great  Speech  for,  60. 
The  Southern  Charge  of  "Aboli 
tionism,"  60.  Johnson's  Reply  to, 
ib.  Vattel  on,  61.  Jackson  on,  ib. 
First  Introduced  into  Congress,  62. 
Not  Demagogical,  ib.  Policy  Com 
menced  under  Washington,  63,  81. 
Financial.  Social  and  Moral  Ee- 
eults  of  63,  64.  Would  it  Depopu 
late  the  South,  66.  Precedents  for, 
74.  A  Democratic  Measure,  82. 
Vote  on  it  in  Senate,  83.  In 
House,  84.  Committees  of  Confer 
ence  on,  86.  Report  Concurred  in, 
87.  Vetoed  by  President  Buchanan, 
ib.  Sustained  by  Seward,  1C8.  La 
test  Decision  of  Secretary  of  In- 


INDEX. 


Pa  ere 

Holmes,  I.  E 384,  SSO 

Holt.  Joseph,  Secretary  of  War 222 

Hooker,   General,   Pushes   the   Rebels 

into  Geortria 281 

Hopkins,  Mr..~of  Florida 392 

House    Committee     of    Thirty-Three, 

Elements  of 208 

Houston.  S.,  Senator,  106.      Replies  to 

Davis 108,  112,  150,  175,  209 

Howard.  General 882 

Howard.  TV.  A 155 

Hnntt-i,  General  D 306 

Hunter.  R.  M.  T..  Senator,  5T,  58,  60.  A 
Satirical  Compliment  to,  60.  Am 
endment  to  Homestead  Bill  in 
1M>4,  79.  On  Economical  Views 
of  Johnson,  109.  References,  150, 

155,176 208 

Hunter,  William,  Acting  Secretary  of 

State 345 

Husbandmen  rs.  Lazy  Citizens 61 

I. 

Illinois  Delegation,  President  John 
son's  Reply  to 337 

Illinois  Senatorial  Campaign 181 

Inauguration  of  Andrew  Johnson  as 
President.  Persons  present,  328. 

Solemnity  of  the  Occasion 329 

"Internal  Improvement"  Scheme  in 
Tennessee,  26.  Of  Local  Nature 
Break  Down  the  Eights  of  the 

States 39,  125 

Ireland,  Spirit  of  Freedom  in 35 

Irrepressible  Conflict,  167.  Davis  on..  175 
Iverson,  A.,  Senator,  57,  60,  Makes  a 
Speech  without  a  Subject,  110. 
Disclaims  any  Imputation  on  Ten 
nessee,  113.  Compliments  John 
son's  Probity,  123.  Attacks  North 
ern  Democrats,  187.  Denounces 
Houston,  206.  References,  106,  150, 
176,228,  261 

J. 

Jackson.  Andrew,  Read  the  ''Vicar  of 
Wakefield,''  21.  His  Famous  Union 
Toast,  when  First  Given,  23.  His 
Friendly  Message  to  South  Caroli 
na,  ib.  "  Parton's  Life  of,  ib.  De 
fended  by  Andrew  Johnson.  30,  36. 
Advocates  a  Homestead  Law,  61, 
81.  Bancroft's  Lecture  on,  91.  En 
forced  the  Law  in  1882.215.  Ref 
erences  to 83.  107,  108, 110 

Jefferson,  28,  23.  On  Large  Cities,  65. 
Reccom mends  the  Homestead,  74. 
Supports  Homestead, 81,  96 

Johnson,  Andrew,  his  Birth,  13.  Par 
entage,  ib.  An  Apprentice,  ib. 
Gradual  Development  of.  14  His 
First  Ambition.  15.  Learns  the 
Alphabet,  ib.  Receives  a  Gift  of 
Book  of  Speeches,  ib.  Learns  to 
Read,  ib.  Passion  for  Knowledge 
and  Labor  to  Achieve  it,  ib.  Remi- 
niscenes,  ib.  A  Journeyman,  ib. 
Goes  to  Laurens'  Court  House,  S. 


Page 

C., — a  Love  Story,  16.  Returns  to 
Raleigh,  X.  C.,  ib.  Turns  "West 
ward,  and  stops  at  Greenville 
Tenn..  17.  Marries,  «/».  His  Wife, 
ib.  Teaches  him  Writing  and 
Arithmetic,  ib.  Energy  of  Charac 
ter,  18.  Becomes  the  Voice  of  the 
Workingmen,  19.  Elected  Alder 
man,  ib.  In  the  Debating  Society, 
20.  Popularity  among  the  Colle 
gians,  ib.  Progress  in  Knowledge, 
20.  Re-elected  Alderman  and 
Mayor  for  Three  Terms,  23.  Views 
on  Nullification  in  1832,  24.  Trus 
tee  of  Rhea  Academy.  26.  Sup 
ports  the  New  Constitution,  '27. 
Elected  to  the  Legislature,  ib.  Op 
poses  the  "Internal  Improvement" 
Scheme,  ib.  Defeated,  28.  Re-elec 
ted,  29.  Presidential  Elector,  ib. 
Elected  to  the  State  Senate,  ib.  To 
Congress,  ib.  On  Tariff,  80.  Sup 
ports  Annexation  of  Texas,  31. 
Defends  the  Catholics,  34.  Re-elec 
ted  to  Congress,  37.  On  the  Oregon 
Boundary  Difficulty,  88.  Against 
Tea  and  Coffee  Tax,  and  Local  In 
ternal  Improvements.  39.  Against 
Centralization.  40.  Sustains  the 
War  with  Mexico,  ib.  Replies  to 
the  Charge  of  its  being  "  Unholy," 
41.  Retrenchment,  ib.  Re-elec 
ted  to  Congress,  42.  The  Veto 
Power,  ib.  His  Congressional  Ca 
reer,  43.  Politicians  Conspire  to 
Shelve  him — the  People  Elect  him 
Governor,  45.  His  Inaugural 
Reviewed  Abroad,  46.  Against 
"  Know-Nothingism,"  ib.  Re-elect 
ed  Governor,  47.  The  Contest,  ib. 
Anecdotes  of  Personal  Courage.  48. 
Elected  to  the  United  States  Sen 
ate,  50.  History  of  the  Homestead 
Act.  51.  His  Continuous  Advocacy 
of  the  Measure,  52.  Its  Acknow 
ledged  Leader.  54.  Petitions  Pre 
sented  through  him,  57.  Southern 
Opposition,  ib.  On  Appropriation 
Bills,  58.  Great  Speech  of  May, 
1858,  in  Favor  of  the  Homestead, 
60.  Alludes  to  his  Emigration  from 
North  Carolina,  66.  Replies  to  C. 
C.  Clay  and  Hammond— Were  all 
Slaves  who  did  not  Own  Slaves?  70. 
Thirty-sixth  Congress— Speech  of 
April,  I860,  on  the  Homestead.  72. 
Severe  Rebuke  to  Mason,  of  Vir 
ginia,  78.  Committees  of  Confer 
ence,  86.  Passage  of  the  Bill  by 
More  than  two-thirds'  Vote,  87. 
Vetoed  by  President  Buchanan,  ib. 
General  Review  of  the  Land  Ques 
tion,  91-97.  Opposes  Jeff.  Davis' 
Bill  to  Increase  the  Standing  Army, 
99.  Substitute  for,  100.  Speech 
on,  Illustrated  by  Statistics,  101. 
Expenditure  for  Army  and  for  Gov 
ernment.  102.  Warns  the  Democ 
racy  against  Extravagance,  108. 
Compares  Washington's  Idea  of 


10 


INDEX. 


Volunteer  Forces  with  Davis',  104, 
105.  Docs  not  want  an  Army  of 
Rabble  in  America  Id6.  On  Davis1 
Slight  to  General  Scott,  107.  Re 
plies  to  Hunter,  109.  Completely 
Discomfits  Iverson,  110.  Defense 
of  Tennessee,  111.  The  Tennessee 
Resolutions,  113.  Approves^the  In 
struction  of  Representatives  by 
States,  115.  Senatorial  Conflict 
with  J.  Hell.  ib.  Explanation,  117. 
Simplicity  of  Character.  113.  Brings 
the  Subject  of  Retrenchment  fully 
up.  11'.).'  Desires  to  Test  President 
Buchanan's  Good  Faith  in  Inviting 
Scrutiny,  ib.  A  Select  Committee 
with  Johnson  at  its  head  Suggested, 
121.  Testimony  to  his  Fitness,  128. 
On  Increase  of  the  Public  Expense 
and  Population,  ib.  Declines 
Chairmanship  of  Select  Committee, 
124.  Desires  to  Conflne  the  De 
partment  Expenses  to  $50,000,000 
Annually,  124.  Differs  with  the 
Democratic  Party  on  the  Eight  to 
Build  a  Pacific  Railroad,  125.  Re 
views  the  Arguments  for  and 
against  the  Project,  127.  Favors 
its  Submission  to  a  Popular  Vote, 
128.  A  Strict  Construction  Demo 
crat,  ib.  Denies  the  Right  of  Presi 
dential  Conventions  to  Dictate 
what  Constitutes  a  Democrat.  130. 
Passage  with  Davis  Touching  Presi 
dential  Aspirations,  ib.  ''Damn 
the  Presidency,"  131.  Would  rather 
be  an  Honest  Man.  ib.  Discussion 
with  Bruderick,  132.  Gold  <c*.  Cot 
ton,  133.  Position  on  the  Slavery 
Question,  189.  Accepted  as  it 
Stood,  140.  Speeches  on,  141, 142. 
Appeal  to  Reflecting  men  of  all 
Parties,  ib.  Not  a  Compromise 
Man,  143.  Votes  for  the  Individual 
Measures  of  1S50,  144.  On  Union 
Savers,  145.  Faith  in  the  Union, 
ib.  Contrasted  with  Northern 
Democrats  having  Southern  Views, 
146.  Opinion  of  Calhoun.  147.  Put 
in  Nomination  by  Tennessee  Dem 
ocracy  at  Charleston  Convention, 
1851),  ib.  Letter  to  General  S.  Mil- 
ligan  Withdrawing  his  Name,  143. 
His  Compeers  in  the  Senate.  149. 
His  Independence,  175.  Could  not 
Conceive  Disunion,  1S7.  Faith  in 
the  Union,  211.  Realizes  the  Plans 
of  Disunioniste.  ib.  Takes  Ground 
against  them,  212.  Senate  Speech 
of  ISth  and  19th  December,  1860— 
Submits  Constitutional  Amend 
ments,  213.  Speech  Reviewed,  214. 
Line  of  •Argument  showed  that 
Southern  Journals  Favored  a  Mon 
archy,  217.  His  Claims  to  be  heard 
by  Various  Parties,  218.  Great 
Speech  of  February,  1861,  on  the 
State  of  the  Union," 223.  Feels  that 
he  Struck  Treason  a  Blow,  224.  On 
Benjamin's  Exit,  225.  Ou  Joe 


Page 


Page 

Lane,  226.  lias  Lived  Down  some 
Men,  2^7.  On  Davis'  Inuendoes,  ib. 
The  Ally  of  all  Union  Men,  ib.  Ex 
poses  the  Vote  on  Slave  Protection, 
223.  His  Position  with  Regard  to 
Tennessee,  229.  Sketch  of  Davis, 
230.  Closing  Scenes  of  Secession 
Debate,  ib.  Reply  to  Lane,  ib.  On 
Traitors,  281.  Great  Cheering  in 
the  Galleries,  232.  Creates  an  Era 
in  the  Senate,  ib,  Compared  with 
Canning,  283.  Affairs  in  Tennes 
see,  234.  Attacked  in  Railway  Cars 
by  Secessionists.  280.  Persecution  in 
Tenn.,  ib.  At  Union  Meetings,  ib. 
Reception  and  Speech  at  Cincinnati 
237.  On  the  Heresy  of  Secession,  ib. 
Stands  by  the  Rights  of  the  States, 
233.  On  Tennessee  Affairs,  239. 
Reward  Offered  for  by  Rebels,  241. 
On  the  Monarchial  Leanings  of  the 
South,  242.  "  Let  Harris  be  King 
and  Baugh  a  Despot,"  243.  Claims 
Government  Protection  for  East 
Tennessee,  ib.  Predicts  an  Upris 
ing  in  the  North,  244.  The  War 
not  on  Southern  Institutions,  ib. 
It  Must  be  Maintained,  245.  Speech 
on  the  Expulsion  of  Jesse  D. 
Bright,  245,  247.  Alleviates  the 
Wants  of  Union  Refugees,  249. 
Appointed  Military  Governor  of 
Tennessee,  ib.  Assumes  the  Du 
ties  of  Office,  ib.  Treatment  of 
by  Rebel  Population,  ib.  Appeal 
to  Tennessee,  250.  Requires  the 
Municipal  Officials  to  tike  the  Oath 
of  Allegiance,  253.  Declares  the 
Offices  Vacant,  and  Appoints  New 
Officers,  ib.  Dialogue  with  Rebel 
Ladies,  254.  Determines  to  Defend 
Nashville  to  the  Last  Extremity, 
255.  Mr.  Glenn's  Diary  of  Gover 
nor  Johnson's  Labors,  from  April 
to  November,  1862.  25(5,  et  seq. 
Addresses  the  69th  Ohio  Regiment, 
257.  Consultations  for  the  Resto 
ration  of  Tennessee,  ib.  Orders 
the  Arrest  of  Five  Rebels  for 
every  One  Union  Man  Plundered, 
259.  Enthusiastic  Reception  at  the 
Union  Convention,  259.  South 
Carolina  and  Southern  Rights,  261. 
Relates  some  Sufferings  of  his  Fam 
ily— his  Sick  wife  and  Child  Turn 
ed  into  the  Streets,  262,  At  Mur- 
freesboro' — Effect  on  the  Butter 
nuts,  '263.  An  Alarm  from  Morgan's 
Men.  204.  Address  to  Soldiers,  205. 
At  Columbus,  266.  At  Shelby- 
ville,  ib.  Guerrillas  Threaten  to 
Capture  him,  267.  Urged  to  Re 
main  under  Guard  at  Murfreesboro', 
ib.  Determines  to  go  to  Nashville, 
^^>.  Anxiety  and  Excitement — 
Narrow  Escape  from  the  Guerrilla 
Plots,  268.  Rebel  Success,  270.  Con 
sultations,  ib.  On  Duty  in  the 
Capitol,  271.  Arrival  of  General 
Buell,  272.  Johnson  Opposed  to 


INDEX. 


11 


the  Evacuation  of  Nashville,  ib. 
At  Pravcr  with  Moody.  27:J.  N:,-':- 
villeShut  up  tor  a  Month.  John 
son  Cool.  275.  His  Family  Arrives, 
ib.  Beholds  tlie  Attack  of  Morgan 
and  Forrest,  '111.  Their  Defeat, 
and  Siege  of  Nashville  Raised,  ib. 
Johnson's  Self-control  and  Habits 
During  the  Siege —  Completes  the 
Northwestern  Railroad,  and  Opens 
Communication  between  tlie  North 
"\Vestand  Union  Army  in  Georgia, 
279.  Raises  Twenty- five  Regiments 
in  Tennessee,  ib.  Proclamation  Or 
dering:  Elections,  it).  Order  Asses 
sing  Rich  Rebels  for  Support  of 
Widows  of  Rebels— On  Emancipa 
tion  Proclamation.  282.  Labors  of 
Office,  288.  Orders  Elections  for  Ju 
dicial  and  County  Officers.  284. 
History  of  his  Nomination  for  Vice- 
President  at  the  Union  Conven 
tion.  2Sfi,  et  seq.  Nominated  by 
II.  J.  Raymond,  28S.  Rejoicing  at 
Nashville  at  the  Result,  291. 
Speech,  292.  Believes  in  Man's 
Capacity  for  Self-Government,  294. 
On  Slavery  Emancipation.  295.  Of 
ficial  Letter  of  Acceptance,  297. 
The  Presidential  Ticket,  303.  In 
ducement  to  War  Democrats  to 
Vote  for,  304.  Johnson  Organizing 
Tennessee,  303.  On  Emancipated 
Labor,  311.  On  his  Early  Days.  ib. 
Regulations  and  Test  Oa'th  for  Vo 
ters,  312.  Protest  Against  it,  313, 
President  Lincoln's  Letter,  ib.  At 
Torchlight  Procession  315.  Elec 
ted  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  310.  Inaugural  Address,  ib. 
Animadversions  on,  «1S.  Fall  of 
Richmond,  319.  Address  on  the 
Event — Appeal  to  Southern  Masses, 
821.  322.  Visits  Richmond,  ib.  Plot 
to  Assassinate  him,  825.  Lincoln 
Killed,  26.  Excitement  on  the 
Night  of  the  Assassination,  ib. 
Visits  the  Dying  President,  326. 
Official  Communication  from  the 
Cabinet,  327.  Inaugurated  at  his 
Residence,  32S.  Cancels  a  Slave 
Dealer's  Pardon,  335.  Indications 
of  Policy —  Address  to  Illinois 
Delegation — Reply  to  Diplomat 
ique  Corp*.  345.  "  Reply  to  Union 
Refugees,  347.  Orders  a  Day  of 
Mourninir,  849.  Arduous  Labors, 
351.  Disregard  of  Dancer,  ib.  To 
Swiss  Residents,  354.  Orders  Mili 
tary  Commission  to  Try  the  As- 
sas'sination  Conspirato'rs,  854. 
Proclamation  Offering  Rewards, 
855.  Approves  Trade  Regulations, 
800.  Restoration  of  Virginia,  ib. 
Reprisal  on  the  Vessels  of  Foreign 
Nations  Offering  Hospitality  to 
Rebel  Cruisers.  802.  His  Position 
Relative  to  Emancipated  Negroes, 
8C3.  Exchange  of  Courtesies  with 
French  Minister,  304.  Opens  South- 


Page 


Page 

ern  Ports  to  Foreign  Commerce, 
307.  Declines  a  Gift  of  Carriage 
and  Horses  from  New  York,  3(58. 
Reviews  tlie  Grand  Armies  of  tlie 
Potomac,  Tennessee,  and  Georgia 
8C8.  Amnesty  Proclaimed,  870. 
Reconstruction  in  North  Carolina, 
874  Five  Thousand  Children  Sal 
ute  him— His  Address,  876.  Further 
Removal  of  Trade  Restrictions,  D80, 
Rights  of  Negroes,  882.  Recon 
struction  in  Georgia,  Texas  and 
Alabama.  8S3.  Removes  all  Trade 
Restrictions,  ih.  Interview  •with 
South  Carolina  Delegation,  3S4. 
He  will  not  serve  any  Clique.  8so. 
Negro  Suffrage,  ib.  Loves  the  Mass 
of  Southern  "People,  380.  Over 
worked.  8t>8.  Reconstruction  of 
South  Carolina,  ib.  Letter  Excu 
sing  his  Absence  from  Laying  the 
Gettysburg  Monument,  ib.  Ap 
proves  the'Sentences  on  the  Assas 
sination  Conspirators,  390.  Sharp 
Rebuke  to  Virginia  Merchants,  391. 
Reconstruction  of  Florida,  392. 
Interview  with  Another  South  Car 
olina  Delegation,  ib.  Ill  Health, 
394.  Submits  the  Question  of  Mili 
tary  Tribunal  to  Attorney  Gene 
ral*  395.  Scene  with  Pardon-Seek 
ers,  397.  To  Mississippi  Recon 
struction  Convention,  399.  Re 
ceives  Belgian  Minister,  ib.  Free 
dom  of  Trade, 400.  On  Military  In 
terference  in  the  Restoration  of 
Mississippi,  401.  Address  to  Dele 
gates  from  Nine  Southern  States, 
408.  Popular  Sustainmeiit  of  his 

Policy 403 

For  Official  Papers,  Orders.  Proc 
lamations,  etc.,    see  ADDRESSES. 
Johnson,  Jacob.   Father  of  the    Presi 
dent,  18.    Obituary  Notice  of 18 

Johnson,  Mrs.  Andrew,  with  her  Child, 
Turned  into  the  Streets  by  the 
Rebels,  262.  And  Family  eii  route 
to  Join  her  Husband,  "275.  De 
tained  by  Forrest,  ib.  The  Rich 
mond  Government  Orders  their 
Free  Passage,  ib.  Arrive  at  Nash 
ville—Reunion 275 

Johnson,  A.  S..  Colonel 107 

Johnson's  Compeers  in  the  U.  S.  Sen- 

ate 149 

Johnson.  H.  V.,  Nominated  for  Vice- 
Presidency,  179.  Speech  at  Macon. 
Showing  how  Buchanan  broke 
Faith  with  his  Party,  with  Doug 
las  and  R.  J.  Walker,  194.  And  he- 
came  Subservient  to  the  South,  195. 
On  the  Persecution  of  Douglas, 
196.  On  the  Action  of  the  States 

in  the  Baltimore  Convention 197 

Johnson,    Jas.   Appointed   Provisional 

Governor  of  Georgia 888 

Johnston,  Joe,  Surrender  of 3;M 

Jones.  J.  A 890 

Joy  at  Lee's  Surrender 324 


12 


INDEX. 


Page 


Kansas  Nebraska  Bill  in  Tennessee,  47. 
Leoompton  Constitution,  Tennes 
see  Resolutions  on,  114.  Davis  Fa 
vors,  178.  H.  A.  Wise  on,  ib.  To- 
peka  Constitution  —  Lecompton 
Constitution  Opposed  by  Critten- 
den,  153.  Crittenden-Montgomery 
Bill.  154.  Defeated  in  the  Senate, 
ib.  Passed  in  the  House,  ib.  Votes 
on.  ib.  Committee  of  Conference, 
155.  English  Bill,  ib.  Seward's 

Definition  of 168 

Keitt,  L.  M.,  on  the  "  Accursed  Union," 
198.  Serenade  Speech  at  Colum 
bia,  ib.  Says  Buchanan  is  Pledged 
to  Secession,  ib.  Advises  Total 

Ruin 198.  200,  201,  208 

Keitt,  Mr.,  Seeks  Pardon 39S 

Kentucky  Votes  lor  Guthrie 197 

Key,  F.  S. 201 

"Kuow-Nothingism,"  Johnson's  Speech 

against 46 

King,  Horatio,  Posmaster  General 222 

King.  John  A.,  Chairman  of  New  York 

Delegation  at  Union  Convention...  289 
Kins,  Preston,  Senator,  150.    On   the 
Impolicy   of  Nominating  a   Vice,- 

President    from    New  York,   283. 

Makes  Minority  Report  in  Favor 

of  Admitting  Tennessee  to  Na 
tional  Union  Convention,  290.  Af 
ter  Great  Confusion  Tennessee  Ad 
mitted,  ib.  341.  Appointed  Col 
lector  of  New  York 397 

Kirkwood  House.  Washington,  D.  C., 
Eesidence  of  Johnson  at,  825.  Re- 
ceives  Cabinet  in,  872.  Inaugu 
rated  President  of  the  United 
States  in 328 


L. 

Laborers  not  Slaves 68 

Lancaster,  R.  A 3i)0 

Land  Question,  Lessons  from,  at  Home 

and  Abroad.  92 

Lane,  Joseph,  Senator.  146.  150.  Nomi 
nated  for  Vice-Presidency,  180. 
Johnson  on,  226.  Vote  on  Slavery 
Protection,  229.  Final  Reply  of 

Johnson  to 280 

Large  Cities.  Jefferson  on 65 

Lavergne,  Surprise  of  the  Rebels  at.. .  274 
Laws,  Johnson  against  the  Accumula 
tion  of  42 

League    of   United   Southerners,    183. 

Spread  of. ' ib.}  187 

Lecompton  Constitution  (Kansas).  Sup 
ported  by  Tennessee  Legislature..  114 
Seward  Acts  with   Douglas  against  Iti^ 

Lecompte,  Colonel  of  Swiss  Army 352 

Lee,  General  It.  E.,  Surrenders,  with 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  to 

Lieut.- General  Grant 823 

Legislature  of  New  York  Sustains  sew- 
ard,  ICG,  Denounces  Seward 160 


Page 
Lellyet,  J.,  Account  of  Interview  with 

President  Lincoln 313,  815 

Letcher,  J SCO 

Lewis.    Major,    Secretary    to    General 

Jackson 23 

Lino  Between   Party  Faith  and  Party 

Suggestions 129 

Lindsley,  M.,  an  Aid  of  Governor  John 
son 296 

Lindslev,  Fort 277 

Lister,  Colonel,  of  8d  Minnesota,  Uses 
Johnson  as  a  Bait,  264,  265.  Urges 
Governor  Johnson  to  Remain  Un 
der  Guard  at  Murfreesboro',  267, 
268.  At  the  First  Battle  of  Mur 
freesboro 270 

Litchford,  Mr.,  Tailor  of  Raleigh,  his 

Reminiscences  of  Johnson's  Youth  15 
Little  House  on  the  Hill,  Johnson's. . ..  19 
Lincoln.  Abraham.  96.  Contest  for 
Benatorship  with  Douglas,  161.  Its 
Result,  il>.  Reads  Draft  of  First 
Proclamation  to  Douglas,  163.  Nomi 
nated  for  Presidency,  178.  Elected, 
li)9.  Benjamin  on,"2'25.  His  Elec 
tion  as  a  Plea  for  Secession.  John 
son  on.  217.  His  Anecdote  of  John 
son  and  the  Fighting  Parson,  273. 
Proclamation  of  Gratitude  for  Un 
ion  Successes  in  East  Tennessee, 
282.  Delegation  Protesting  against 
Johnson's  Test  Oath,  813.  Letter 
in  Reply  to  same.  ib.  The  Head 
of  the  Union  Party,  304.  Strength 
of  Lincoln  and  Johnson  Ticket, 
805.  Visits  Richmond,  822.  As 
sassinated  in  the  Theatre  at  Wash 
ington.  325.  Death,  ib..  Tremen 
dous  Excitement  a!.  326.  Universal 
Respect  for,  826.  Unfolding  of  his 
High  Qualities,  827.  His"  Death 
Officially  Communicated  to  Vice- 
President  by  the  Cabinet,  ib.  John 
son  Orders  a  Day  of  Mourning  for, 
849.  References  to ...  162,  169.  180,  181 
Lincoln,  Thomas  B.,  Introduced  by 

Senator  Bright  to  Jeff.  Davis 245 

Longstreet,  General,  at  Chattanooga, 
281.  Goes  against  Burnside  at 
Knoxville,  281.  Fails  in  the  Siege 
of  Knoxville,  and  Retreats  towards 

Virginia 2S1 

Louisiana,    216,    Secedes,     222.       Her 

Grievances 224,  826 

Love  Story,  Johnson's  Early 15 

"  Louisville  Journal " 235 

Lyons,  Lord 2l'8 

M. 

Mackenzie,  Dr.  E.  S.,  Editor  of  Curran's 

Life 20 

Mackintosh,  Sir  James  44 

1  Madison  on  the  Nullih'ers 23,  330 

Maelzel's  Chess-player 16S 

Magrath,  Judge,  of  South  Carolina,  Re 
signs  on  Lincoln's  Election,  200. 
Presented  with  Service  of  Plate...  200 

Manning,  Governor  388 

Marcy  Defeated  by  Seward 165 


INDEX. 


13 


Page 
Marvin,    Win.,  Appointed  Provisional 

Governor  of  Florida 892 

Maryland,  Toleration  of 85 

Mason,  J.  M.,  Senator,  of  Virginia,  70. 
Johnson's  Reply  to,  72.  Johnson  Re 
views  his  Votes,  75.  Attempts 
to  Explain,  76.  Severely  Reproved, 

78.    References 82.128.150,160,  176 

Mason  &  Dixon's  Line — the  First  Man 

South  of  it  against  Secession 224 

Material   of   Volunteer  and    Standing 

Armies 104,  105 

Maury,  Colonel  II.,  Captured  275 

Maynard.  II..  at  Union  Convention 290 

Mayo,  Mr.,  Mayor  of  Richmond,  Dis 
missed 882 

McClahany,  of  South  Carolina 388 

McClellan,  Mnjor-General  George  B., 
Nominated  for  President.  301. 
Character  and  Position  of,  302. 
Letter  of  Acceptance  Favoring  the 

War 803 

McCulloch,  Hugh,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  327,  328.  Trade  Regula 
tions  Issued  by 856 

McFarland.  Mr..  Address  to  the  Presi- 

den t,  402.    Reply  to 403 

McLeodCiise 166 

Meade,  Major  General,  his  Army  Re 
viewed 368 

Memminger,  Disunion  Deputy  to  Vir 
ginia 183 

"Mercury,"  Charleston.  S.  C.,  Proclaims 

Revolution  Inevitable 191 

"  Mercury."  Mobile,  Ala 191 

Mexico,  War  with,  40.  A  Doomed  Na 
tion  41 

Mexican  War.  Opposition  to  as  Unholy    40 
Middle  Classes  to  be  Built  Up,  64.  Self- 
Supporting 65 

Miles,  W.  P 194.  201,  203 

Militia,  the  Strong  Arm  of  the  Govern 
ment 104 

Military  Tribunal,Question  Concerning, 
Submitted  to  Attorney  General  by 
President  Johnson,  398.  Reply 

to..... 394 

Miller,  Colonel  J.  F 270 

Milligan,  General  8.,  Delegate  from 
Tennessee  to  Presidential  Conven 
tion,  1860.  Johnson's  Letter  to,  148. 
Secretary  to  Governor  Johnson...  309 

Millson,  J.  S.,  of  Virginia 52,  209 

Missionary  Ridge,  Rebels  Forced  from 
into  Georgia,  279.  Desperate  Fight 
and  Rout  of  the  Rebels  by  Grant. .  281 
Mississippi,   Rifles     in    the     Mexican 

War 169,  170 

Union   T.ank  Bonds   Repudiated  by 

Jeff.  Davis 171 

Gubernatorial  Contest  of  1850 171 

Davis  Loves  it  more  than  Union 175 

Convention      Condemns      Governor 

Walkers  Inaugural 195 

Jefl'.  Davis  to 200 

Secedes 221 

River  Opened 305 

Reconstruction  of 879 

Progress  of  Restoration  in 3S 

President's  Dispatch  on 399 


Pace 

"Mississippian,"  Jackson,  Miss 171 

Missouri  Divides  its  Vote  at  the  Union 

Convention  of  1SC4 2«6 

Mobile  Bay,  Battle  in 8"6 

Mobile  C  ptured 3"0 

Mobs  in  Tennessee...   235 

Monarchy.  Favored  Ly  Southern  Jour 
nals, '217.  Mooted  In  the  South,  24?. 

The  South  Ready  to  Return  to 261 

Monterey,  Battle  of.  Davis  at Ifi9 

Montgomery,  William Ic4 

Montholon,  Marquis  de,  French  Ambas 
sador —  Exchange  of  Courtesies 

with 361 

Moodv.  Colonel,  a  Fighting  Methodist 

Parson 273 

Mormon  War 19 

Morgan,  General,  255.  Intention  to 
Capture  Johnson  Frustrated,  2G4. 
The  Terror  of  Tennessee.  271.  Bent 
on  Capturing  Andv  Johnson,  ib. 
Attacks  Nashville,  277.  Defeated  277 

Morrill 208 

Morris,  J.  N 137 

Morris,  Governeur 830 

Morton,  Captain,  Erects  Fortifications.  274 
Morton,  Governor  O.  P.,  of  Maryland.  340 
Moses  Originates  theHomestead  Bill . .  <1 

Mudd.  Dr..  Imprisoned  for  Life 390 

"  Mudsills  " 64,    «8 

Mulligan,  Colonel,  James  A.,  Drives  the 

Rebels  from  Morefield 306 

Municipal   Council  of   Nashville— the 

Offices  Declared  Vacant 253 

Murfreesboro'.  Mass  Meeting  at,  208. 
Captured  by  Forrest,  270.  Great 
Battle  at,  279.  Rebel  Army  De 
feated  at 279 


N. 

Nashville.  Evacuated  by  Rebels.  Feb. 
23. 1862.  249.  Occupied  by  Union 
Troops,  ib.  Municipal  Council  of, 
Refuse  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  253. 
Johnson  Declares  the  Offices  Va 
cant.  Governor  Johnson  Determ 
ines  to  Defend  the  City,  255.  Has 
tily  Fortified,  ib.  State  of.  and 
Scenes  in,  256,  et  seq.  Mass  Meet 
ing  Held  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  259.  Effect  of  Capture 
of  Murfreesboro'  in.  270.  Cut  off 
from  the  Outer  World,  274.  Sup 
plies  in,  Becoming  Exhausted,  275. 
Scenes  in.  276.  Rebel  Coup  da 
Main  in  Rear  of.  Defeated  by  Gen 
eral  Negley.  ib.  Continued  Prepa 
rations  for  Defence,  ib.  Two  At 
tack?  on  by  Monran  and  Forrest, 
ib.  The  Siege  Raised,  277  Com 
munications  Open.  27s.  North 
Wei-tern  Railroad  from, Completed 
by  Johnson.  278  Meeting  alter  K 
Johnson's  Nomination  for  Vice- 
president  291.  Thomas'  Victory 

at  :.  807 

National  Intelligencer" 2G'2,  876 


14 


INDEX. 


Page 
Nationality  at  Stake  in  the  Presidential 

Elections  of  1 864 804,  305 

Naval  Heroes  of  181'2 87 

Navy  Department,  Keduction  of  Ex 
penses  851 

tfegley.  General  James  S.,in  Command 
atNashville,  274.  His  Activity,  275. 
Thwarts  a  Rebel  Coup  de  Main  on 
Nashville.  276.  His  Successful  Ruse 
to  Defeat  Morgan  and  Forrest,  277. 
Congratulated  by  General  Eose- 

crans -  ...  277 

Negley,  Fort 277 

Negro  in  Politics 73 

Negro  Suffrage,  North  Deceived  as  to 
its  Uses,  385.  States  to  be  Deposi 
tory  of  their  own  Political  Power..  886 

Nelson,  General  William 249 

Nelson,  T.  A.  E 315 

Neutral  Ports,  Courtesy  of 862 

New  York,  State  of  Affairs  in 165 

In  Union  Convention — the  Nomina 
tion  for  Y ice- President  Conceded 

to 286 

Subject  Discussed  by  Delegates  from  286 
Views  of  Lyman  Tremain,!!.  J.  Eay- 
mond,  Preston  King,  C.  B.  Coch- 
rane,    G.  W.    Curtis,     287.       Ma 
jority  for  Andrew  Johnson 289 

Nicholson,  A.  O.  P.,  Senator 86 

Non-intervention,  Douglas1  Doctrine 
the  Basis  of  Democratic  Platforms.  180 

No  Property  in  Man 363 

North  Carolina,  Eeconstruction  Procla 
mation 373 

Northern  Democrats  as  Sepoys 179 

Northern  Eadicals  Deceived  as  to  the 

Control  of  Negro  Yotes 385 

Northwest,  its  Destiny 66 

Nugent,  Lord,  Parliamentary  Services.     44 
Nulliiiers,  Inconsistency  of,  28.     Jack 
son's  First  Bombshell  amongst 23 

Nullification,  a  Colossal  Heresy 23 

Laws  of  1832 218 


O. 

Oath  of  Office . .  247 

On  Assuming  the  Presidency 328 

O'Byrne,  Major,  Provost  Guard          ...  326 
Ode'll,  Moses  F.,  Appointed  Naval  Offi 
cer  at  New  York 397 

Oglesby,  Governor,  and  Illinois  Delega 
tion  Wait  on  President  Johnson.. .  887 
"  Oh.  Where  is  the  Richmond  Conven 
tion?" 1S1 

O'Loghlin,  M.,  Imprisoned  for  Life  ...  890 

Olustee,  Battle  of 306 

Oratory,  Style  of  Crittenden 151,  152 

Douglas ICO 

Seward 16S 

Jeff.  Davis 177 

Order  of  Business,  Johnson  on 58,    59 

Oregon,  Boundary,  37.    Adjustment  of, 

88.    Knocking  for  Admission 58 

Orr,  J.L 221 

'"Ossian,"  a  Favorite  with  Napoleon  I    21 
'•  Our  Living  Representative  Men  ".17,  155 


Pago 


Pacific  Enilroad  Rill,  58.  Amendments 
to  by  Davis.  Wilson.  Bell.  Doolittle, 
etc.,  125.  Johnson  Differs  from  the 
Democratic  Party  on,  ib.  Speech 
on,  126.  As  a  War  Measure,  127. 
As  a  Defense  for  California,  '128. 
Johnson  Favors  the  Submission  of 
the  Project  to  the  States,  il>.,  129. 
Futile  Attempt  to  make  it  a  Plank 
in  the  Democratic  Platform,  ib. 
Double  Views  Expressed  by  Bu- 
chanan.  ib.  Supported  by  Brode- 
rick,  131.  As  a  Bond  of  Union.  145. 
Sustained  by  Seward,  16S.  Davis 

Favors 178 

Paducah,  Affairs  at 306 

Pakenham,  Mr.,  British  Minister,  Re 
buked  by  his  Government 88 

Palm  Sunday,  Lee  Surrenders 323 

Palmer.  C.,  Describes  a  Visit  to  Presi 
dent  Johnson 407 

Pardon  Seekers,  President  Surrounded 

by.  397.     Sharp  Eebukes  to  303 

ParkeV,  Governor  of  New  Jersey 340 

Parkhurst,  Colonel,  of  Ninth  Michigan, 
205.  At  the  first  Battle  of  Mur- 

freesboro 270 

Parties,  only  Two. — one  of  Patriots,  one 

of  Traitors 283 

Parsons.  L.  E.,  Appointed  Provisional 

Governor  of  Alabama  883 

Parton.  James,  "  Life  of  Jackson  " 28 

Party  Leaders    in    the  United  States 

Senate 150 

Party  Politics  in  the  Southwest 48 

Party.  Beading  out  of 1^0 

Pass  Cbrlstisn,  Davis  Speech  at 172 

u  Passionate  Joseph  " 181 

"Passionless  John" 181 

Paterson,  William 330 

Paupers,  Johnson  Opposed  to  their  In 
crease  64 

Payne,  L.,  Hanged 890 

Peach  Tree  Creek 306 

Pendleton.  Gco.  II.,  Nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  301.  Comparatively 
Unknown,  802.  Political  Position 

of,  ib.    Favored  Secession 803 

Pennsylvania,  Eaid  into 306 

Perry,  Governor,  of  Florida 194 

Perry,  B.  F.,  388.  Appointed  Provision 
al  Governor  of  South  Carolina.  883. 
Account  of  Reception  by  Presi 
dent,  392.  On  the  Position  and 
Desires  of  South  Carolina.  John 
son  to.  Sec  Appendix 308 

Pern-man,  J.  D 815 

Perryville.  Ky.,  Baltic  of 27S 

Personal  Courage  of  Johnson 48 

Petersburg,  Evacuation  of. 319 

Petitions  for  a  Homestead  Bill 57 

Peyton,  Bailie 257,  315 

Phillips,  D.  8 337 

Pierce,  Franklin 171 

Pierpont,  Governor 382 

Pierpont,  John 340 

Pickeus,  Governor,  of  South  Carolina..  220 


INDEX. 


15 


Page 

Pickering,  Governor,  of  Oregon 

Pinckney,  Charles 33f 

Pitt 22 

Planters,  vs.  Military  Men 16{ 

Plymouth,  N.  C.,  Rebel  Capture  of 806 

Poland,  Spirit  of  Freedom  in 35 

Folk's  Election,  Clingman's  Allusion 
to.  38.  Administration  on  Oregon 
Boundary,  38.  Renews  Tyler's 
Proposition,  ib.  Withdraws  it . . 38,  1 70 

Polk,  William  H .257 

Popular  Sovereignty,  South  Committed 

to 196 

Population,  Increase  of.  Balance  with 
Increase  of  Public  Expenditure,. .  123 

Potter,  Governor,  of  "Mississippi 192 

"  Pouters,"  of  Nashville 258 

Powell,  Senator,  of  Kentucky,  his  Fears 

of  a  Dictator 242 

Predictions    of  Johnson's  Failure   in 

Congress 43 

Prentice.  G.  D 235 

Presidency,  Unfortunate  Ambition  of 

Politicians  for 115 

President's  Message  Referred  to  Select 

Committee,  206.     Debate  on 222 

Presidential  Campaign,  1840 29 

Nominees,  Johnson  Favors  their  Pre 
sentation  by  the  States 130 

Conventions  of  I860  178 

Nominations,  I860 178 

Campaign  of  1860— Character  of 186 

Election  of  I860,  Jolmson  on 239 

Candidates  and  Canvass  of  1S64 301 

"  Press."  Philadelphia 218 

Price,  Rebel  General,  Defeated  in  Mis 
souri 307 

Pritchard,  Colonel,  4th  Michigan  Cav 
alry.  Captures  Jeff.  Davis^ 366 

Private  Life,  Washington's  and  Jack 
son's  Retiracy  to 108 

Progress  of  Union  Cause  in  1864 307 

Property,  Its  Protection 67 

Propositions  to  fill  the  Presidency  in 

Case  of  Death  or  Disability 830 

Prescriptive  Tests 46 

Protection  of  Labor 30 

Protestant  Persecutions 85 

Pryor,  R.  A 204 

Public  Lands— Nine  Million  Quarter 
Sections  and  Three  Million-  Voters.  53 

Public  Opinion  in  Congress 71 

Pngh,  Geo.  E.,  Senator 90 

Pugh,  J.  L 194 

R. 

'•  Rail-Splitter  nnd  Buffoon" 811 

Ramsay,  Senator,  Minnesota 828 

Randolph,  Edward 880 

Raymond,  H.  J.,  179.  History  of  Lin 
coln's  Administration,  279.  Nomi 
nates  Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice- 
President,  2>8.  Shows  why  Dick 
inson  should  not  be  Nominated 289 

Reagan,  J.  H.,  Rebel  Postmaster,  Cap 
tured  866 

Rebel  Secretary  of  War,  Report 303 

Bebel  War  Debt,  Johnson  on.  See  Ap 
pendix 

3* 


Page 

Reconstruction  in  the  Southern  States.  878 

Of  Mississippi 879 

Of  Georgia,  Texas  and  Alabama. '.'.'.'.  388 

In  South  Carolina 8S8 

In  Florida 892 

Redheifer's  Motive  Power 168 

Red  River  Expedition 806 

Refugees  from  Insurrectionary  States 
Address  the  President.  346.  Reply 

to :..  847 

Regular  Army  and  Volunteers 100 

Republican  Party,  Platform  of,  1860...  178 
Resolutions  on  Retrenchment,  by  John 
son 119,  124 

Retrenchment 81 

Instructions   to  Secretary  of  Treas 
ury 41,  98,  118,  851 

Revenue  of  a  State  the  State 101 

Revenue,  two-thirds  of,  for  Army  and 

Navy  Departments 102 

Rhea  Academy 25 

Rhett,  B.,  188.  Notorious  Disunionist, 
191.  Apostrophe  to  the  Future. ...  192 

Rice,  J.  H. 340 

Richards,  Ezek,  Describes  Opening  of 
Congress,  201.  Notes  on  Wade's 

Speech 208 

Richmond  Convention,  Poetical  Squib 

on 181 

Richmond,  Fall  of,  319.  Rejoicings  at 
Washington,  Johnson's  Speech  on, 

ib.    Union  Mass  Meeting'in 407 

Romancist,  Material  for 17 

Rosecrans,  General,  Arrives  in  Nash 
ville,  277.  Congratulates  General 
Negley,  ib.  Movement  on  the 
Rebels  at  Tullahoma  and  Shelby- 

ville 280 

Rounds,  Captain  O.  C 265 

Rousseau,  General 272 

Ruffianism  in  the  Railway 236 

Ruffin,  E.,  Suggests  Mode  of  Southern 
Revolution,  188.  Fires  the  First 
Gun  at  Sumter,  189.  Commits  Sui 
cide 189 

Rural  Population,  the  Salt  of  Society. .     64 
Rust,  A 222,  208 


S. 


Sanders,  George  N.,  Intercepted  Letter 

from,  257.    Reward  for 855 

Saulsbury,  W.  A.,  Senator,  at  Cincin 
nati  Convention 129,  206 

Savage,  John,  Sketch  of  Johnson  in 
*•  Our  Living  Representative  Men  "  17 

Savannah,  Fall  of. 807 

Scarlet  Letter,  Yancey's 188 

Schofield,  General 307 

Scott,  General  Winfie'.d,  37.  Johnson's 
Tribute  to,  107.  108.  Enmity  of 
Davis  to  108.  On  Davis,  ib.  Da 
vis'  Desire  to  Insult 171 

Schurz,  Carl,  President  to 401 

Scudder.  Colonel.  Addresses  the  Shel- 

byville  Union  Meeting 266 

Seceding  States.  Cost  of  to  the  United 

Suites 21« 

Seceders  from  Regular  Democratic  Con 
vention  Platform. ..  ..ISO 


16 


INDEX. 


Page 
Secession,    Constitution  Comprehends 

no  Klsfhtof 214 

Heresy  of 237 

Persecution  of  TJnion   Men   in  Ten 
nessee  24S 

Ladies'1  Dialogue  with  Johnson ,.  254 

Ladies.  "  Pouters"  in  Nashville 258 

Colonial  Vassalage  to  Foreign  Mon 
archy 261 

Its  Utter  Failure  Acknowledged 366 

Secessionists  in  Nashville 274 

Selby,  J.  J.,  Johnson  Bound  Appren 
tice  to 16 

Self-Reliance 22 

Senate  Chamber,  the  New,  Inaugurated 
with  Johnson's  Retrenchment  Res 
olution,  120,  121.  Secession,  151. 
Night  Concluding  Lecompton  De 
bate,  158.  Ladies  Admitted  to 
Floor  of,  150,  201,  202,  204.  Groups, 
ib.,  205.  Closing  Scenes  of  Seces 
sion  Debate,  230.  Excitement  in 
Galleries — Cheers  for  Johnson,  232. 
An  Era  in,  233.  Extra  Session,  af 
ter  Bull  Run 241 

Senators,  Southern,  Qualities  of 176 

Seventy-eighth,  Pennsylvania,  at    the 

Defence  of  Nashville 277 

Seward,  "William  H.,  Senator  and 
Secretary  of  State,  53.  On  Army 
Bill,  106.  As  Leader,  155,  157. 
Sketch  of  his  Career,  164.  "Mis 
souri  Question,"  ib.  His  Effect  on 
Public  Opinion,  ib.  As  a  Lawyer, 
ib.  Governor  of  New  York,  165. 
Measures  of  Administration,  ib. 
Controversy  with  Governors  of 
Virginia  and  Georgia  Relating  to 
Abduction  of  Slaves,  160.  His 
Course  in  the  McLeod  Case,  ib, 
Kesists  the  Demands  of  the  Brit 
ish,  and  the  Advice  of  the  Tyler 
Administration,  167.  The  Advo 
cate  of  Freedom  Everywhere,  ib. 
In  the  U.  S.  Senate,  ib.  Against 
Compromises,  ib.  Faith  in  Pro 
gress,  ib.  Action  on  Homestead 
Bill,  Pacific  Railroad,  U.  8.  Courts, 
Lecompton  English  Bill,  163.  Char 
acter  of  his  Eloquence,  ib.  Roch 
ester  Speech,  174.  Compliment  to 
.Johnson,  222.  Concession  Proposi 
tion  in  1S61,  223.  Desperate  At 
tempt  to  Assassinate  him,  325. 
Visits  President  Johnson,  369.  Ref 
erences 70,  150,  203 

Sharkey,  William  M.,  Appointed  Pro- 
'  visional  Governor  of   Mississippi, 
379,  399.     Movement  to  Organize 
State  Militia,  401.     President  to. . .  402 
Shelby ville,  Tenn.,  TJnion  Meeting  at..  266 

Rosecran's  Moves  on 280 

Sheridan,  Brinslej 21 

Sheridan,  General  P.  H.,  Shenandoah 
Campaign,  306.  323.  Assigned  to 
Command  West  of  the  Mississippi, 

807.     His  Cavalry  Reviewed 363 

Sherman,  General  W.  T.,  Relieves 
Bumside  at  Knoxville,  2S1.  At 
lanta  Campaign,  306, 323.  His  Arm- 


Page 

istice  with  Joe  Johnston,  350.  Sur 
render    of  Joe    Johnston  to,    351. 

His  Command  Reviewed 8<>8 

Sherman,  Roger 6ti 

Shields,    J.,    Senator,   Compliment    to 

Johnson  on  Retrenchment 121,  150 

Shiloh,  Battle  of '2;>i> 

Sickles,  D.  E 137 

Sigel,  General 306 

Sixty-ninth,    Ohio,    at  the   Defence  of 

Nashville 27T 

Simmons.  J.  F.,  Senator 1(,9,  202 

Sirwell,  Colonel,  7Sth  Pennsylvania.. . 
Slaughter,  J.  S.  Yancey's  Letter  to,  188. 

Suicide  of 189 

Slave  Dealer's  Pardon  Refused  by  John 
son 835 

Slave  owners  and  Operations  in  South 

Carolina 70 

Slave    Power,    its    Representation    in 

Congress,  Johnson  on 140,  141 

Slavery  Question,  Review  of  Johnson's 

Position  on 189 

Slavery  an  Element  of  Weakness  to  the 

South 141 

Slaves  and  Slavery 240 

Blidell,  Hon.  J.,  of  Louisiana,  60. 150, 

175 224 

Sloan,  Samuel 341 

Slocum,  Major-General,  Order  on  Mis 
sissippi  Militia,  401.    President  to.  402 

Smith,  General  A.  J 806 

Smith,  Kirby,  Surrender  of 369 

Smith,  William 360 

Smithsonian  Fund 41 

South  Carolina,  Sends  Memminger  to 

Richmond  to  Induce  Disunion 183 

To  Involve  all  the  States  in  Common 

Ruin 193 

Leads  the  Secession 199,  2oO 

Her  Predicament? 216,  216 

Action  in 220 

Proclaimed  Free  by  Governor  Pickens  220 
Commissioners  from,  to  Washington.  221 

Johnson  on  her  Designs 261 

Rights  of  Man  in 261 

Reconstruction  in 888 

Town  Meetings  for  Reconstruction  in  392 
Southern  Institutions,  the  War  not  on.  244 
Southern  Men  not  Satisfied  with  John 
son's  Support  of  Slavery 139 

Southern  Rights  within  the  Union 218 

" Southern  Rights" 261 

Spangler,  Edward,  Imprisoned  for  Six 

Years 890 

Speculators,  Disloyal,   Sneer  at  John 
son 22 

Speeches,    Johnson    most    Impressed 

by 14,21,    22 

Speed,  James,  Attorney  General,  327, 
828.     On  the  Trial  of  Assassination 
Conspirators  by  Military  Tribunal.  395 
Spence,  William,  Presides  at  Union  De 
monstration,  Murfreesboro'  ...263,  264 

"  Spirit  of  the  South" 191 

Spottsylvania  C.  II.  Occupied 307 

Spratt,  L.  W 193 

Standing  Army,  States  Prohibited  from 

Keeping 10 

Stanley,  Colonel 876 


INDEX. 


17 


Page 

Stan  ton,  E.  M.,  Attorney  General,  222. 
Secretary  of  War,  327.  Dispatch 
from.  351.  Order  Remitting  Mili 
tary  Sentences 869 

Star  of  the  West,  Supply  Ship  for  Bnm- 

ter 221 

"  Star  Spangled  Banner" 201 

State    Government,    to    be     Restored 

through  the  People 385 

State  Sovereignty,  Douglas  the  Cham 
pion  of 1 60 

States.  Rights  of 238 

States,  Southern,  Threaten  New  York..  166 
"  States,"  Washington,  154,  181.     Yan- 

cey  Replies  to 190,  203,  208 

Stearns,   G.   L.,   Report  of   Interview 

with  President.     See  Appendix. 
Stephens,  A.   H.,  155.    Elected   "Vice- 
President  of  Confederate  States" 
222.     Cannot  Answer  his  own  Un 
ion  Speech,  25S.    His  Reason  for 
Secedinjr.  (o.    A  Prisoner,  366.  Re 
leased.  "See  Appendix. 
Stephenson,  Matthew.  Whig  Politician, 
25.    Thrown  on  the  Defensive,  26. 

Defeated  by  Johnson 26 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Vehemently  Resists  the  Admis 
sion  of  Delegates  from  Tennessee 
and  Louisiana  to  the  Union  Con 
vention  286,  341 

Stewart,  A.,  of  Pennsylvania 80 

Stewart,  A.  T 841 

Stewart,  C.  B.,  Notes  of  a  Conversation 

with  Douglas 162 

Stewart.  Senator,  from  Nevada 828 

Stokes,  W.  B 557 

Stone,  Governor,  of  Iowa,  President's 

Policy  Indicated  by 386 

Stout,  L 187 

Stuart,  C.  E..  Senator 60,  150 

Sumner,  C 150,203 

Sumter,  First  Gun  Fired  at 189 

Raising  Old  Flag  on 350 

Surratt,  Mary  E.,  Hanged 890 

Swiss  Residents  of  Washington  Ad 
dress  the  President,  353.  Reply...  854 

T. 

Taking  the  Oath 25S 

Tariff  of  1S42 80 

Taxes,  Contingent  on  Tea  and  Coffee. ..    89 

A  Nefarious  System  of  Plunder 81 

Taylor,  Dick,  Surrender  of. 866 

Taylor,  James  H ,  3S4 

Taylor,  Miles 209 

Taylor,  Moses 841 

Taylor,  General  Z 107,  167 

Ten  Days' Excitement 849 

Tennessee,  New  Constitution  of,  25.  In 
ternal  Improvement,  26.  Failure 
of,  27.  State  Debt,  ib.  Will  not 
be  Rebuked  by  Virginia,  81.  Dele 
gation  in  the  House  Vote  against 
the  Homestead  Bill,  86.  Johnson's 
Reply  to  Iverson's  Attack  on.  111 
Military  Record  of.  16.,  112.  "  Res 
olutions,"  113.  Instruct  the  Ten- 
nessean  Senators,  114.  Politics,  115. 
116.  Johnson's  Resolutions  on  the 


Page 

Redistricting  of,  140.  Democracy 
of  Nominate  Johnson  for  President 
in  I860,  147.  Votes  for  A.  Johnson, 
197.  Faith  in  Johnson.  229.  Ter 
rorism  in,  2S4.  People  of.  Oppose 
a  State  Secession  Convention,  284. 
Governor  Harris  Calls  one,  ib.  Join 
the  Rebels  in  Secret  Session,  ib. 
Pretended  Submission  of  Ordinance 
of  Secession  to  Popular  Vote,  ib. 
Atrocious  Terrorism,  235.  Military 
Resources  of  the  State  Handed 
over  to  the  Rebels,  ib.  Taxes  Lev 
ied,  ib.  Union  Men  Expelled  and 
Editors  Muzzled,  ib.  Johnson  Hung 
in  Effigy,  286.  Union  Convention, 
ib.  Johnson  on  Affairs  in,  239. 
Repudiates  Secession,  240.  Gallant 
Stand  of  Union  Men  in  East  Ten 
nessee,  ib.  Rebel  State  Govern 
ment  Moves  from  Nashville  to 
Memphis,  249.  Sketch  of  the  Past 
and  Present  Position  of,  by  John 
son,  250.  Rebel  Army  on  her  Bor 
ders,  254.  Defamed  by  Davis,  260. 
People  of,  in  Alabama  Prisons,  ib. 
Lebanon,  Hartsville  and  Mur- 
freesboro'  Captured,  270.  East, 
Rebel  Persecutions  in,  257.  Move 
ment  of  Rosecrans  for  the  Deliver 
ance  of,  2SO.  Movements  from  the 
Battle  of  Murfreesboro'  to  the 
Complete  Rout  of  the  Rebels  out  of 
the  State,  280,  et  seq.  Elections 
held  for  County  Officers,  Judges, 
Attorney  General,  etc.,  284,  Ad 
mission  of  Delegation  to  Union 
Convention,  1864,  Reported  against, 
290.  New  York  gives  her  44  Votes  290 

Terrorism  in  Tennessee 234 

Texas,  Annexation  of,  31.  The  Gate 
way  from  Bondage  to  Freedom,  82. 
Secedes,  222.  Reconstruction  in..  383 

Thatcher,  Admiral 850 

"The  American  Speaker,"  22.    Effect 

on  Johnson 20,    21 

The  Death  Chant  of  the  Rebellion 808 

"  The  Devils  of  Temple  Bar,"  a  London 

Club 20 

The  Flag,  Davis'  Love  for 172 

To  be  Nailed  under  the  Cross 247 

The  Passage  from  Bondage  to  Free 
dom , 364 

The  Presidency 131 

"  The  Robin  Hood,"  a  London  Club ....     20 
The  Union,  Abolished  by  the  "Charles 
ton  Mercury" 191 

Disagreeable  for  Southerners 198 

Higher  Trusts  than  the  Preservation 

of 198 

"Accursed" 198 

Inseparable  in  Washington's  Belief. .  215 
Can  it  Maintain  Itself  against  Inter 
nal  Foes 242 

It  Cannot  be  Dissolved 14« 

Thirst  for  Knowledge,  Johnson's 15 

Thomas,P.  F.,  Secretary  of  Treasury,  Re 
signs 222 

Thomas,  General,  Arrives  in  Nashville, 
222,  274,  807,  323.  Rebel  Attack  on 


18 


INDEX. 


Page 

for  the  Chattanooga  Road,  28 1.  Des 
perate  Valor  of,  ib.  Pushes  the 
Rebels  into  Georgia  281 

Thompson.  J.,  Secretary  of  Interior,  Re 
signs,  222.  Reward  for 855 

Threatened  Men  Live  Long 851 

"Times,"  London.  Criticises  Davis1  Re 
pudiation  Ideas 171 

"  Times,"  New  York 203 

Tod,  Governor,  Presides  at  Democratic 
Convention '208,  179 

Toombs,  R.,  Senator,  106,  137,  150,  160, 
175,176, .-... 283 

Toombs'  Men  and  Stephens'  Men  in 
Georgia 258,  261 

Trade  Restrictions  Eemovcd 352,  356 

Further  Removal  of. 3SO 

All  Removed 383 

Traitors,  Johnson  Shows  what  Makes, 
231.  Should  Suffer,  ib.  And  Trea 
son,  241.  Should  Hang,  320,  322. 
To  be  taught  they  are  Criminals...  844 

Trans-Mississippi,  Surrender  of  Rebel 
Forces  in 869 

Treason,  Made  Attractive 200 

The  Highest  Crime 336 

Trernain,  Lyman,  286.  Urges  Dickin 
son's  Nomination  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent 2S7 

w  Tribune,"  New  York 290 

Truman,  B.  C.,  Assistant  Provost  Mar 
shal 276,  277 

Tucker,  Beverly,  Reward  for 355 

Turner,  Rev.  E.,  Address  to  the  Presi 
dent  on  Behalf  of  Colored  Clergy 
men,  863.  Reply  to 363 

Tallahotna,  Rebel  Army  Forced  to,  279. 
.  Rosecmns  Moves  on 280 

Tunisian  Embassy  Received  by  the 
President.  See  Appendix. 

Tyler's  Administration  on  the  Oregon 
Boundary,  38.  Timid  Policy  of.. .  166 

TJ. 

Union  Citizens  Hanged , 270 

League  of  New  York,  'Committee 

of,  Wait  on  President 841 

Men  Expelled  from  Tennessee 235 

Paramount  to  Slavery 143 

Savers,  Johnson  on. 145 

vs.  Slavery • 270 

It  Cannot  be  Dissolved 145 

"  Union,"  Washington 171 

United  States  Government,  the  Freest 

and  Best C21 

Courts,  Reorganization  Proposed 168 

Usher,  J.  P.,  Secretary  of  Interior  .827,  367 

V. 

Vattel  on  Agriculture 61 

Veto  of  Homestead  Bill  by  President 
Buchanan,  87.  Sustained  by  Davis 
and  the  South,  90.  Pugh  and  Ilar- 
lan  on 99 

Teto  Power,  Johnson  on,  42.  Exercise 
of  by  the  Presidents 42 

"  Vicar  of  Wakelield,"  Head  through  by 
General  Jackson 21 

Vice-Presidency,  Johnson  Elected  to..  316 
Historical  Notice  of  its  Creation,  329. 


Page 

Plans  Proposed  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention,  380.  Views  of  Gover- 
neur  Morris,  Madison,  Hugh  Wil 
liamson,  David  Brearley,  Elbridge 
Gerry,  Roger  Sherman,  etc.,  on, 
880,  331.  Dignity  and  Importance 

of  the  Office. 832 

Village  Demosthenes,  the  Home  of....     19 

Villages,  the  Benefit  of 65 

Virginia  and  the  Bounty  Land.  81.  Re 
buking  other  States,  ib.  Threatens 
the  Commerce  of  New  York,  166. 
Refuses  to  Call  Disunion  Conven 
tion,  188.  Votes  for  Hunter,  197. 

Deliberates 200 

Volunteers  vs.  Regular  Soldiers,  100. 
Washington  in  Favor  of  Volun 
teers,  103,  104.  Elements  of,  105. 

Jeff.  Davis  on — the  Material  of 105 

Vote  on  the  Homestead  Bill  of  1854,  79, 
80.  In  I860,  83,  84.  To  Concur  in 
Report  of  Conference  Committee..  87 

Votes  in  Electoral  College 199 

In  Presidential  Election,  1860 199 

W. 

Wade,  B.,  Senator,  137.  150,  Exposi 
tion  of  Republican  Policy 207,  227 

Walbridge,  Hiram 841 

Walker,  R.  J.,  Governor  of  Kansas,  194. 

Policy  Abandoned  by  Buchanan..  195 

Walpole 22 

Wartrace,  Tenn.,  Union  Meeting  at 267 

Washburne,  of  Maine 205 

Washburne,,  of  Wisconsin 209 

Washington,  his  Youthful  Instinct.  21. 
Was  he  a  Demagogue?  62.  Ap 
proves  the  Homestead,  74,  104, 105. 

Enforced  the  Laws  in  1795 215 

Washington,  N.  C.,  Rebel  Capture  of. . .  806 
Webster,   Daniel,    88,  167.      Birthday 

Festival  ,174 

Weitzel,  General  G.,  Entry  into  Rich 
mond 819 

Welles,  Gideon,  Secretary  of  Navy 827 

u  Whig,"  the  Richmond 243 

Whisky  Insurrection 103,  104,  214 

White  Man  to  be  Emancipated 386 

Wilderness,  Battle  of  the 307 

Wigiall,    L.   A.,  Senator,  82,   176,206, 

207,223 261 

Wilkinson,  J.  D.,  Senator,  Resolutions 
to  Expel  Jesse  D.  Bright,  245.  See 
Appendix. 

Williams.  G.  W 384 

Wiliiams,  J 315 

Williamson.  II 331 

Willis,  D.,  President's  Letter  to 888 

Wilson,  H.,  Senator 100,  150 

Wilson,  General  J.  II.,  Reports  Capture 

of  Jeff.  Davis 866 

Winchester 306 

Winslow,  W 209 

Wise,  Henry  A.,  4S.  On  Lecompton 
178.  Offers  his  Services  to  South 

Carolina 200 

Wisener,  Mr.,  Presides  at  Union  Dem 
onstration  at  Columbia,  Tenn 26 

Woman,  Unsexes  herself  to  be  Met  as 
Man 262 


INDEX. 


19 


Page 

Working  Man.  his  Mission 18 

Workshop,  a  Gentleman  Reads  for  the 

Apprentices  in 14 

"Wood.  Fernando.  Sympathises  with 

Charleston  Sccedcrs 181 

Wool.  General  J.  E 8T 

"  World,"  New  York 204 

Wright,  J.  W.,  Johnson  to 810 

Y. 

Yuncey-Breckiuridpe  Ticket 181 

Yaneey,     A  Leading  Disunionist,  18$. 
Speech  in  1S5S,  Foreshadowing  Dis- 


ruption,  184,  186.  Principal  Con 
spirator,  188.  Welcome  to  Mont 
gomery  Convention,  ib.  Pro 
gramme  to  Precipitate  Eovolution. 
ib.  Speech  at  Columbia.  S.  C.— 
Outline  Plan.  1S9.  His  Ability.  190. 
Speech  at  Memphis,  ib.  Keplies 
to  the  Washington  States,  ib. 
Forms  the  u  Great  Southern  Party  " 

Yates,  Senator,  of  Illinois 3%J8,  837 

Yates,  Joseph  A 884 

Youth.  Pitt's  Atrocity  of 22 

Yulee,  Hon.  D.  L.,  of  Florida W 


RITCHIE'S 

DEATH  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 


The  President  died  at  22  minutes  past  7."— Secretary  Stanton  to  General  Dix,  April  15th,  1SC5. 

A 

Picture  of  Permanent  National  Interest. 

PAINTED  AND   ENGRAVED  BY  A.  H.   RITCHIE. 


A  magnificent  Engraving  on  Steel  from  Kitchie's  original  painting,  representing  the  last  mo 
ments  of  President  Lincoln,  is  in  active  preparation,  and  will  be  published  during  the  yeai 
£866.  It  will  be  executed  by  Mr.  Kitchie,  who  unites  in  an  eminent  degree  the  genius  of 
the  painter  with  that  of  the  engraver,  and  who  in  bo  th  departments  of  art  stands  in  the  front 
rank  of  American  artists,  in  proof  of  which  statement  we  refer  to  his  great  pictures  of  "  "Wash 
ington  and  his  Generals,"  "Fitting  out  Moses  for  the  Fair,"  and  "  Mercy  Knocking  at  the  Wicket 
Gate." 

The  portraits  included  In  the  group  composing  tho  last  sad  scene  in  the  eventful  life  of  our 
teloved  President  were  taken  from  life  sittings,  and  are  remarkable  for  their  fidelity  to  nature. 

The  life-like  portraits  of  the  eminent  men — absorbed  by  the  event  about  to  take  place 
— the  touching  pathos  of  the  scene — the  absence  of  every  thing  of  a  sensational  or  melo 
dramatic  character,  and  the  apparent  truthfulness  with  which  the  gifted  artist  has  delineated 
the  surroundings  of  the  dying  patriot,  must  commend  this  great  work  to  every  lover  of 
the  real  in  historic  art.  As  a  specimen  of  natural  and  harmonious  grouping  we  are  bold  to  say 
that  this  admirable  painting  has  seldom  been  surpassed.  The  figures  are  twenty-six  in  number, 
and  comprise  those  of  the  dying  President ;  his  son,  Capt  Eobt  Lincoln ;  Vice-President  Johnson* 
Secretaries  Stanton,  Welles,  McCulloch,  and  Usher;  Postmaster-General  Dennison,  and  Attor 
ney-General  Speed ;  Generals  Halleck,  Meigs,  Augur,  and  Todd ;  Senator  Sumner,  Kev.  Dr. 
Gurley;  Speaker  Colfax;  John  Hay,  Private  Secretary;  Ex-Governor  Farwell,  Judge  Carter, 
Judge  Otto,  Surgeon-General  Barnes ;  Doctors  Crane  and  Stone ;  Hon.  Mr.  Farnsworth,  E.  F- 
Andrews,  and  H.  B.  Field. 


The  size  of  the  Engraving  will  be  21  inches  by  32  inches,  on  large  and  heavy 

Plate  Paper. 

SIZE  OF  THE  PAINTING,  7  FEET  BY  4|  FEET. 

IPRICES. 
Artist's  Proofs  (signed),  $50;  India  Proofs,  $25;  Prints,  $10. 

Address  DERBY  &  MILLER,  Publishers, 

5  SPRUCE  STREET,  N.  T. 

The  Engraving  will  be  Sold  by  Subscription  only. 

Agent*  TV  anted  In  every  County. 


WORKS  BY  JOHN  SAVAGE. 


Nearly  Ready. 

EVA:  a  Goblin  Romance  in  Five  Parts.    A 

handsome  12mo.     Tinted  paper,       .         .         .       $1  00. 

In  this  metrical  romance,  the  author  has  effectively  interwoven  the  re 
sources  of  Fairy-land  and  legendary  lore,  and  at  the  same  time  exhibited 
the  Christian  comfort  of  Faith  over  Superstition.  A  most  suitable  Christ 
mas  book. 

Lately  issued. 

SYBIL:  a  Tragedy  in  Five  Acts.     A  neat  and 
elegantly  bound  12tno,      .....      75  cts. 

"  SYBIL  "  is  a  tragedy  which  possesses  the  double  merit  of  being  an  ex 
cellent  acting  play,  and  well  adapted  for  reading.  —  Home  Journal. 

A  tragedy  which  ranks  with  the  immortal  works  of  the  best  writers  for 
the  stage.  There  is  nothing  in  the  plays  of  Shakspeare  more  beautiful 
and  affecting  than  the  scene  in  which  Sybil  asks  an  oath  for  the  destruc 
tion  of  her  seducer.  —  Louisville  Courier. 

Certainly  the  most  successful  classic  composition  yet  produced  on  the 
American  Stage.  —  Nat.  Dem.  Quarterly  Review,  Jan.,  1860. 

The  most  careless  render  cannot  peruse  it  without  unconsciously  admit- 
ing  that  it  has  been  penned  by  a  master  hand.  —  N.  Y.  Times  and  Messenger. 

Entitles  the  author  to  high  rank  as  a  dramatist.  —  National  Quarterly 
Review,  Sept.,  1865. 

FAITH  AND  FANCY.      Second  Edition,  beautifully 
printed  on  tinted  paper,      .....      $1  00 

The  "  Washington  "  is  the  grandest  and  most  exhaustive  poem  yet  de 
voted  to  the  Father  of  his  Country.  —  N.  Y.  Courier. 

There  is  one  poem  (Shane's  Head)  that  for  its  merits  alone  should  ensure 
immortality  to  the  name  of  its  author.  —  Irish  American. 

The  grand  Lyric  "  The  Starry  Flag,"  and  that  other  spirit-swelling  ballad 
.of  '61,  entitled  "The  Muster  of  the  North,"  which  have  found  echoes  in 
thousands  of  quick  bosoms,  lead  off  this  collection.  *  *  *  *  The 
characteristics  of  Mr.  Savage's  poems  are  earnestness,  fire,  melody,  truth. 
—  Philadelphia  Press. 

lie  makes  a  successful  appeal  to  the  love  of  nature  and  the  love  of  coun 
try,  and  kindles  sympathy  with  his  expression  of  manly  and  generous 
sentiment.  —  N.  Y.  Tribune. 


Any  of  theao  "Works  sent  Free  by  Mail  on  receipt  of  the 
price. 

JAMES  B.  KIRKER,  Publisher, 

639  BROADWAY  (up  stairs), 


LD  62A-20m-9,'63 
(E709slO)9412A 


General  Library     e 
University  of  California 
Berkeley 


>C  o!394 


'', 


'•  •  »  . 


